Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings of Islamic Historical Writing
... Historians have been forced to read between the lines to determine the degree to which the Umayyads (and early Abbasids) actually employed religious legitimacy. For more on this debate, see Donner (2010Donner ( , 2020; El-Hibri (2002), and Anthony (2020). the latter. ...
... As noted above, there is dispute in the historical literature regarding the extent to which their successors, the Umayyad Caliphate (661-750CE), attempted to make similar claims. Some argue that the Umayyads attempted to do so, although less successfully given their distance from the Prophet (Crone & Hinds, 1986;Donner, 2010Donner, , 2020. Others argue that other sources of legitimacy were also employed, such as claims to hereditary rule and supporting market activity (Rubin, 2003;Bessard, 2020). ...
During the medieval and early modern periods the Middle East lost its economic advantage relative to the West. Recent explanations of this historical phenomenon—called the Long Divergence—focus on these regions’ distinct political economy choices regarding religious legitimacy and limited governance. We study these features in a political economy model of the interactions between rulers, secular and clerical elites, and civil society. The model induces a joint evolution of culture and political institutions converging to one of two distinct stationary states: a religious and a secular regime. We then map qualitatively parameters and initial conditions characterizing the West and the Middle East into the implied model dynamics to show that they are consistent with the Long Divergence as well as with several key stylized political and economic facts. Most notably, this mapping suggests non-monotonic political economy dynamics in both regions, in terms of legitimacy and limited governance, which indeed characterize their history.
... Other authors (e.g. Rubin, 1995;Danecki, 2011;Donner, 1998) mention idols worshipped by Meccans, yet do not specify their number, whilst Hawting (1999, p. 129) explicitly adds that this information "is matched by the willingness of some scholars to use the evidence […] to corroborate the traditional accounts". ...
Objectives of the research: The aim of the article was to identify and analyse problematic areas related to how early Islam is presented and narrated in history textbooks, taking into account the local context. Research methods: The data corpus consists of 12 history textbooks. The mixed methods approach applied in the study included cluster analysis and discourse analysis. A brief description of the context of the issue: Islam and Muslims occupy limited space in the Polish school curricula, yet there is a plethora of information about the Islamic world in the public discourse. This puts a tremendous challenge on the shoulders of teachers and textbook authors to accurately present information about Islam and Muslims in schools. Research findings: Three problematic areas were discovered and analysed: (a) narrating Islam from a mainstream, non-Muslim perspective, which in the Polish case might be skewed into presenting Islam through the lens of Catholicism; (b) navigating between historical accounts and legends whilst presenting early Islam; and (c) explaining past events by interpreting them through contemporary events. Conclusions and recommendations: The article concludes by indicating challenges of teaching different religions in a largely mono-religious school setting, from the perspective of the classroom majority and Muslim students. Due to the marginal presence of Muslims in the public sphere, these narratives call for a more balanced approach. Otherwise, they can only further alienate and otherise Muslim students in the classrooms – and Islam in mainstream society.
... For the reliability of the Qur'ānic corpus seeBurton (1977, pp. 239-240);Donner (1998Donner ( , pp. 35-61, 2008Neuwirth (2003);Whelan (1998). islamic political thought and the "constitution of medina" Comparative Political Theory 3 (2023) 129-153 ...
The present inquiry is a contribution to the study of early Islamic political thought focusing on the earliest document of Islamic political doctrine, the so-called Constitution of Medina. What particularly distinguishes the procedure followed here is the attempt to establish a link between the source-critical approach to the study of early Islamic history and the historiography of Islamic political thought. This study will argue that the “Constitution of Medina,” whose authenticity is accepted even by the most skeptical scholars, can be a source for reconstructing a historically reliable understanding of early Islamic political thought. Without making a claim about the legitimacy of the source-critical approach, the objective here is to show how an unmediated study of this classic document made possible by the rise of the source-critical approach is a fruitful procedure. This will be shown through establishing a link between this unmediated approach and two of the classic issues in the thought of Muslim political thinkers: the questions of the relationship between Islam and citizenship and of the place of religious law in a Muslim political order.
... The article reports that the 'radical Indonesian cleric behind the push to jail former Jakarta governor Ahok for blasphemy has declared it unIslamic to vote for any parties who supported him'. While the article does mention this as 'another bitterly divisive election influenced by political Islam', there is a clear association of Islam and political Islam and as such The Australian is potentially reinforcing a view -that politics is part of the religion of Islam -which is a claim that is disputed by scholars of Islam (Donner 1998;Ali 2009) and by a majority of Muslim Australians (Rane et al. 2020) and Indonesians (Means 2009). ...
Representations of Muslims in the Australian media have been overwhelmingly negative and stereotypical, affecting the way non-Muslims perceive Islam. Research also suggests anti-Islam and anti-Muslim sentiment in Australia tend to conflate the religion of Islam with political Islam, often termed Islamism. This research examines how Australia’s newspaper of record The Australian and the public broadcaster the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), reported on and at times conflated Islam and Islamism, between 2018 and 2019. While there is a significant volume of literature on media representations of Islam and Muslims, few studies consider the distinction between Islam and Islamism in the news media. By examining instances where The Australian and the ABC conflate Islam and Islamism, this article posits that such reporting needs to be recognized as it contributes to misinformation, pejorative public sentiments about Islam and Muslims, and reinforces extremist propaganda.
... 733/1333) Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab.51 46 Borrut 2011;Donner 1998. See also the astute analysis in El-Cheikh 2015, 28-37. ...
In 122/740 an uprising in the Far Maghrib triggered a series of rebellions that eventually ended Arab rule over the Islamic West. The event is not of key importance for the historians of the Islamic Empire, and when it is discussed, the focus tends to lie on the uprising’s significance for Arab rule in al-Andalus rather than the Maghrib.
This study compares the most detailed accounts of the Uprising of 122 by early imperial historians such as al-Ṭabarī and Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam with those of later historians writing in the heartland of the Islamic Empire, such as Ibn al-Athīr and al-Dhahabī, and of historians situated further west, in al-Andalus and the Maghrib. It finds that the presentation of the Uprising of 122 varies depending on the historical context of and the source tradition used by the author in question. It also finds that while the Umayyad and Khārijite actors tend to be presented with a degree of differentiation and from a variety of perspectives, the portrayal of the rebels is more uniform. The rebels, referred to as Berbers in all accounts, are depicted as a monolithic entity displaying a stereotypical set of characteristics that sets them apart from notions of order and propriety that the authors associate with the Islamic Empire. Although its consequences for Arab rule in the West are not explicitly acknowledged by the historians, this comparison of how they depict its actors reveals the Uprising’s impact on the historical consciousness, particularly in regard to the inhabitants of the seceded region.
... 6 Because the medieval Near East was a place of warfare between communities based upon religious loyalties, jihad took upon a religious overtone, although it was mainly a matter of national security. 7 Unfortunately, the concept of jihad has been abused and misused by certain groups of Muslims to justify offensive warfare in the name of justice and liberation such as by the Taliban against inefficient governments (both in 1996 and 2021), and Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda against the western far enemy. On the other hand, jihad as a rallying cry for nationalist purposes may be justified against foreign invasion and occupation as defensive warfare according to the classical understanding of jihad such as by the Afghan Mujahideen against the Soviet occupation, and by Palestinians fighting against the illegal occupation of their land for more than half a century that has led to a system of apartheid. ...
The minority Uyghurs in Xinjiang province, China, and Rohingyas in Rakhine State, Myanmar are facing civil and violent persecution by authoritarian governments. These minority ethnic groups are also Muslims. As the world watches in condemnation, there is curiously little traction by Islamist jihadist groups in these countries. That is not to say that their influence is absent in the regions: al-Qaeda in South Asia is taking advantage of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the so-called Islamic State was able to attract Uyghurs to their doomed caliphate. Nevertheless, this paper seeks to understand why jihadists failed to make many inroads in these places when compared to the civil wars in Iraq and Syria. It is important that we understand this phenomenon in order to undermine the influence of jihadists in other parts of the world. Using the framework of ethnic minorities living in Dar al-'Ahd (House of Treaty) this paper argues that the governments in China and Myanmar are oppressing a selective group of Muslims and thus making it difficult to build the case that they are at war with Muslims in general. This argument is based on the classical understanding of jihadism, which is to fight against foreign intrusion in Muslim territories, whereas the call to jihad against one's government is a much more recent and controversial innovation. Therefore, despite different types of persecution by the Chinese and Burmese governments, and the different responses by the locals, there is a comparable relative absence of jihadist movements explained by the limited repression of specific Muslim minorities by governments that have relations with other Muslim countries.
This volume surveys the diversity of Islamic legal thought and practice, a 1500 - year tradition that has been cultivated throughout the Islamic world. It features translations of Islamic legal texts from across the spectrum of literary genres (including legal theory, judicial handbooks, pamphlets) that represent the range of temporal, geographic and linguistic contexts in which Islamic law has been, and continues to be, developed. Each text has been chosen and translated by a specialist. It is accompanied by an accessible introduction that places the author and text in historical and legal contexts and explains the state of the relevant field of study. An introduction to each section offers an overview of the genre and provides a useful bibliography. The volume will enable all researchers of Islamic law - established academics, undergraduate students, and general readers - to understand the tremendous and sometimes bewildering diversity of Islamic law, as well the continuities and common features that bind it together.
إنجليكا نويفرت مستشرقة ألمانيا اهتمت بدراسة القرآن الكريم، سواء من حيث تاريخه أو من حيث لغته ودلالاته. وقد اجتهدت في توظيف البنية الصغرى للنص القرآني من أجل دراسة تاريخ القرآن. فكيف كان ذلك؟
Self-similarity is the most pervasive feature of the Qurʾān and demands an explanation. Western scholarship generally maintains that self-similarity indicates the Qurʾān’s oral origins. In contrast, this article argues that self-similarity is evidence of an initial written origin of the Qurʾān that played a crucial role in giving the text its distinct identity and safeguarding it from corruption. The article is divided into three sections. The first introduces the concept of self-similarity, briefly defining it and reviewing Western scholarship that has dealt with self-similarity. The second section examines how self-similarity functions within the Qurʾān by analyzing eleven samples of parallel passages, thereby substantiating the study’s central claim. The third section concludes that the Qurʾān was not subject to later editing and that the ʿUthmānic Codex was copied from an earlier written exemplar.
This study examines the intersection of Islamic revivalism and anti-colonial resistance in 19th-century Africa through a comparative analysis of the Mahdist and Senussi movements. Drawing on extensive historical documentation and scholarly works, the research investigates how these movements balance religious reformation with political resistance against European colonial powers. The study reveals that while both movements emerged from similar desires for Islamic purification and social justice, they developed distinct approaches to achieving their goals. The Senussi movement established a decentralized network of educational and social welfare institutions (zawiya), emphasizing gradual reform and sustained resistance through community development. In contrast, the Mahdist movement pursued direct military confrontation and established a centralized Islamic state, achieving initial success but ultimately succumbing to internal divisions and British colonial forces. The research demonstrates that these movements' different organizational structures and strategies significantly influenced their longevity and legacy: the Senussi movement's institutional approach contributed to Libya's eventual independence, while the Mahdist state's more militant stance, despite its shorter duration, left an enduring impact on Sudanese nationalist consciousness. This analysis contributes to our understanding of how Islamic revivalist movements adapted to local conditions while pursuing both spiritual renewal and political autonomy in the face of colonial expansion
According to Muslim tradition, the Prophet Muḥammad sent some of his followers to Abyssinia to escape from the persecution that he and his community experienced in Mecca. This first hijra (Arabic for “emigration”) is the first recorded instance of Muslims in Africa, and has become a story of great importance for many African Muslims, even today. The tradition relates how the Negus of Abyssinia received the Muslim emigrants well. He did not hand them over to the Meccan delegation that opponents to the Prophet had sent to bring them back. According to one tradition, the Negus even converted to Islam. The story is related, or alluded to, in two categories of sources that claim to describe the life of Muḥammad: the biographies of his life, and some of the ḥadīths, i.e. legal traditions said to record his sayings and doings. Modern scholars have debated to what extent these sources can be used in the study of the history of the Prophet; their positions range from total scepticism to more or less uncritical acceptance of the sources. In this study, two sources regarding the migration to Abyssinia are investigated, one from each of the above-mentioned categories: a letter describing the early work of the Prophet, purportedly written by the traditionist ʿUrwa b. al-Zubayr (d. 713), and a ḥadith about tensions between the migrants to Abyssinia and those who remained in Mecca. The conclusion is that there is reason to believe that the Abyssinian migration actually took place, although details, such as the dealings between the migrants and the Negus, are probably later additions to the story.
This paper revisits the hypothesis that Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī (d. ca. 320/932) only wrote parts of the two works typically ascribed to him, the Kitāb al-Futūḥ and the Kitāb al-Taʾrīkh . Drawing on recent work that dates Ibn Aʿtham and his history to the first half of the fourth/tenth century, it seeks to demonstrate that textual features and narratives which have been interpreted as pointing toward a change in authorship need to be reconsidered. Ultimately, it is suggested that Ibn Aʿtham’s history, which has often been treated as an eccentric, possibly sectarian text, may be seen as more-or-less typical of fourth/tenth century historiography.
This article contributes to the broader debate on interreligious relations and nonviolence in Islam by examining references to the concept of covenant ( ʿahd and mīthāq ) in the Qurʾān and specific covenantal documents attributed to Muhammad, the prophet of Islam. Covenants include solemn agreements, bonds, pledges and treaties, and are central to the Qurʾānic narrative of human existence and coexistence as well as the diplomacy of the Prophet, though they are understudied and underrepresented in discourses about Islam. Content analysis is used to identify the commands, narratives and themes concerning covenants in Islam’s primary, preeminent sources. The article shows that covenants in the Qurʾān and Sunnah establish human security and peaceful coexistence as the normative basis of relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, which influenced early interreligious relations but were neglected over time. While Islamic covenants establish a principle of nonviolence, the use of armed force is permitted, in self-defence, in response to armed aggression and treaty violation that threatens peace and security. These findings have profound implications for our understanding of interreligious relations and the legitimate use of force in Islam.
The importance given to reason and the use of reason in Islam has not only ensured that the Islamic faith is built on solid foundations, but also allowed Muslims to develop a civilization that set an example to the whole world. This feature of Islam attracted also the attention of some orientalists and philosophers such as George Sale, G. W. Leibniz, G. E. Lessing, J. G. Herder, etc. who lived in the age of Enlightenment, which saw a great leap forward in the development of civilization in Europe. They put forward views that identified the Islamic faith with natural religion in harmony with the principles of reason and appreciated the contributions of Muslims to civilization.
This paper aims to examine the thoughts and approaches of those philosophers and orientalists in the age of Enlightenment who identified Islam with natural religion and appreciated the contributions of Muslims to the development of civilization. Our research is limited to the works of the related authors and secondary sources that reveal their thoughts and approaches. The works reflecting the thoughts of the related authors were examined with the descriptive method and the reasons behind their approaches tried to be determined.
The research’s results indicate that those philosophers and orientalists identifying Islam with natural religion were of the opinion that the spread of Islam in a large part of the world in a very short period of time and the civilization developed by Muslims could not have emerged because of a false and superstitious belief. Therefore, they reached the conclusion that it was because the Islamic belief system and teachings had the characteristics of natural religion, and that the doctrine of tawhid, which constitutes the basis of the Islamic faith, complied with the rational inferences and principles that it paved the way for Islam to spread so quickly and widely. Notwithstanding its reductive interpretation, it is possible to consider this approach as a serious progress in terms of attitudes and approaches towards understanding and defining Islam correctly after the libelous theological-polemic approach that continued throughout the Middle Ages.
Research shows that Qurʾānic studies in the West have navigated away from the Nöldekean-Schwallian paradigm in recent years. By using this paradigm, Western thinkers attempt to write the history of the Qurʾān with the support of Islamic narrations. American orientalist Stephen Shoemaker, claims that the revisionist school broke this paradigm and brought a new perspective to the field in 1977. Stating that the Nöldekean-Schwallian paradigm, which followed the standard Sunnī Qurʾānic history, blocked the field until the 1980s, Shoemaker criticizes Islamic narrations and does not take them as references. Shoemaker believes that the studies will not go beyond the Sunnī paradigm by using purely Islamic narrations. The author, who claims that the Qurʾān emerged and was written in a political environment, argues that historians should consider the works of the surrounding cultures. Shoemaker, who uses the historical criticism method used in holy book readings in the West, focuses on what happened to the Qurʾān rather than what the Qurʾān tells us. Is it possible to write the history of the Qurʾān by bypassing Islamic narrations? The main focus of this article is to reveal the answer to this question through Stephen Shoemaker's work Creating the Qur'an. The work, published in 2022, was seen by Fred Donner as a milestone for the field and stated that everyone working in this department should read it. Our study will ultimately discuss the impasses of Shoemaker's approach. In this context, the research will generally apply data collection, text, and discourse analysis methods.
تتناول هذه المقالة المصادر الأدبية التي تصف بروز دولتين إسلاميتين في شمال إفريقيا. كما تجري هذه المقالة تحليلاً لمصادر الأدب الأولية من خلال مقارنة صعود الفاطميين في القرن الرابع الهجري/ العاشر الميلادي (296-567 هـ/ 909-1171 م) مع صعود المرابطين في القرن الخامس الهجري/ الحادي عشر الميلادي 460-541 هـ/ 1068-1147م). تلك الحركتان وثقتا في كتاب المؤرخ الفاطمي الرسمي أبو حنيفة النعمان بن محمد (ت363 هـ/ 974م) (بداية الدعوة وتأسيس الدولة) وكتاب العالم الأندلسي أبو عبيد عبد الله بن عبد العزيز بن محمد بن أيوب بن عمرو البكري (ت. 486 هـ/ 1094م) (كتاب المسالك والممالك). ويعتبر الكتاب الأخير أقدم قطعة مكتوبة عن المرابطين. تحليل هذين المصدرين يوضح للقارئ أن بروز هذه الدول على أنه نتاج لكتابة التاريخ، ومن ثم التأريخ. ومن جانب آخر، يؤكد هذا المقال أولاً على ضرورة تحليل الجوانب الاجتماعية والثقافية لهذه الدول. ثانياً، يجسد قوة مفهوم المؤلف؛ ومن ثم قدرته على التصوير في كتاباته. كما هو مبين، فإن كلا المصدرين الأدبيين يكشف كيف أن المؤلفين المعنيين قد خصصوا عنصراً مهماً للغاية في سياق الإسلام المبكر، مثل هجرة النبي محمد - صلى الله عليه وسلم - ونسبه في رواياتهم؛ وهو ما يعمل في النهاية على إضفاء الشرعية على الطابع التاريخي.
This article aims to elaborate on the debate surrounding continuity and change in Islamic religious authority. The discussion begins by establishing a framework for understanding the analytical definition of authority before delving into the dimensions that experience continuity and change. Arendt defines authority as a relationship, signifying a connection to a specific discursive tradition, knowledge, and history. Additionally, it involves a relationship with others who may recognize, accept, or contest this connection. Building upon Arendt’s definition, the article deconstructs the nature of this relationship, emphasizing three constitutive elements: the notion of a past, the connection to the foundational past, and the ability to convey and enhance that model. This includes the augmentation of the foundational past and the ability to elicit obedience without resorting to coercion. What sets authority apart is its unique capacity to foster obedience through a relationship, free from coercion. To identify the constituents of authority, the article explores the question of continuity and change in a more productive manner by focusing on each of its three constitutive elements.
İslam tarih yazıcılığının teşekkül dönemi İslam’ın ilk üç yüzyılını kapsamaktadır. Bu dönemde Müslümanlar tarih yazıcılığına özellikle siyer ve megâzî, genel, hususi ve şehir/bölge tarihleri olarak dört ana kategori üzerinden tarihyazım türlerinin genişletilmesi gibi çok önemli bir katkı sunmuşlardır. Bu sayede Müslümanlar dünya tarihinde tarihyazımına çağ atlatmışlardır. Bu çalışmada İslam’dan önce diğer toplumların ve Arapların tarih yazıcılığındaki yeri ortaya konulmuş ve İslam’da tarih yazıcılığının gelişiminin kendine has sebepleri ve özellikleri izah edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda İslam tarih yazıcılığının, kendinden önceki birikimleri dikkate alan cihetinin farkedilir bir şekilde İslam dininin kendine has yapısı ile birlikte gelişim ortaya koyduğu aşikar hale getirilmiştir. Bu konuda Medine ve Kûfe ekolünün bu sürece rehberlik ederek Müslümanlarda tarih yazıcılığının örneklemini ortaya çıkardığı belirtilmiştir. Bu örneklemler teşekkül döneminin sadece türlerinin değil aynı zamanda tarih yazıcılığının usul ve ilkelerinin de belirlenmesini sağlamıştır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma Müslümanlarda tarih yazıcılığının uzak tarihine yani teşekkül dönemine odaklanarak batılı teorilerin bir kurgu, esasen bir daral(t)ma ve tahrifat teşebbüsü olduğunu, iddia edilenin aksine Müslümanların tarih yazıcılığını geliştirdiğini ve ona çağ atlattığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Diğer taraftan Müslümanları kendi tarih yazıcılığı kökenleri ile bağlantılarını yeniden kurarak var olan yenilmişlik psikolojisinden ve tarihyazımına etki ve katkılarının olmadığı yanılgısından bir nebze arındırmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu sayede Müslümanlar hem Batılı algı ve kurgudan hem de daraltıcı ve indirgemeci yaklaşımdan uzaklaşmış olabileceklerdir. Zira bugünkü modern daralmadan çıkışı sağlayacak olan yine Müslümanların tarih yazıcılığı ilkeleri, tecrübeleri ve birikimleri olacaktır.
This article examines the emergence of new representations of Byzantium in early Arabic literature, with a focus on the Sīra, the biography of the Prophet Muḥammad. This historical investigation leads to a dual conclusions that the Arab perception of Byzantium not only forged an “imaginary Byzantium” but also marked the emergence of Arab self-consciousness. This process significantly influenced the Arab historical and cultural narratives, framing them within the context of the Arabic identity that emerged in late antiquity. Nevertheless, this relationship between the early Islamic community and Byzantium does little to confirm accurate knowledge about Byzantium, rendering the emerging representations as not truly reflective of “reality”, but rather presenting us with an “imaginary Byzantium”. This applies whether related to events in the 1st/7th century or the transition from oral to written texts during the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. Furthermore, these representations reveal more about the creators of this imaginary than the other itself, shedding light on the motives of early Muslim writers who used the Sīra as a vehicle for these imaginaries. Ultimately, the article identifies, through the textual analysis and historical contextualization of Sīra, two narrative layers therein that are related to the imaginary Byzantium. The first layer reflected a pervasive fear of Byzantium, while the second layer represented an attitude of challenge and rivalry.
A great number of qurʾānic passages exhibit demonstrable intersections with Christian traditions, and sometimes the Qurʾān even addresses Christians directly. Guillaume Dye, Tommaso Tesei, and Stephen Shoemaker have recently argued that this is difficult to reconcile with our current lack of evidence for organized Christian communities in the pre-Islamic Ḥijāz. Accordingly, all three scholars maintain that much of the Qurʾān ought to be decoupled from the preaching of Muḥammad (whose historical existence they do not deny). While recognizing the pertinence of the explanatory challenge identified by Dye, Tesei, and Shoemaker, this article suggests that the problem may be somewhat less acute than it is made out to be. The article then proceeds to a critical examination of the alternative scenario for the genesis of the Qurʾān that is offered, in different variations, by Dye, Tesei, and Shoemaker. This scenario is found to give rise to a number of explanatory difficulties of its own that have not so far been satisfactorily addressed. By way of an appendix, the article includes an extended critique of Shoemaker and Dye’s claim that the Jesus-and-Mary pericope in Sūrah 19 most likely reflects a post-conquest Palestinian milieu.
Although the Qur’an never explicitly mentions the name yhwh, this study demonstrates that it reveals cognizance not only of the divine name but also of the elaboration of its meaning by paralleling interpretations found in some of the earliest rabbinic traditions, evidently building on traditions that were circulating amongst Jewish communities of Late Antiquity. I propose that the absence of an explicit mention of yhwh in the Qur’an points to the Qur’an’s oral rather than literary genesis. This study analyses Pharaoh’s inquiries about who and what the Lord is (in Q 20.49–55; 26.23–28). The Qur’an responds to these questions, whereas in the Exodus account, Pharaoh’s questioning about yhwh remains unanswered. The Qur’an appears to interpret the meaning of yhwh as God’s continuous generative action, the originating cause of every thing, and God’s existence, transcendence and omnipresence, echoing some explanations of the divine name in the earliest rabbinic traditions. Thus, the Qur’an engages with some of its audience by referencing Jewish understandings of the divine name. By reframing and reinterpreting some biblical stories, the Qur’an provides exegetical contributions to these narratives, highlighting its unique and critical role in the broader religious discourse during Late Antiquity.
Mientras que desde una perspectiva islámica los musulmanes debían ofrecer lealtad primordial a Dios y a Su mensaje, los lazos de parentesco podían poner en tela de juicio ese compromiso. Los ideales islámicos, articulados a través de diversos géneros literarios, reflejan esta tensión, presentando una priorización de la comunidad religiosa sobre la familia. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, los sentimientos de parentesco se utilizaban a menudo para inculcar ideales religiosos e identidad entre los miembros de la comunidad. La percepción islámica primitiva y medieval de la autoridad materna ilustra bien este punto, ya que las madres musulmanas desempeñan un papel crucial en la formación de la identidad islámica de sus hijos. Sin embargo, en circunstancias opuestas, cuando la autoridad materna no musulmana estaba presente en entornos familiares dominados por el islam, se hacía necesaria una adaptación de las normas y reglamentos. En este ensayo, examino una serie de posturas islámicas relativas a los casos en que las madres, tanto musulmanas como no musulmanas, podían influir en las inclinaciones religiosas de sus hijos durante conflictos o diferencias interreligiosas. Estas posturas arrojan luz sobre una faceta adicional de los esfuerzos islámicos por preservar la integridad religiosa de los creyentes musulmanes, en particular de los niños musulmanes pequeños, dentro de un contexto religioso socialmente diverso. Aparecen en diversos géneros literarios con programas normativos, como el Corán, la exégesis coránica, las tradiciones proféticas, los compendios jurídicos, las biografías de los primeros musulmanes (ṣaḥāba), y literatura sobre etiqueta social (adab), que abarca desde el siglo I/VII al VII/XIII.
This doctoral thesis, titled "Media Dynamics in the Time of Prophet Muhammad: A Historical Analysis," conducted by Mohammad Abdallah Khamis Alyakhri, offers a comprehensive exploration of the communication landscape during the era of Prophet Muhammad in 7th-century Arabia. The study investigates the multifaceted nature of media dynamics, including oral traditions, written communication, and interpersonal interactions, to provide a nuanced understanding of the formation of Islamic tradition.
The thesis delves into the pivotal role of Prophet Muhammad as a messenger and the communal commitment to the oral transmission of Quranic verses, emphasizing their influence on the enduring legacy of the Quran. Additionally, the study examines the complementary nature of written communication, particularly through letters and historical accounts, in preserving religious teachings and historical events. Mosques are highlighted as vital communication hubs, not only as places of worship but also as spaces fostering community cohesion through structured sermons and informal gatherings.
Drawing lessons from early Islamic media practices, the research underscores the timeless principles of trust, authenticity, and personal connections in effective communication. The findings indicate that these principles continue to shape contemporary communication practices, resonating with ongoing rituals such as Quranic recitation and communal prayers. As the study bridges the temporal gap between historical practices and modern media trends, it offers insights valuable for both scholars and practitioners in the realm of communication studies.
In conclusion, this doctoral thesis contributes significantly to our understanding of media dynamics during Prophet Muhammad's time, unraveling lessons that transcend the historical context and resonate with the enduring legacy of early Islamic communication practices.
The paper presents how the pluralism of relations in the early Muslim sources concerning the memory the Qādisiyya narrative is problematic for reconstructing the event of the battle by modern scholars. Specific studies of the early Islamic sources concerning the Battle of Al-Qādisiyya lead to the conclusion that it is certainly easier to interpret the functions of particular topoi than to determinate the facts about the Maʿrakat al-Qādisiyya. The main, unsolved questions related to the Qādisiyyah narrative are the uncertainty of the date of the battle, the size of the Muslim and Persian forces that fought in the Maʿrakat al-Qādisiyya as well as some contradictions and different presentations of the battle. Scholars have undertaken many attempts to make the conflicting accounts more coherent but in fact, they only made some speculations or, at the best, case scenario – explanations made on the basis of limited and uncertain evidence. For these reasons, the paper contains the suggestion to avoid an undue emphasis on the importance of the Maʿrakat al-Qādisiyya and to replace this term by the more general expression “the Mesopotamian campaign 634–637.” The critical evaluation of the Muslim sources leads to a more general description of the Battle of Al-Qādisiyya as an element of the campaign (stage 634–637) whose unambiguous evaluation is impossible.
This doctoral thesis, titled "Media Dynamics in the Time of Prophet Muhammad: A Historical Analysis," conducted by Mohammad Abdallah Khamis Alyakhri, offers a comprehensive exploration of the communication landscape during the era of Prophet Muhammad in 7th-century Arabia. The study investigates the multifaceted nature of media dynamics, including oral traditions, written communication, and interpersonal interactions, to provide a nuanced understanding of the formation of Islamic tradition. The thesis delves into the pivotal role of Prophet Muhammad as a messenger and the communal commitment to the oral transmission of Quranic verses, emphasizing their influence on the enduring legacy of the Quran. Additionally, the study examines the complementary nature of written communication, particularly through letters and historical accounts, in preserving religious teachings and historical events. Mosques are highlighted as vital communication hubs, not only as places of worship but also as spaces fostering community cohesion through structured sermons and informal gatherings. Drawing lessons from early Islamic media practices, the research underscores the timeless principles of trust, authenticity, and personal connections in effective communication. The findings indicate that these principles continue to shape contemporary communication practices, resonating with ongoing rituals such as Quranic recitation and communal prayers. As the study bridges the temporal gap between historical practices and modern media trends, it offers insights valuable for both scholars and practitioners in the realm of communication studies. In conclusion, this doctoral thesis contributes significantly to our understanding of media dynamics during Prophet Muhammad's time, unraveling lessons that transcend the historical context and resonate with the enduring legacy of early Islamic communication practices.
Early Islam witnessed several outbreaks of the first plague of Justinian (541–549 CE ), until 132/749 when it disappeared as fast as it appeared. One of the main issues for societies confronted with such recurrent epidemics was to accept destiny and protect their lives and social organization while still assuming that contagion was speculative and that the disease came from the divine punishment of sinners. Based on the archetypal plague of ʿAmwās (Emmaus, 17–18/638–639), fleeing appears to have been considered as an act of disobedience to God’s will. In order to date these Islamic thoughts and traditions, we rely on Syriac and Greek similar considerations on the usefulness to escape an infested town or country or not, as reflected in Bar Penkāyē’s (fl. late first/seventh century) tragic depiction of the epidemic of 67/687. As the Islamic armies were confronted to major surges of pestilence during their campaigns and had to interpret them as a legitimate cause of martyrdom, while fleeing was considered desertion. Meanwhile, Anastasius Sinaita (d. ca. 80/700) tried to understand how Arabia could be protected from the mortality that cursed Palestine, and thus inferred that not all plagues were supernatural punishments.
The topic of Arab migration during the medieval period has occupied many modern historians. The evidence for migration in chronicles and geographies, however, is quite thin. This article looks at these texts as well as at contemporary “archaeological texts” (inscriptions and papyri documents) and archaeology. Each of these sources provides different information under different limitations which sometimes correlates with another. One main focus of the article is the ability of archaeology to answer – alone – the question about Arab migration. For that purpose, two archaeological models are proposed. One model highlights the link between the material culture of two regions (origin and destination) in two sequent times and its evolvement in the destination. The other model points to continuous links between origin and destination and the evolvement of material culture in the origin. The models are compared to a number of case studies from the early Islamic period (seventh to tenth century AD) in the Levant, Spain, and additional regions. The case studies present innovations which might reflect migrants: irrigation methods, specific forms of architecture, production techniques of portable artifacts, and evidence for a new confession – Islam. While the archaeological records of early Islam are often too limited to answer most of the models’ criteria, two case studies seem promising: soapstone pots/bowls and early Muslim burials. Both cases imply the migration of people from the Arabian Peninsula elsewhere in the eighth or even the seventh century.
Résumé : Le contexte historique de la genèse du Coran constitue une question centrale dans les recherches islamologiques sur le texte fondateur de l’islam, d’autant plus vive qu’il n’existe pas de consensus sur une reconstruction scientifique de ce contexte. Placer le Coran « en contexte(s) » apparaît donc comme un terrain propice au dialogue entre islamologie et histoire. Cette introduction revient d’abord sur les enjeux propres à l’histoire première du Coran, c’est-à-dire à sa composition et à sa canonisation, avant d’évoquer comment ces enjeux s’articulent au contexte omeyyade. L’idée initiale d’un colloque organisé en juin 2021, qui consistait à appréhender l’histoire du Coran dans le contexte de la Syrie-Palestine à l’époque omeyyade (661-750), a finalement ouvert à la possibilité d’un regard multi-situé sur les développements omeyyades autour du Coran, à travers la confrontation des sources dans leur diversité et l’élargissement à un horizon impérial. Abstract: Title: The Qurʾān in Umayyad Context(s): Introduction The historical context of the genesis of the Qurʾān is a central issue within the field of Islamic Studies dealing with the founding text of Islam – even more so that no consensus on an academic reconstruction of this context has been reached. To set the Qurʾān « within its context(s) » appear therefore as an adequate ground for dialogue between History and the study of the religion of Islam. This introduction first describes what is at stake within the early history of the Qurʾān, i.e. its composition and canonisation, and then evokes how these issues relate to the Umayyad context. The initial idea of the conference that took place in June 2021, which was to address this topic within the limited framework of Syria-Palestine during the Umayyad period (661-750), eventually led to the possibility of a multi-situated view on the Umayyad developments regarding the Qurʾān, through confronting the sources in their diversity, in a wider, imperial horizon.
This article discusses the literary representation of religious leadership in the Siyar al-bīʿa al-muqaddasa , also known as “History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria”. It suggests reading accounts on early Muslim rule within the frameworks of Islamicate literature from the Abbasid and the Fatimid periods, when the collection was created, also considering successive layers of redaction. This approach contrasts with a more conventional way of reading such texts as historical sources on Christian-Muslim relations and as witnesses of the early Islamic period. By comparing stories of patriarchs and rulers with stories about qadis and rulers, the article highlights the importance of framing early Islamicate Christian sources in relation to a broader cultural context and historical developments, without exaggerating their early dating. Finally, it proposes that there is historical meaning to be found in the display of linguistic and narrative anachronisms.
The aim of this article is to focus on the views of modern Western scholars regarding the authenticity of the Document of Medina and its unity in relation to its date and preservation, rather than on the debates over its content. The focus is on their rationale for defending its authenticity despite the limited number of aḥadīth they date back to the first Islamic century. Additionally, considering the fact that many other reports with the characteristics of the document are not considered authentic, the question is raised whether it is the “sunna” of their predecessors that is actually decisive, since the testimony has been considered authentic since Julies Wellhausen on the same grounds.
This article examines the history of the origin of research of the Quranic corpus by Western academic scholarship from the nineteenth century to the present period. Particular emphasis is made on the direction of research which is based on the philological study of the Quran and the study of the earliest manuscripts. This tradition of research dating back to T. Neldeke ("History of the Quran") received considerable continuity with classical Islamic Quranic scholarship. Some attention was also paid to the so-called 'revisionist' theories of the origin of the Quranic corpus, from the earliest (A. Geiger) to the most recent ones. Although the academic community is engaged in fierce debates concerning certain issues of the origin of the written Quranic corpus, nevertheless, the basic consensus we formulated in this work corresponds in its key points to the results elaborated by Islamic Quranic scholarship over the centuries. Moreover, studies of the earliest manuscripts of the Quran, including those discovered in recent decades, as well as many other monuments, demonstrate that the Quran was almost completely codified (except for certain details) in its known form as early as the first century A.H., in contradiction to the claims of revisionist scholars. The present work can serve as a scholarly introduction to this topic, filling a serious insufficiency of relevant reference sources in Russian.
The aim of this article is to focus on the views of modern Western scholars regarding the authenticity of the Document of Medina and its unity in relation to its date and preservation, rather than on the debates over its content. The focus is on their rationale for defending its authenticity despite the limited number of aḥadīth they date back to the first Islamic century. Additionally, considering the fact that many other reports with the characteristics of the document are not considered authentic, the question is raised whether it is the “sunna” of their predecessors that is actually decisive, since the testimony has been considered authentic since Julies Wellhausen on the same grounds.
Buku ini mengungkap adanya praktik misrepresentasi dalam proses konstruksi penafsiran terhadap redaksi Al-Quran dan hadis, khususnya dalam mode kajian-kajian keagamaan bergenre akhir zaman di YouTube. Bahkan praktik itu rentan berkontribusi terhadap penyebaran doktrin ekstremisme keagamaan di Indonesia. Hal itu disebabkan karena adanya indikasi kesamaan narasi-narasi wacana akhir zaman yang digunakan oleh para mubalig di YouTube dengan narasi indoktrinasi yang digunakan oleh kelompok militansi Jihadis-ekstremisme jaringan transnasional yang menganut ideologi "apocalypticism".
Frågan om hur mycket vi kan veta om den historiske Muhammad har länge sysselsatt islamhistoriker, och skapat hård debatt. Inte mycket har skrivits om forskningen och debatterna om Muhammad på svenska eller andra nordiska språk de senaste årtiondena. I denna artikel vill jag lyfta fram något av den internationella forskningen och visa på några av de källor och metoder som används för att bättre förstå islams tidigaste historia. Som exempel har jag valt att analysera traditionen om hur Mu-hammad skickade några av sina anhängare till Abessinien för att de skulle undkomma förföljelserna från de icke-troende i Mecka. Två typer av källor analyseras. Dels diskuterar jag några versioner av berättelsen om den Abessinska migrationen ur olika Muhammadbiografier. De äldsta versionerna av detta material kan daters till sekelskiftet 699-700, alltså 70-80 år efter den händelse som beskrivs. Under denna tid kan berättelserna om profeten och hans liv ha bearbetats mycket, och vi kan inte vara säkra på att de återger en historisk verklighet. Det materialet kompletteras i denna studie av en hadith som bara antydningsvis berör migrationen till Abessinien, men som visar på en mindre smickrande sida av förhållandet mellan migranterna och de som stannade kvar i Mecka, och därför kan antas bekräfta att migrationen ägde rum. Nyckelord: Muhammad; sīra; hadith; källkritik; metodologi. 103 2/2022 Novus forlag · eISSN 2387-6735
En el año 711 Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād y Mūsà ibn Nuṣayr emprendían la conquista de al-Andalus desde Ifrīqiya. El objeto de este artículo es indagar en los orígenes de ambos personajes a través del estudio de las diferentes noticias que se contienen en las crónicas y los diccionarios biográficos, tanto orientales como occidentales. En el caso de Mūsà, el punto de partida se encuentra en ʿAyn al-Tamr en la orilla derecha del río Éufrates, de donde era originario su padre, para concluir que provenía de un entorno social vinculado a la aristocracia local árabe, primero al servicio de la administración sasánida y luego de la omeya. En cuanto a Ṭāriq, todo apunta a que la relación de walāʾ que le vinculaba con Mūsà ibn Nuṣayr se había constituido en un momento muy anterior a la llegada de este último a Ifrīqiya. Esta constatación, junto con las noticias aportadas por varios informadores, inexplicablemente ignoradas por la historiografía, apunta a descartar el origen norteafricano y bereber de Ṭāriq para situarlo en el ámbito geográfico sasánida.
Examining the complex nature of Islamic historiography, Robinson adduced the discourse in a tripartite typology of historical works namely as chronography, biography, and prosopography. The formative period of historical writings in the early Islamic era has been one of the interesting topics especially the development of Sirah literature. This paper aims to explore the nature of early Islamic historical writings, analyze the emergence of its literature, and examine the basic pattern of Sirah Nabawiyyah. The present study is qualitative in nature and is one in which the researcher will employ both descriptive and source-critical approaches. The study in its findings confirm that the earliest proponents of the Prophet were principally attempting biography, and were responsible, above all, for the transmission of tradition. They apparently took any narration or anecdote about the Prophet, even, on occasions, contradictory accounts. With its specific patterns, circumlocutions, and diverse emphases, in which no one part is given distinction or importance over another, the Sirah itself contains the totality of what the compilers could gather, as scrupulously as they found possible.
Examining the complex nature of Islamic historiography, Robinson adduced the discourse in a tripartite typology of historical works namely as chronography, biography, and prosopography. The formative period of historical writings in the early Islamic era has been one of the interesting topics especially the development of Sirah literature. This paper aims to explore the nature of early Islamic historical writings, analyze the emergence of its literature, and examine the basic pattern of Sirah Nabawiyyah. The present study is qualitative in nature and is one in which the researcher will employ both descriptive and source-critical approaches. The study in its findings confirm that the earliest proponents of the Prophet were principally attempting biography, and were responsible, above all, for the transmission of tradition. They apparently took any narration or anecdote about the Prophet, even, on occasions, contradictory accounts. With its specific patterns, circumlocutions, and diverse emphases, in which no one part is given distinction or importance over another, the Sirah itself contains the totality of what the compilers could gather, as scrupulously as they found possible.
This chapter assesses the presence of spirituality in the way Muslims have narrated the pasts of their communities. It suggests that we can divide Islamic narratives in this arena into four categories: i) narratives that privilege biography and genealogy; ii) narratives that trace the flow of universal time; iii) narratives that map the contours of space as the stage for human action; and iv) narratives that relate an archetypal story which makes all human realities understandable. This typology reveals the past as a contested terrain that is both intensely complex and changeable from context to context. Exploring spirituality and the past together illuminates the relationship between Islamic religious and literary history, and provides tools for contextually sensitive readings of Islamic sources that discuss politics and other worldly matters.
Bu çalışma, Abbâsî İslâm tarihyazım geleneğini edebî tahlil perspektifinden ele alan Amerikalı araştırmacı Tayeb el-Hibri’nin akademik çabalarını değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. İlk bölümde Batı’da geliştirilen yazılı eserlerin doğasını ve temel formlarını ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlayan edebiyat eleştirisini İslâm tarihinin klasik kaynaklarına uygulamaya çalışan Batılı İslâm araştırmacılarının çalışmalarına kısaca temas edilmektedir. İkinci bölümde ise Hibri’nin çalışmaları hakkında kısaca bilgiler verilmekte, akabinde edebî tahlil yoluyla erken dönem Abbâsî hilafetine dair kaynaklardaki bilgilerin mahiyetine ilişkin ulaştığı sonuçlar değerlendirilmektedir. Hibri, Ortaçağ Müslüman tarihçilerin düşünce dünyasını yeniden inşa etme ve onların edebî başarılarına gereken değeri verme çabasında, hem filolojik hem de tarihsel eleştiri paradigmalarını aşan bir metodolojiye ihtiyaç duyulduğu kanaatindedir. Bu düşünce çizgisini takip ederek iki önemli başyapıtında İslâm tarihçiliğinde tarihsel gerçekliğin inşasında en temel araçlar olarak kullanılan haberi/rivayeti bir söylem olarak ele almakta, haberin/rivayetin kendisi kadar tutarlı bir anlatıya nasıl dönüştürüldüğüne ilişkin interaktif süreci irdelemeye çalışmaktadır. Ortaçağ İslâm tarihçilerini yaşadıkları dönemin toplumsal, tarihsel, ekonomik koşullarına bağlı olarak oluşturdukları tutarlı anlatılarla geçmişi yorumlamaya çalıştıklarını, bunu yaparken mecaz, kinaye, kelime oyunları ve ironi gibi bir dizi karmaşık üslup biçimlerini kullandıklarını ileri sürmektedir.
During the period 500–1000 CE Egypt was successively part of the Byzantine, Persian and Islamic empires. All kinds of events, developments and processes occurred that would greatly affect its history and that of the eastern Mediterranean in general. This is the first volume to map Egypt's position in the Mediterranean during this period. Drawing on a wide range of disciplines, the individual chapters detail its connections with imperial and scholarly centres, its role in cross-regional trade networks, and its participation in Mediterranean and Near Eastern cultural developments, including their impact on its own literary and material production. With unparalleled detail, the book tracks the mechanisms and structures through which Egypt connected politically, economically and culturally to the world surrounding it.
This article is concerned with the representation of al-ʿAbbās b. al-Walīd’s involvement in the Muhallabid revolt (102/720) and the third fitna (126–36/744–54) across Arabic-Islamic and Christian sources. The contribution makes a case for the study of “minor figures” as a means to contend with the eulogizing and historiographical re-imagining of the Marwānid past by later ʿAbbāsid compilers. It sheds light on the status of concubine-born sons of Marwānid caliphs, who were unable to become caliph until precisely this period and the generational shift that occurred in the 120s/740s. Al-ʿAbbās appears in Arabic-Islamic sources as foreshadowing the impending fitna, warning of its consequences and attempting to dissuade his brother, Yazīd b. al-Walīd (d. 126/744), from revolting against the caliph al-Walīd b. Yazīd (d. 126/744). Eventually “captured” by his brother Yazīd b. al-Walīd’s supporters, al-ʿAbbās’ bayʿa (oath of allegiance) turns the tide in Yazīd’s favor. In contrast, late antique Christian sources in Arabic, Armenian, Greek, and Syriac see him as instrumental in the fall of al-Walīd b. Yazīd, wanting the caliphate for himself and betraying his cousin. The following analysis will demonstrate how Christian sources employed figures internal to their own traditions to understand and explain caliphal history. The overlapping but competing historiographies of al-ʿAbbās shed light on the source material and agendas of Arabic-Islamic and Christian late antique sources. This study also helps to disentangle some of the conflicting elements of the fitna narrative, while underlining the polycentric nature of Marwānid rule and how members of the imperial elite were legitimized and exerted authority.
Sectarian divisions within the Islamic world have long been misunderstood and misconstrued by the media and the general public. In this book, Adam R. Gaiser offers an accessible introduction to the main Muslim sects and schools, returning to the roots of the sectarian divide in the Medieval period. Beginning with the death of Muhammed and the ensuing debate over who would succeed him, Gaiser outlines how the umma (Muslim community) came to be divided. He traces the history of the main Muslim sects and schools – the Sunnis, Shi'ites, Kharijites, Mu'tazila and Murji'a – and shows how they emerged, developed, and diverged from one another. Exploring how medieval Muslims understood the idea of 'sect', Gaiser challenges readers to consider the usefulness and scope of the concept of 'sectarianism' in this historical context. Providing an overview of the main Muslim sects while problematising the assumptions of previous scholarship, this is a valuable resource for both new and experienced readers of Islamic history.
Islam is the only biblical religion that still practices animal sacrifice. Indeed, every year more than a million animals are shipped to Mecca from all over the world to be slaughtered during the Muslim Hajj. This multi-disciplinary volume is the first to examine the physical foundations of this practice and the significance of the ritual. Brannon Wheeler uses both textual analysis and various types of material evidence to gain insight into the role of animal sacrifice in Islam. He provides a 'thick description' of the elaborate camel sacrifice performed by Muhammad, which serves as the model for future Hajj sacrifices. Wheeler integrates biblical and classical Arabic sources with evidence from zooarchaeology and the rock art of ancient Arabia to gain insight into an event that reportedly occurred 1400 years ago. His book encourages a more nuanced and expansive conception of “sacrifice” in the history of religion.
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk meneliti kajian historigrafi dalam tafsir Al-Qur’an yang dilakukan oleh mufasir dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat Al-Qur’an. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah, di mana terdapat empat metode yang berlaku; heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi dan historiografi. Penulis ingin mengetahui langkah-langkah mufasir dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat historis baik yangberkenaan dengan para Nabi dan umat-umat terdahulu maupun kejadian-kejadian pada masa Nabi SAW. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa metode sejarah bukan ilmu baru dalam penafsiran Al-Qur’an. Sejak masa penulisan kitab-kitab tafsir masa awal, ditemukan bahwa kitab tafsir dalam menjelaskan ayat-ayat historis terdapat dua kajian kesejarahan yaitu asba>b al-nuzu>l (yangmembahas seputar turunnya ayat Al-Qur’an) dan israiliyat (kisah-kisah ahlul Kitab; Yahudi). Untuk yang pertama, munculnya asbab al-nuzul dalam kitab tafsir adalah sebuah keniscayaan danditerima semua kalangan mufasir, sedangkan untuk yang kedua ini (israiliyat), para ulama mufasir berbeda pendapat, ada yang melarang, membolehkan, dan ketiga berada di antara keduanya yakni ada yang dibolehkan dan ada yang dilarang. Beberapa kitab tafsir yang banyak meriwayatkan kisah-kisah israiliyat di antaranya at-Tabari dan Ibn Katsir. Terlepas dari perdebatan ini, metodedan pendekatan sejarah sangat familiar bagi kalangan mufasir dalam mengungkapkan serta menafsirkan ayat-ayat dalam Al-Qur’an.
p>В статье рассматривается влияние становления общего языка — арабского — на развитие науки и литературы в арабском мире. Показано, как по мере расширения Арабского халифата в культурную область ислама стали попадать научные центры и труды немусульманских народов. Именно в этот период мусульманские ученые начинают знакомиться с работами греко-персидского мира, переводят и осваивают большой пласт научной литературы, вводя его в исламский оборот.
Арабская мысль, арабская культура, наряду с существующими социальными, политическими и идеологическими факторами, вызывают беспрецедентное движение переводческой деятельности в Багдаде, недавно основанной столице арабской династии Аббасидов в течение первых двух столетий их правления. </p
Patricia Crone famously identified three distinct sub‐traditions within early Islamic historiography: a “religious tradition”, a “tribal tradition”, and a “secular tradition”. Whereas the first is extremely unreliable and the second is partially unreliable regarding early Islamic history in general (c. 600–750 CE), Crone argued that the third provides “a coherent historical account”, at least as far back as the beginning of the Umayyad period (c. 661 CE). Some confusion has since arisen over the identity of this “secular tradition” (thanks to Crone's famously terse and technical style), but a close examination of her work reveals that she had in mind state‐oriented chronology and prosopography (i.e., basic political information on early Muslim caliphs, governors, judges, and commanders) or proto‐taʾrīkh. Crone argued that this material (which mostly survives intermingled with the religious and tribal traditions in extant Islamic literary sources) derives via continuous written transmission from rudimentary state‐oriented chronicles and prosopographies composed by pro‐Marwanid Muslim writers in eighth‐century Syria. Although these proto‐tawārīkh are now lost, Crone argued that their eighth‐century existence can be inferred from contemporaneous references thereto in extant Christian chronicles—a conclusion strengthened by more recent scholarship. For this reason, the “secular tradition” is substantially more reliable than the other traditions within early Islamic historiography, which underwent a protracted process of oral transmission and consequent mutation, distortion, and growth.
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