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From mothers to daughters: intergenerational transmission of Father-to-Mother Violence in Myanmar

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Presents a unified conceptual system for understanding both individual and collective violence. The learning of aggression, the processes which trigger violence, and the rewards and punishments of aggression are discussed. Guidelines for reducing societal levels of aggression are presented. (42 p. ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The present study explored women's experiences of domestic violence in Myanmar. In particular, the study examined the relation between antecedents and outcomes of their experiences as well as influences of attribution styles, response styles and different types of violence on their experiences. Using the Myanmar version of the Revised Conflict Tactic Scale, survey data from a representative sample of 286 women in Myanmar were conducted. Results indicated that 27% of women experienced physical assault and 69% of women experienced psychological aggression in a 1-year period. The factors associated with increased risks of violence included witnessing parental violence, husbands’ unemployment, husbands’ frequent alcohol use, and women's feminism attitudes. Severe physical assault was a strong predictor of negative outcomes and formal intervention. Formal intervention was related to fewer negative outcomes.
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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is now recognized as a worldwide public health problem. Most theories ascribe IPV to individual, family, or cultural factors. Empirical support for these theories is inconsistent; however, community-level clustering of IPV behaviors is commonplace, indicating these behaviors are autocorrelated. In this study I use social interaction models and DHSIII data from Colombia to jointly model household and neighborhood effects on individual reports of beatings and forced sex. I find the probability a Colombian woman ever experienced IPV is dependent on her union status, schooling, number of live births, area of residence, and her partner’s schooling. Net of these factors, the odds of ever being beaten were 64% higher for a woman living in a cluster where the proportion of other women reporting beatings exceeded the sample mean. These results show that endogenous social processes affect IPV levels and indicate the need for community-level IPV control efforts.
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Unlike many health problems, there are few social and demographic characteristics that define risk groups for intimate partner violence. Poverty is the exception and increases risk through effects on conflict, women's power, and male identity. Violence is used as a strategy in conflict. Relationships full of conflict, and especially those in which conflicts occur about finances, jealousy, and women's gender role transgressions are more violent than peaceful relationships. Heavy alcohol consumption also increases risk of violence. Women who are more empowered educationally, economically, and socially are most protected, but below this high level the relation between empowerment and risk of violence is non-linear. Violence is frequently used to resolve a crisis of male identity, at times caused by poverty or an inability to control women. Risk of violence is greatest in societies where the use of violence in many situations is a socially-accepted norm. Primary preventive interventions should focus on improving the status of women and reducing norms of violence, poverty, and alcohol consumption.
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In 1998 a cross-sectional study of violence against women was undertaken in three provinces of South Africa. The objectives were to measure the prevalence of physical, sexual and emotional abuse of women, to identify risk factors and associated health problems and health service use. A multi-stage sampling design was used with clusters sampled with probability proportional to number of households and households were randomly selected from within clusters. One randomly selected woman aged 18-49 years was interviewed in each selected home. Interviews were held with a total 1306 women, the response rate was 90.3% of eligible women. For the risk factor analysis, multiple logistic regression models were fitted from a large pool of candidate explanatory variables, while allowing for sampling design and interviewer effects. The lifetime prevalence of experiencing physical violence from a current or ex-husband or boyfriend was 24.6%, and 9.5% had been assaulted in the previous year. Domestic violence was significantly positively associated with violence in her childhood, her having no further education, liberal ideas on women's roles, drinking alcohol, having another partner in the year, having a confidant(e), his boy child preference, conflict over his drinking, either partner financially supporting the home, frequent conflict generally, and living outside the Northern Province. No significant associations were found with partners' ages, employment, migrant status, financial disparity, cohabitation, household possessions, urbanisation, marital status, crowding, communication, his having other partners, his education, her attitudes towards violence or her perceptions of cultural norms on women's role. The findings suggest that domestic violence is most strongly related to the status of women in a society and to the normative use of violence in conflict situations or as part of the exercise of power. We conclude by discussing implications for developing theory on causal factors in domestic violence.
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An unselected sample of 543 children was followed over 20 years to test the independent effects of parenting, exposure to domestic violence between parents (ETDV), maltreatment, adolescent disruptive behavior disorders, and emerging adult substance abuse disorders (SUDs) on the risk of violence to and from an adult partner. Conduct disorder (CD) was the strongest risk for perpetrating partner violence for both sexes, followed by ETDV, and power assertive punishment. The effect of child abuse was attributable to these 3 risks. ETDV conferred the greatest risk of receiving partner violence; CD increased the odds of receiving partner violence but did not mediate this effect. Child physical abuse and CD in adolescence were strong independent risks for injury to a partner. SUD mediated the effect of adolescent CD on injury to a partner but not on injury by a partner. Prevention implications are highlighted.
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Although there is a considerable body of knowledge about domestic violence, a limited proportion focuses on domestic violence in rural settings. Using a nonprobability purposive sampling technique, 93 providers of domestic violence services from rural and urban localities in North Carolina and Virginia were located and asked to complete a self-administered survey soliciting provider perceptions about service consumers, the general public, themselves, and inter- and intra-agency issues. Significant differences were observed between rural and urban providers about service consumer needs and experiences, perceptions about the general public, area resource availability, agency funding, provider training, and worker safety. Implications of these differences are discussed.
Article
this paper. Of course I retain responsibility for the views expressed. Even more preliminary versions of this paper were presented at Washington University in St. Louis, the University of Washington, Southern Illinois University in Carbondale, Princeton University, the Population Association of America, Northwestern University, the University of Chicago, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Michigan, and Johns Hopkins University. 2 An Intergenerational Model of Domestic Violence I. Introduction Domestic violence has been a high-profile social problem in recent years, and its prevalence and causes have been extensively discussed in the social science literature and the popular media. The effects of domestic (i.e., marital or spousal) violence have also received considerable attention from researchers, and our knowledge about the economic, social, and psychological consequences of physical violence in marriage has been increasing. 1 One focus of this attention has been the possible effects on children who witness violence within the family, including effects on their own tendency to perpetrate or experience domestic violence as adults. The phrase cycle of violence is commonplace in the literature on spouse abuse, but there have been few attempts to formally model the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence. This paper presents a simple model in which the prevalence of domestic violence in the long run depends upon both the intergenerational transmission of propensities for violence within families and on patterns of marriage and divorce. Its intention is to provide a prototype of more complex models that might inform discussions of violence prevention and interventions, as well as to highlight potential problems in estimating the parameters o...
Contested spaces during transition : regime change in Myanmar and its implications for women
  • A Barrow
Barrow, A. (2015). Contested spaces during transition : regime change in Myanmar and its implications for women. Cardozo Journal of Law and Gender, Vol. 22, pp. 75-108.
Social research methods (Fifth edit)
  • A Bryman
Bryman, A. (2016). Social research methods (Fifth edit). Oxford, United Kingdom : Oxford University Press.
Constructions of masculinity and their influence on men's well-being: a theory of gender and health
  • W H Courtenay
Courtenay, W. H. (2000). Constructions of masculinity and their influence on men's well-being: a theory of gender and health. Social Science & Medicine (1982), 50(10), 1385-1401. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(99)00390-1