The situation in Tigray at the beginning of 2021
Jan Nyssen is full professor of geography at Ghent University (Belgium). Besides numerous
scientific publications mostly related to Ethiopia, he published two books: “ካብ ሓረስቶት ደጉዓ
ተምቤን እንታይ ንስምዕ”? “What do we hear from the farmers in Dogu’a Tembien”? [in Tigrinya]
(2016), and “Geo-Trekking in Ethiopia’s Tropical Mountains, the Dogu’a Tembien District”.
Springer GeoGuide (2019).
Starting from the initiation of the appeal for ceasefire and humanitarian aid to Tigray
we have been
• the impact on civilians
• the risk for hampered food supply
• the risk of long term warfare
Two months later, all our worries have become reality, and in addition, a series of dramatic events
occurred that we had not anticipated:
• general bank closure for two months,
that increased the problems for food access,
especially for urban people
• generalised looting with important implication of the Eritrean army
that will exacerbate the
food insecurity and humanitarian response
• prevention of international aid, particularly refusal to allow humanitarian corridors
• generalised looting and bombing of economic infrastructure
• numerous massacres
• destruction and looting of historical sites
• a large refugee crisis, with large numbers of internally displaced people, and establishment
of new refugee camps in Sudan
• actions against Eritrean refugee camps including abduction of refugees and killing of
• generalisation of warfare in and around Ethiopia
1. Civilian toll of the war on Tigray
The humanitarian situation that is most striking relates to the war and its direct victims
. A Belgian
VRT television crew visited western Tigray, its deserted villages and towns, and they could make it
up to Shire where dire conditions in town and a hospital were filmed.
Evidence was brought of a
totally looted hospital, people dying in absence of medical care, shooting and looting by Eritrean and
Ethiopian soldiers. Yet, at the time of filming, the Ethiopian government had the town of Shire
“under control” for a month… We got fragmentary information, about several killings, looting,
destruction from so many other places: Hagere Selam, Maychew, Korem, Chercher, Mehoni,
To be cited as:
Nyssen, J., 2021. The situation in Tigray at the
beginning of 2021. Paper submitted to the HBS
Special Issue on the Tigray war (Ethiopia).
Workamba, Wukro, Abiy Addi, Adigrat, Adwa, Aksum, Idaga Hamus… Also in Mekelle, civilians are
targeted by shooting soldiers. As a result of massive human rights violations, Der Spiegel reports a
clear trend in the Tigray public opinion: “I will go to the mountains and join the fighters”.
international press visited the extreme south and west of Tigray, particularly the AFP agency.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, on 22 December again mentioned
the plight of civilians in Tigray: “artillery strikes on populated areas (in Humera and Adigrat), the
deliberate targeting of civilians, extrajudicial killings and widespread looting." These examples "are
likely only the tip of the iceberg". She has once again called on the Ethiopian government to allow
full access so that allegations of war crimes can be investigated.
Diplomatic circles informed us about a major reason for disrupted telephone and internet services,
as well as impeded access by international aid and media: it would further expose the heavy
presence of Eritrean soldiers, something that has been consistently denied by the Ethiopian
2. Adigrat and Eastern Tigray
Soon after the Tigray conflict started, Zalambessa, then Adigrat faced attacks coming from Eritrea,
jointly carried out by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops. Very little information comes through, till now.
The whereabouts of the Catholic Archbishop of Ethiopia, residing in Adigrat had been unknown for
but travellers say that he is safe. For our information, we rely indeed on credible, direct eye
witnesses who travel to Mekelle from where they can call, discretely. Several colleagues have also
been able to verify and confirm other facts.
Adigrat is a large town on a narrow ledge between mountain ranges; the town strongly depends on
food supplies from farther away. Like in Mekelle, civilians are also shot at on an individual basis and
sexual violence takes place at large scale by ENDF (Ethiopian National Defence Force) and Eritrean
Here are some of the incidents observed by eyewitnesses in and around Adigrat:
• On 18 November, Eritrean soldiers killed 59 civilians inside their houses in the border town
• On 24 November, Eritrean soldiers drove a pick-up truck with machine guns through the
central street of Adigrat and shot indiscriminately at shops, private residences, and passers-
by. Several civilians were reportedly killed and wounded, including women and children;
• On 25 November, a group of 8 – 15 citizens (according to different witnesses) stood guard at
the Addis Pharmaceutical Factory in Adigrat when they were handcuffed and executed by
• On 25 November, Eritrean soldiers shot 8 civilians inside their houses in the town of Hawzen.
• On 30 November, Eritrean troops killed 80 to more than 150 people (sources vary) in the
Church compound of Maryam Dengelat, situated in the mountains 5 kilometres to SW of
• Staff of Dashen Brewery in Gondar informed us that their Branch Manager in Adigrat, ayte
Isayas Asgedom, was also murdered that day at Maryam Dengelat, together with his family;
• Around 2 – 12 December, 24 men in the village of Abraha Atsbaha were ordered by Eritrean
troops to dig graves for fallen soldiers. When the men had finished, they were executed by
• Around 1 – 14 December, 13 boys aged 12 – 15 years old from the village of Tokot near
Idaga Hamus were ordered by Eritrean troops to load looted materials onto a truck. When
they had finished, the 13 boys were shot dead by the Eritrean soldiers.
• Around 12 – 14 December, Eritrean troops looted the Negash mosque, the most ancient
centre of Islam outside Arabia, which has also been shelled. 81 (mostly Orthodox Christian)
villagers were killed while trying to protect the holy site from looting;
• Wukro has been heavily damaged mainly by organised looting, including St Mary College and
the Catholic mission; the Sheba Leather Factory has been destroyed and local youth who
were protecting the place were killed in large numbers; and
• Around 17 – 20 December, 750 inhabitants of the town of Aksum were killed by Eritrean
troops when they tried to prevent them from looting the Maryam Tsion Church, which is
believed to contain the Ark of the Covenant and therefore of tremendous importance in
Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.
Eyewitnesses also confirmed that Eritrean troops looted Adigrat hospital, Wukro hospital, Adigrat
University, Adigrat Polytechnical College, and many factories. In several instances, photographs have
been published, of which the location is easy to ascertain. More photos will for sure emerge, when
internet connection is restored in the area.
Information informally obtained from a group of PP leaders
who visited Adigrat, confirms many of
these eyewitness reports.
PP official Abraham Belay originates from Adigrat. Eyewitnesses report
that Abraham’s mother has forbidden him to come to the family house, or even to visit her
neighbourhood, because he made public announcements that Adigrat Pharmaceutical Factory and
Adigrat University had been looted and destroyed by TDF (Tigray Defence Forces) rather than by
Adigrat University is in such a dire situation that the students have been formally noticed on 30
December that they are transferred to Mekelle University.
Eritrean soldiers use buildings at Adigrat
University campus as military barracks.
In the nearby town Inticho, Eritrean soldiers are also present. There has been a lot of looting but it
now seems that "Eritrean soldiers have received the order not to mistreat civilians". We do not know
to what extent our informant was told what he wanted to hear since most of his relatives are in that
place. There is not much food left in towns closer to the border, such as Inticho indeed. In those
places, bulky goods and livestock have also been taken to nearby Eritrea.
Regarding the massacres and atrocities committed, some of the information available has already
been transmitted to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (including mentioning of sources).
This can lead to on-site investigations by international observers, if a decision to mandate
investigation were to be taken by the Human Rights Council. There is a high risk of genocide.
3. Mekelle and Mekelle University
Mekelle serves as window dressing for the Ethiopian government, trying to convince its own public
opinion that the situation is under control. Besides some border areas, Mekelle is the only place in
Tigray where telephone communications are possible, yet no internet. Banks have started working,
at first only to deposit money. Different reasons are given for this: fuel stations only want to operate
if they can deposit their cash regularly in the bank, for fear of looting and/or Ethiopian soldiers who
have stolen cash in their pocket and want to deposit that on their bank account. Since early 2021, it
is also possible to withdraw money in limited amounts.
In its 2nd January daily update, EEPA
reports that Mekelle University (MU) remains the only
functional university in Tigray, out of four. MU tries to get organised with a focus on the Ayder
referral hospital. Most colleagues could confirm that their direct counterparts at MU are OK, as well
as current and former MU presidents.
Two MU lecturers have agreed to be part of the Transitional Tigray administration, appointed by PM
Lt. Col. Abiy Ahmed. One of them, Dr. Fasika Amdesellasie is now the Tigray region interim health
bureau head, and in contrast to the stale language that is often used in communiqués of the Interim
Dr. Fasika admitted civilian deaths in the battle to capture Mekelle and also said
that Wukro and Adigrat hospitals were completely looted and empty.
The other, Mekelle’s
appointed mayor Atakilti Hailesillasie admitted the presence of Eritrean troops on TV and asked their
withdrawal from Tigray.
The new administration tries to organise townhall meetings, but audience
is not dense, and part of the discussions is held in Amharic rather than the local Tigrinya language.
Participants complain that questions on current problems, such as the looting, are not answered by
the “transitional” administration.
In the days around 5 January, a Mekelle University delegation was at the Ministry of Education in
Addis, negotiating their future. The delegation comprises among others the president and
international relations head. Discussions are about functioning of the university, the take-over of
Adigrat University staff and students, and future international partnerships.
MU scholars who are currently abroad mention that several of their colleagues in Mekelle have been
intimidated by PP leaders to take up administrative positions – the TPLF communications bureau
indicated that action will be taken against these PP cadres.
On 4 January, informants in Mekelle said that the ENDF are retreating from all sides towards
Mekelle, they are losing battles against the TDF. On 3 January, shelling was heard at Ala’isa, some 25
km west of Mekelle. The EEPA newsletter reported a revolt on 3 January in the ENDF in Mekelle –
soldiers said that they were there to patrol the city, but were not ready to go and risk their lives in
the mountains fighting the TDF.
Surviving in Mekelle is very difficult, especially for the poor: one needs to be able to get (a very small
amount) of cash from the bank, and then to find food. Informally, there is a lot of solidarity among
the town’s inhabitants. Also in Mekelle, students and other youngsters are staying in their house
because they are afraid for the army who would capture young men, to incorporate them forcefully
in the ENDF to fight against Sudan. Women and girls, in turn, are afraid to be raped, and many go to
hospitals trying to obtain emergency contraception pills.
Rumours in Mekelle or at least wishful thinking is that ENDF is regrouping near the town in order to
prepare a retreat.
4. Example of a rural town: Hagere Selam
In my adoptive town Hagere Selam (55 km west of Mekelle), the big killing (around 60 civilians) and
looting took place on 4 and 5 December. The Eritrean army looted the town for two days. Just like
anybody’s house, mine was also looted: they took not only the fridge and the bed, but really
everything, including clothes, plastic basins, etc. People now self-organise, particularly to protect
their neighbourhood area. All shops are closed. There is a small Saturday market. People have only
two meals per day, one at 10 AM and one at 5 PM. Since 5 December, there is no formal
administration in the town: previous administrators do not want to work with the Transitional
government, and new administrators have not been appointed. People go on foot to Mekelle to
check on the whereabouts of their family, what is also the occasion for telephone calls.
Another friend called on 5 January from the surroundings of Hagere Selam. They climbed to a
mountain to get network. They are very afraid because there is again fighting near Hagere Selam,
between TDF and the Ethiopian army (ENDF). They are afraid for themselves because the ENDF may
take revenge on civilians if they lose a battle.
In the nearby village of Addi Qoylo, on 14 December, 30 men (including 8 priests) were executed by
Eritrean troops, after such a lost battle. Among the yet very partial lists of victims, published on the
Marthe Wens (KULeuven, now VU Amsterdam) recognised ayte Hailu Zenebe,
one of the key informants in her MSc research,
back in 2015.
We cannot enumerate every town of Tigray, but stories are likely to be very similar in other areas
5. Harvesting time
Many of the initiators of the humanitarian appeal have been involved in agriculture-related research
in Tigray, and the current war is really a drawback for all the developments that had taken place in
the last decades. Just now, a book chapter was published by Mekelle University president Prof.
Fetien Abay about participatory research for food innovation by women in Tigray
– written before
the war started, obviously…
Now, it is harvesting time in Tigray and the harvest will determine the food situation, in normal
conditions one could say “for the coming year”, in 2020-2021 we are talking about the coming
months or weeks only… First there was COVID, then locust swarms, then disruptions and
destructions due to war, including burning and stealing of crops.
I telephoned to a few people around Mekelle and in brief this is how the harvest looks like: farmers
who live away from the road are working on their land, they are confident that the army will not
come. That means that these days they can harvest and thresh what remains from their crop.
Around Hagere Selam for instance the locust swarms were destroyed, just in the days before the war
started, but there is still damage. Locally, crops have also been burnt, at places where military
battles took place.
The situation for the harvest looks worst (1) in South Tigray because of very strong damage by
locusts; (2) in Western Tigray, there are Amhara and Eritrean soldiers all over the place, nobody is
harvesting their crop; (3) in places along the main roads. Overall, people have harvested early,
before the locusts could eat their crop – the ears
were not totally filled though. The harvested crop
has then been put rapidly in heaps, for later threshing. Along the roads such harvest heaps have
often been burnt by military, according to scattered reports we got. These weeks, especially in the
areas out of reach for the military, farmers are threshing their crops.
FAO already warns that extensive breeding has given rise to a new generation of locusts in the Horn
The Transitional Tigray government mentions that there are approximately 2.2 million internally
displaced persons, and 4.2 million people would need humanitarian aid (70% of the population). A
new Famine Early Warning Systems (FEWS) report for Ethiopia has been published on 31
As we feared from the onset of this civil war, large parts of Tigray have now come
under “Emergency” status. For December and January, the gravity of the condition might be
underestimated in West Tigray (where farmers are afraid to go to their land for harvesting) and
southern Tigray (locust damage). International aid workers who visited Shire in Northwest Tigray use
the word “famine” (off-the-record). Reliefweb also indicates that there are more than 2.2 million
affected people in Tigray alone.
Such assessments build upon the knowledge of antecedent rainfall,
as well as vegetation status
throughout the year (GIS analysis), combined with information on locusts, and the more difficult
part, related to the war: the large number of internally displaced people, economic breakdown, and
difficulties of access. We are setting up a technical group to work on this.
According to diplomatic sources, the political climate in Ethiopia has become bad enough that any
international organisation that reports conditions that do not fit with the official government “Fact
check” is rapidly declared 'persona non grata' and expelled from the country. According to the same
sources, the UN Resident Coordinator has also been threatened with expulsion.
Even with suboptimal data, the main issue for humanitarian actors regarding Tigray is to get
humanitarian access to all areas of the Tigray region. It is a crime to starve civilians deliberately by
shutting down electricity, water, road transport, banking services, food distribution; and denying
access to humanitarian services for over 65 days.
6. Military situation
According to our information through telephone calls (essentially with Mekelle and Addis Ababa)
and EEPA reports, the Ethiopian army (with its Amhara and Eritrean allies) controls most of the
major roads and towns in Tigray, as well as Western Tigray and the southern Raya plain; the TDF
control large rural parts and smaller towns and are able to ambush military convoys along the main
The TDF try to close the roads out of Tigray for Ethiopian and Eritrean military convoys. Civilian
travel is also frequently interrupted. Over the last week, fighting took place near Maychew,
Samre, Wukro-Agula’i-May Makden-Mesebo, Adwa-Ahferom-Nebelet, northwest of Inticho and
Selekleka. The TDF claim that in such a way they want to prevent the loots being transported out of
Tigray. One informant stated that “in Selekleka, Eritrean troops tried to leave while TDF asking them
to disarm before they can do so, .... then fighting continued after which Eritrean troops burned the
heaped harvest as a revenge... and went back.” Northbound military convoys were even blocked in
Ahsea and Ziban Guyla; two places near the Eritrean border without bridge across the Mereb River
on the border. It looks like the Eritrean soldiers are a bit desperate how to escape with their loots.
7. Multiple war fronts for the Ethiopian army
In addition to the war with Tigray, and the longstanding conflict in Somalia, the ENDF has become
involved in several other recent conflicts; analysts mention increased risks of break-up of the
• A border war with Sudan – it is about an area of about 4000 km², located between the
Ethio-Sudanese border and the Atbara river;
• A war against the indigenous Gumuz insurgents in western Ethiopia;
• Confrontations between Afar and Somali.
• Effects on Somalia, after withdrawal of Ethiopian troops.
In extremely diplomatic terms, the council of the European Union has again expressed its concerns
about the humanitarian situation in Tigray.
Individual countries (Ireland, Belgium, Sweden, …)
mobilised funds and have insisted that humanitarians should be granted access to all parts of Tigray,
and the direct EU contributions to the Ethiopian budget have been cut by 90 million euros.
Nevertheless, trade relations tend to continue unabatedly, and Ethiopian Airlines is not challenged
by any destination airport for its ethnic profiling.
We could not do an exhaustive survey of all EU countries, but let’s look at France’s stand. The
Twitter account of France’s embassy is eloquent:
there is almost nothing about the civil war,
human rights concerns come in line with the Ethiopian government’s bias, and right on 30
December, there was a meeting at the Embassy with the Special Economic Advisor to the PM on
multilateral and bilateral economic issues.
French companies aim at military contracts with Ethiopia. In France, there is no transparency at all
about arms deals, even the parliament is not informed.
France hopes to get big contracts when
Ethiopia will buy boats for its soon-to-come navy.
By the end of 2019, Peace Nobel Prize holder
Abiy Ahmed had already sent a long shopping list to the French President: Rafale airplanes,
helicopters, and even nuclear missiles.
We noted also a German military cooperation visit to Ethiopia, mid-November 2020.
The international diplomatic community disagrees on the approach to be followed to get the
humanitarian aid into Tigray. Cutting financial assistance to Ethiopia as the EU partly did, or smooth
diplomacy? Force the situation in Ethiopia again to the UN Security Council and the UN Human
Rights Council in Geneva? Personally, I am afraid that a horrific genocide on the Tigray people will
emerge, once the region will be uncovered to the world. And for the umpteenth time an easy “Wir
haben es nicht gewusst” will be pronounced…
Tweet by the Foreign Affairs Representative of the EU Josep Borrell on 9 January:
Deputy Prime Minister of Ethiopia Demeke Mekonnen and conveyed the EU’s alarm over the
situation in Tigray. Full and unrestricted humanitarian access must be granted. This is not an EU
demand - this is international law.”
9. Destruction of Tigray’s small industrial base
For the future, to put a strain on development in Tigray, large efforts have been done to destroy the
small industrial base that had been constructed over the last 30 years. Factories, public and private
alike have been bombed and looted. The Almeda textile factory in Adwa was torched several times
after the area became controlled by the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies.
Formally, the EFFORT
consortium, originally in the hands of TPLF, but recently transferred to the Tigray region, has been
confiscated by the Ethiopian government.
Numerous lorries, belonging to the Tigray companies “Sur Construction” and “Trans Ethiopia” have
been confiscated in Mekelle and driven to Amhara Region through Soqota. 178 large lorries
belonging to “Trans Ethiopia”, and that were present in Djibouti for loading goods, have been
handed over by Djibouti authorities to the Ethiopian government. The drivers were not willing to
cooperate, claiming that these vehicles belong to the people of Tigray.
According to diplomatic
sources, the drivers had to hand over their keys and then received asylum in Djibouti.
The Wukro marble factory, Goda glass factory, and the Shire oil factory were looted and destroyed;
The “Sur Construction” site in Indabaguna was burnt down.
Whereas the transfer of factories from Tigray to Eritrea sounds like appropriation by a “pariah”
the reasons invoked by the Ethiopian government for the confiscation of EFFORT are its’
inefficiency and corruption. Let it be precisely for such reasons that the assets had been transferred
to the Tigray government about a year ago.
The alienation of EFFORT and the destruction of the industrial base, a Tigrayan regional pride and
source for many employments, will further estrange Tigray’s urban youth from Abiy’s political
10. Human Development Index 2020
Despite whatever drawbacks that have occurred, since 1991, Ethiopia’s Human Development Index
had increased tremendously by 2019, with the strongest rise in the years 2000-2014. The rise was
strong for all indicators: life expectancy, education, and income.
One would expect from politicians
to build upon that, rather than warring.
11. Social media campaigns against humanitary action…
Colleagues calling for humanitarian aid to Tigray have received lengthy emails, that follow standard
templates, expending most of the words on explaining the background to and reasons for the
military intervention in Tigray. However, that was not what our appeal was about. Our appeal is
about ceasefire and humanitarian access. Daily news about this disaster makes such letters less
relevant and our appeal more relevant. There are also unworthy social media campaigns, not linked
with the real content of our appeal, often backed up by government officials.
And, being outside Ethiopia, the smear campaign remains a relatively luxury problem. When
Tigrayan colleagues in Addis Ababa or in Amhara region were fired from their job, intimidated and
imprisoned, cynically enough some of their neighbours and colleagues readily engaged to harm
them more through comments on social media, presenting unfounded accusations about possessing
explosives and millions. The aggressivity is widespread; I got direct information with full details
about such smearing campaigns from two different victims, independently, after their release from
I would like to thank the many eyewitnesses who shared information from the field, as well as
several internal reviewers. Information provided is correct to the best of our knowledge.
Appeal launched early November 2020 by 11 international professors; 2832 signatories on 31.12.2020. The
list of signatories can be consulted at:
See section 3.
AFP, 6/1/2013. Ethiopian general admits Eritrean troops entered Tigray; BBC, 28 December 2020: Tigray
crisis: Eritrea's role in Ethiopian conflict
Addis Standard, 8/1/2021: Joint gov’t-inter-agencies’ assessment report in Tigray reveals dire humanitarian
situation, massive damage, vandalization of public health centers
National Catholic Reporter, 31/12/2020: Aid agencies largely cut off from Ethiopia's war-torn Tigray region
Human Rights Watch, 23/12/2020. Interview Laetitia Bader: Uncovering Crimes Committed in Ethiopia’s
Tigray Region; VICE, 24/12/2020: 'He's Planning to Exterminate Us All': Ethiopians Speak of Ethnic Massacres
Washington Post, 1/1/2021: ‘Everything’s already been said, but since nobody was listening, we have to start
again’: Tragic photos of Ethiopians fleeing to Sudan; New York Times, 28/12/2020: Refugees Come Under Fire
as Old Foes Fight in Concert in Ethiopia.
The Guardian, 21/12/2020. 'Slaughtered like chickens': Eritrea heavily involved in Tigray conflict, say
The key report has been published with English subtitles; the full reports are in Dutch on the VRT website.
Seemingly, the visit to Shire was not planned beforehand, but at the main Tekeze bridge the commander was
absent and soldiers let the VRT crew pass… It may be necessary to install an add-on on your browser for
automatic translation of webpages.
Der Spiegel, 22/12/2020. »Ich werde in die Berge gehen und mich den Kämpfern anschließen«
UNHR Office of the High Commissioner, 22/12/2020. Provide unhindered access to whole of Tigray to
protect civilians, Bachelet urges Ethiopia
Warrington Guardian, 24/12/2020. Concerns over missing bishop in Ethiopia with links to Warrington
This is even admitted by an Ethiopian general and shamelessly broadcasted on national TV:
In Tigrinya, ኣይተ (ayte) is the commonly used honorific for men.
Prosperity Party, led by PM Lt. Col. Abiy Ahmed; a follow-up party of the EPRDF.
Rob Curran: We cannot allow Ethiopia to become this generation’s Rwanda
Europe External Programme with Africa: Situation reports.
ENA, 31/12/2020. Relief and Emergency Activities Going Well in Tigray: Interim Administration CEO.
Addis Standard, 25/12/2020. Tigray region interim health bureau head admits civilian deaths in battle to
capture Mekelle, looting of hospitals and university
Tghat Blog, 3/1/2021. Acting Mayor of Mekelle Concedes Presence of Eritrean Troops in Tigray
Statement from the National Government of Tigray Regional State, 31/12/2020.
Lists of civilian victims, compiled from different sources: https://www.tghat.com/victim-list/ and
In memoriam Hailu Zenebe
Wens, M., 2016. Evaluation of the costs and benefits of soil and water conservation techniques in the
Northern Ethiopian Highlands (MSc dissertation, KULeuven and VU Brussel).
Fetien Abay Abera, 2021. Women Farmer-Breeder Partnerships in Plant Breeding, Seed, and Food
Innovations: Experiences from Tigray, Northern Ethiopia. In: Hamrita T. (eds) Women in Precision Agriculture.
Women in Engineering and Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49244-1_7
The grain-bearing tip part of the stem of a cereal plant
Reuters, 17/12/2020. A new wave of locusts swarms in the Horn of Africa.
FEWS NET, 31/12/2020. Ethiopia Food Security Outlook Update.
Namhla Matshanda: War in Tigray: The battle for what constitutes the ‘Ethiopian nation’; René Lefort: Mind
over matter: Abiy Ahmed’s aim to “Pentecostalize Ethiopian politics”; Foreign Policy Editors: Is Ethiopia the
BBC, 3/1/2021. Viewpoint Alex De Waal: Why Ethiopia and Sudan have fallen out over al-Fashaga
Foreign Policy, 6/1/2021. All Is Not Quiet on Ethiopia’s Western Front; Tsegaye Birhanu: The murky politics
behind the Metekel massacres.
Ethiopia: Declaration by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union (25 December 2020)
The Daily Telegraph, 4/12/2020: Ethiopia Airlines accused of ethnic profiling over civil war with Tigray.
Mediapart, 7/12/2020. Ventes d’armes: l’exécutif déclare secrètement la guerre au Parlement
Modern Diplomacy, 10/7/2020. Ethiopian Naval Ambitions
Le Point, 18/11/2019. La France va-t-elle armer le Prix Nobel de la paix ?
Fana BC, 12/11/2020. Ethiopia, Germany vow to strengthen military cooperation
Proven by satellite imagery analysis: https://twitter.com/FIRIS_FireAlert/status/1338023118158196737
Morad News, 31/12/2020. https://twitter.com/MoradNews/status/1344730397901545479
Michael Woldemariam, 2018. "The Making of an African “Pariah”: Eritrea in the International System." In:
Postliberation Eritrea. Indiana University Press.
Human Development Report 2020, Table 2.
Kjetil Tronvoll wrote about these unfounded accusations in the Awash Post.