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Of Boars and Men: Indigenous Knowledge and Co-Management in Taiwan
Abstract
Around the world, especially since the passage of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, indigenous people have hoped that advances in legal rights can help them gain recognition for their ecological knowledge and autonomy in the use of natural resources.
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The Income Security Program for Cree Hunters and Trappers (ISP) established by Quebec in September 1976, is the first permanently established guaranteed income program in North America, and it has become the starting point for discussions and consideration of other specialized income support programs for Indigenous peoples throughout Canada, and in other countries. The present research examines the impacts of the program during its first two years of operation, it sets these effects within the context of the first dozen years of program operations, and it relates these findings to recent changes and future operation of the program, while keeping in mind the planning for the possible establishment of income support programs elsewhere. The effects of the program are also assessed in the light of the broad issues facing the future of James Bay Cree society, including the: continuity of Cree culture and related economic practices; social integration or fragmentation of communities; individual initiative and the need for expanded opportunities in subsistence production and wage labor; adequacy of levels of transfer payments; local economic and social development; conservation and management of wildlife resource populations; and expansion of Cree self-governance.
Le Programme de sécurité du revenu des chasseurs et piégeurs cris (PSR) instauré suivant la Convention de la Baie-James et du Nord québécois en septembre 1976 est le premier programme de revenu garanti créé de façon permanente en Amérique du Nord et il est devenu un point de référence pour l'analyse et la planification d'autres programmes spécialisés de sécurité du revenu pour les peuples autochtones du Canada et d'autres pays. Le présent projet de recherche analyse les incidences que ce programme a eues au cours de ses deux premières années, il les situe dans le cadre des douze premières années de fonctionnement de ce type de programme et il établit une corrélation entre ces résultats et les récents changements intervenus et le fonctionnement futur du programme, tout en tenant compte de la planification et de la création éventuelle de programmes de sécurité du revenu ailleurs. Les effets de ce programme sont également évalués a la lumière des grands
problèmes qui se rattachent a l'avenir de la société crie de la Baie James, notamment : la survie de la culture crie et des pratiques économiques qui s'y rattachent; l'intégration ou le morcellement social des communautés; les initiatives individuelles et la nécessité de possibilités plus nombreuses d'une production de subsistance et d'une main-d'œuvre salariée; la suffisance des niveaux de paiements de transfert; le développement économique et social local; la conservation et la gestion des ressources fauniques et l'élargissement de l'auto-détermination des Cris.
Various misunderstandings and conflicts associated with attempts to integrate Indigenous Knowledges (IK) into develop- ment and conservation agendas have been analyzed from both political economy and political ecology frameworks. With their own particular inflections, and in addition to their focus on issues of power, both frameworks tend to see what occurs in these settings as involving different epistemologies, meaning that misunderstandings and conflicts occur between different and complexly interested perspectives on, or ways of knowing, the world. Analyzing the conflicts surrounding the creation of a hunting program that enrolled the participation of the Yshiro people of Paraguay, in this article I develop a different kind of analysis, one inspired by an emerging framework that I tentatively call "political ontology." I argue that, from this perspective, these kinds of conflicts emerge as being about the continuous enactment, stabilization, and protection of different and asymmetrically connected ontologies. (Keywords: political ontology, multinaturalism, multiculturalism, Paraguay, Indigenous peoples)
Authored as a result of a remarkable collaboration between indigenous people's own leaders, other social activists and scholars from a wide range of disciplines, this volume explores what is happening today to indigenous peoples as they are enmeshed, almost inevitably, in the remorseless expansion of the modern economy and development, at the behest of the pressures of the market-place and government. It is particularly timely, given the rise in criticism of free market capitalism generally, as well as of development. The volume seeks to capture the complex, power-laden, often contradictory features of indigenous agency and relationships. It shows how peoples do not just resist or react to the pressures of market and state, but also initiate and sustain "life projects" of their own which embody local history and incorporate plans to improve their social and economic ways of living.
The hunting system of the Rukai tribe in southern Taiwan was studied from January 1996 to January 1997. Based on interviews with tribal members, three characteristics in their hunting system were identified that may contribute to its sustainability in the present day: (1) they hunted only in winter months and mainly on hoofed animals, which with higher reproductive performance, allowed the game species to withstand prolonged hunting pressure without significant declining; (2) the scattered distribution of their hunting territories not only disperses their hunting activity, but also makes areas outside of the hunting territories function as wildlife protective areas; (3) the limited number of users for each hunting territory reduces the possibility of over-hunting.
"Ecologists have long recognized that some species, by virtue of the key roles they play in the overall structure and functioning of an ecosystem, are essential to its integrity; these are known as keystone species. Similarly, in human cultures everywhere, there are plants and animals that form the contextual underpinnings of a culture, as reflected in their fundamental roles in diet, as materials, or in medicine. In addition, these species often feature prominently in the language, ceremonies, and narratives of native peoples and can be considered cultural icons. Without these 'cultural keystone species,'the societies they support would be completely different. An obvious example is western red-cedar (Thuja plicata) for Northwest Coast cultures of North America. Often prominent elements of local ecosystems, cultural keystone species may be used and harvested in large quantities and intensively managed for quality and productivity. Given that biological conservation and ecological restoration embody human cultures as crucial components, one approach that may improve success in overall conservation or restoration efforts is to recognize and focus on cultural keystone species. In this paper, we explore the concept of cultural keystone species, describe similarities to and differences from ecological keystone species, present examples from First Nations cultures of British Columbia, and discuss the application of this concept in ecological restoration and conservation initiatives."
The Western Pacific island of Formosa, historically claimed by both Japan and China, is usually depicted as “Taiwan” in narratives about its economic accomplishments, high-tech industry, and robust democracy1 It is portrayed as a “laboratory of Chinese culture,” yet also as a “laboratory of identities” and conflicting nationalisms (Corcuff, 2002, p. xxiii). After nearly four centuries of Chinese settlement, the dominant social and political groups on the island are strongly influenced by southern Chinese institutions and norms. Yet the craggy highlands and windswept coastlines of the island are inhabited by small communities of Austronesian peoples who have struggled to maintain their livelihoods amidst social thslocations caused by the imposition of Japanese and Chinese colonial regimes. They are Chinese only in the sense that Chinese citizenship was imposed on them by Chiang Kai-shek’s Republic of China (ROC) after World War II (WWII).
How did the industrialized nations of North America and Europe come to be seen as the appropriate models for post-World War II societies in Asia, Africa, and Latin America? How did the postwar discourse on development actually create the so-called Third World? And what will happen when development ideology collapses? To answer these questions, Arturo Escobar shows how development policies became mechanisms of control that were just as pervasive and effective as their colonial counterparts. The development apparatus generated categories powerful enough to shape the thinking even of its occasional critics while poverty and hunger became widespread. "Development" was not even partially "deconstructed" until the 1980s, when new tools for analyzing the representation of social reality were applied to specific "Third World" cases. Here Escobar deploys these new techniques in a provocative analysis of development discourse and practice in general, concluding with a discussion of alternative visions for a postdevelopment era. Escobar emphasizes the role of economists in development discourse--his case study of Colombia demonstrates that the economization of food resulted in ambitious plans, and more hunger. To depict the production of knowledge and power in other development fields, the author shows how peasants, women, and nature became objects of knowledge and targets of power under the "gaze of experts." In a substantial new introduction, Escobar reviews debates on globalization and postdevelopment since the book's original publication in 1995 and argues that the concept of postdevelopment needs to be redefined to meet today's significantly new conditions. He then calls for the development of a field of "pluriversal studies," which he illustrates with examples from recent Latin American movements. © 1995 by Princeton University Press. 1995 by Princeton University Press.
Northern Canada has seen the emergence of various forms of resource co-management agreements over the last decades. Co-management arrangements either result from land-claim agreements between First Nations/Inuit, or crises (real or perceived) regarding a particular resource. Co-management organizations consisting of Indigenous and government representatives often claim to base their natural resource management decision-making on both biological resource science and the represented Indigenous peoples' knowledge. This paper examines the actual ability of Canadian natural resource co-management boards to learn from the Indigenous Knowledge of represented First Nations communities. It will explore how the epistemological frameworks and employment structures within which co-management boards in Canada operate, shape the boards relationship to Indigenous knowledge. In particular the paper will examine the effect of power on the position of Indigenous Knowledge vis-a-vis biological resource science in the Canadian co-management arena.
Many of Canada's Aboriginal peoples have adopted the language, concepts and procedures of environmental resource management in order to advance their needs, rights and interests in co-management. Drawing on the author's experiences in co-management, the advantages and disadvantages of this project for Canada, its Aboriginal peoples, and its landscapes are explored. Alternatives to the status quo, grounded in social, cultural and ecological sustainability, and modelled after the two-row wampum, are then considered. Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal parties to co-management must critically examine current management policies and practices in order to develop innovative approaches that will create the space required for the meaningful and equitable inclusion of Aboriginal peoples in decisions taken in respect to their lands and resources.
Why have Southeast Alaska Natives enjoyed success in gaining governing authority over cultural resource economies but limited success in gaining co-management over natural resource economies in the region's national parks? This paper hypothesizes that the most successful co-management regimes in the natural resource economy will be those that are constructed according to an emerging cultural resource paradigm, which emphasizes the circulation and return of "inalienable possessions" by the federal government, rather than the extension of limited harvest rights under the current " subsistence" regime. Further, it suggests the logic of "repatriation, " well used in the cultural resources realm, might be constructively applied to the natural resource realm to restore Alaska Native relations to critical fish, wildlife, and other resources in national parks and protected areas.
Co-operative resource management holds out the promise of positive social change on two fronts: improved management and the empowerment of local communities. The institutionalization of co-management discourse and practice, however, has unintended political consequences analogous to those identified by recent critics of development discourse. As a result, co-management may actually be preventing rather than fostering the kind of change proponents desire. In this paper, I examine the discourse and practice of co-management and how they constrain the ways people can act-and even think-about wildlife management. I focus on the case of the Ruby Range Sheep Steering Committee, a co-management body established to address concerns about a population of Dall Sheep in the southwest Yukon.
Memories of headhunting, and ritual re-enactments of those former violent practices, are still politically meaningful in contemporary Oceania and Southeast Asia. The case of the Sejiq of Taiwan illustrates how such practices were transformed and eventually terminated as a result of colonialism and the incorporation of formerly stateless peoples into new political institutions. Headhunting was once an expression of the sacred law of Gaya, as both a reinforcement of territorial boundaries and a way of settling legal disputes within communities. It expressed tensions in a ‘reverse dominance hierarchy’ by which some men tried to consolidate political power, but were usually deterred by a strong egalitarian ethos. During the period of Japanese administration (1895–1945), new technologies made headhunting more efficient, but it became more difficult for this formerly egalitarian people to avoid the political coercion of would-be leaders. Contradictions between headhunting as the implementation of Gaya and headhunting as a consolidation of political power — itself viewed as a violation of that Law — eventually led to the abandonment of headhunting. Local leaders found new ways to seek political power, including in the ritual re-enactment of the very same practices used by their ancestors, but continue to be resisted by ordinary people with an egalitarian ethos.
"A dissertation submitted to The Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Baltimore, Maryland." Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins University, 2000. Includes bibliographical references. Photocopy.
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