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E
lectronic Government, Vol. 17, No. 2, 2021 183
Copyright © 2021 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.
Mobile applications in local government
Azi Lev-On* and Hananel Rosenberg
School of Communication,
Ariel University, Israel
Email: azilevon@gmail.com
Email: hananelro@gmail.com
*Corresponding author
Abstract: The study explores the state of penetration and usage of municipal
smartphone applications in Israel – an internet-savvy country. We explore the
extent of penetration of the applications, analyse the profiles of adopting and
non-adopting municipalities, classify the apps’ common features, and analyse
the motivations for developing them, and perceived challenges and drawbacks
of using them. The findings demonstrate that the adoption rate of municipal
apps in Israel is 42.7%, in the advanced stage of the new technology adoption
curve. Significant correlations were found between the size of a municipality,
its geographical location, residents’ education, socio-economic status, and the
adoption of mobile applications by the municipality.
Keywords: e-government; mobile telephony; smartphones; M-government;
municipal
Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Lev-On, A. and
Rosenberg, H. (2021) ‘Mobile applications in local government’, Electronic
Government, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp.183–198.
Biographical notes: Azi Lev-On is a faculty member in the School of
Communication in the Ariel University. His research focuses on the social and
political uses and perceived effects of social media, including public
participation and deliberation online, online communities, collective action and
campaigns, and behaviours in computer-mediated environments, employing a
variety of methods such as content analysis, interviews and laboratory
experiments.
Hananel Rosenberg is a Senior Lecturer at the School of Communication at the
Ariel University. His main research interests are the psychology and sociology
of mobile phone usage and media usage among religious groups.
1 Introduction: mobile phones and ‘mobile potential’
Already with its first appearance, the mobile phone was perceived as a medium with
unprecedented potential to enhance communication between users (Vries, 2005) due to its
mobility, its incessant presence on users’ bodies, and its personal character (the three P’s:
‘portable, personal, prosthetic’: Ito, 2005a; Axelsson, 2010; Rosenberg, 2019). It almost
completely eliminated the physical constraint of access to a regularly available fixed
terminal – a constraint that has defined the character of most traditional media, and
specifically digital media (Fortunati, 2002).
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The extreme availability potential of the mobile phone creates an experience of
constant connectedness (Middleton, 2013; Oulasvirta et al., 2012; Rosenberg, 2018), and
establishes a variety of use contexts often characterised by fragmented consumption,
which occurs concurrently with other activities as well as in ‘in-between times’, such as
during travel (Ito, 2005b; Vorbau et al., 2007; Oulasvirta et al., 2012; Axelsson, 2010;
Rosenberg, 2019).
At another level, the mobile phone functions as a unique tool for personal expression
and a status symbol, as part of strategies of self-management, social visibility, and status
acquisition (Katz, 2003). This is expressed, among other things, in the choice of the type
of the device, its external design, the selection and design of the user interface, the
selective retention and presentation of images and personal text messages, the choice of
ringtones and daily usage practices (May and Hearn, 2005; Campbell, 2006; Chung and
Park, 2015).
The diffusion rate of mobile phones was much faster than that of previously
introduced media, such as the telephone and the internet (Cohen et al., 2008). According
to current reports, at the end of 2018, there were more then 8 billion mobile subscribers
worldwide (Murphy, 2019), where many of the countries that lead adoption statistics are
considered ‘developing countries’ (Poushter, 2016). At the same time, there was a sharp
increase in the penetration rate of smartphones: in the US for instant, approximately 85%
of mobile phones owners use a smartphones device (Pew Research Center, 2019).
The ‘mobile potential’ has not escaped the notice of government agencies and
organisations (Hung et al., 2013; Ohme, 2014). The unprecedented rate of diffusion of
smartphones, their extreme accessibility and convenient interactive interface, attract
governments and organisations to take advantage of the medium as an effective
communication channel. Commercial companies as well as public agencies develop their
own mobile apps or make use of existing mobile platforms, such as online social
networks, mobile messaging software (MIM) and location-based services such as
navigation software (Bart et al., 2014).
There is, however, little academic research on the usage of mobile platforms by local
governments, which is surprising in light of the significant penetration of these
applications. The paper offers a first multi-method view of the use of mobile apps by
local governments.
Israel is the ultimate place to function as a study arena of phenomena in the
intersection between new media and government. Recent studies show that Israel leads
the world with the second-highest rate of cellphone adoption, both old (‘dumb’) phones
and smartphones. 88% of the population owns a smartphone while another 10% own at
least a ‘dumbphone’ (Taylor and Silver, 2019). Israel stands out not only for its
remarkable degree of ownership but also for its rapid rate of diffusion of the technology.
Israel was the first country in the world where the number of telephones sold overtook
the size of the population (Kornstein, 2015).
Israelis also lead in their use of cellular applications. In surveys that were taken in
2012 and 2013, it was found that Israelis lead the world in the time they spend on
applications and in the development time for new applications (Raveh, 2012; Auerbach,
2013). Current data show that 47% of cellular users in Israel use applications for more
than three hours a day while 35% use them for between one and two hours. 97% of
smartphone users routinely use social applications, of them 20% for over three hours
daily, and 82% make routine use of various financial applications (Telecom News, 2018).
Over 30% of users download at least one new application a month. Other studies show
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that the majority of daily internet surfing by Israelis is performed via smartphone
applications (44%), a minority with a computer (34%) and a negligible amount through
tablet applications (Auslander, 2017).
Regarding privacy considerations, it was found that 17% of Israeli users allow for
automatic access to all location services of their cellphone, with 72% make selective use
of the option and 11% blocking access entirely. Even though 78% respond that they fear
that the data collected by developers could threaten them and their privacy, 53% of the
subjects relate that they install applications without initially checking them (Telecom
News, 2018).
Nonetheless, specific population groups in Israel exhibit mobile phone adoption and
usage patterns that are significantly different from the rest of the population. For
example, the Haredi (ultra-orthodox) community that accounts for 10% of the total
population openly opposes the use of smartphones (Rosenbreg and Rashi, 2015;
Rosenberg et al., 2019).
2 E-government adoption and usage patterns: websites, social media and
mobile platforms
The adoption and usage of e-government is consistent with models developed in recent
decades to explain the adoption of new technologies by organisations. The model widely
used to explain the use of new technology, and has been extended to include the internet
and social networking, is technology acceptance model (TAM) (Davis, 1989; Davis et al.,
1989). In the original TAM model, willingness to use a new technology is a function of
two components:
a Perceived usefulness – The degree to which people believe that a certain technology
can improve their job performance.
b Perceived ease-of-use – The degree to which people believe that use of a certain
technology requires little effort.
As digital technology continues to develop, national and municipal governments are
increasingly taking advantage of the multiple available communication channels. While
most studies focus on the national level, including the performance of e-government sites,
political party websites and websites of large public organisations, few studies have
focused on local governments (Medaglia, 2012), despite the fact that the study of online
interactions between citizens and local governments is quite important, for several
reasons. For example, the issues decided at the municipal level (such as education,
welfare and transportation) have a direct impact on the daily lives of the residents, and
the relatively small size of the public sphere at the local level, compared with the national
level, allowing more intense engagement in the administration process (Shkabatur, 2010;
Bertot et al., 2012). Furthermore, studies have found a correlation between local
government website usage and citizens’ confidence in the local authority (Tolbert and
Mossberger, 2006).
Indeed, over the past decade, the increasing development and sophistication of
e-government has been reflected in the number of platforms that municipalities make use
of, which include websites, social media, and more recently, mobile applications (Mergel,
2013). In the first ‘wave’, governments used websites to communicate with citizens the
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second ‘wave’ involved social media arenas. Compared to e-government websites that
tend to be information-oriented and offer limited interactive options (Norris and Reddick,
2013), social media arenas are fundamentally interactive and encourage two-way
communications. Unlike websites that typically require special effort on the part of users
to reach, local government social media pages may be significantly more accessible and
integrated into users' browsing experience.
In practice, municipalities hesitate to take advantage of the bi-directional potential of
social media, for fear that their interactive character will allow users to use profanity, or
upload contents that are critical of the local government, or generate negative publicity
(Lev-On, 2011; Lev-On and Steinfeld, 2015). Hence, municipalities tend to use social
media ‘hesitantly’, to post static information and make secondary use of information
posted on their municipal websites and other media (Lovari and Parisi, 2012; Perlman,
2012; Graham and Avery, 2013; Oliveira and Welch, 2013). Studies also show that
residents sparesly upload content to municipal websites and Facebook pages (Magnusson
et al., 2012; Graham and Avery, 2013; Hofmann et al., 2013; Lev-On and Steinfeld,
2015; Steinfeld and Lev-On, 2015), although the scope and diversity of Facebook use at
the municipal level has grown in recent years (Mossberger, 2013). The ‘third wave’ of
e-government is M-government, i.e., government-offered mobile services, are an
extension of web-based and social-media platforms in the public sector (Amailef and Lu,
2008). The unique features of the mobile phone, namely its mobility, extreme availability
and interactive interface (Ito, 2005a; Vries, 2005) promise added value to the
communications between citizens and public authorities. These applications are able to
‘push’ information that reaches users whenever and wherever they are and provide
location-based services; they also allow users to easily upload information from
anywhere. Nonetheless, studies that offer models of adoption of mobile phones as
communication platforms between government agencies and citizens indicate that
willingness to use this channel is affected by the channel’s perceived usefulness and ease
of use compared to its potential risks, based on users’ perceptions (Hung et al., 2013;
Ohme, 2014).
Local governments’ adoption of e-government platforms, and specifically of social
media platforms, is not uniform. Studies demonstrate that population size is the most
significant factor that correlates with social media presence and activity. Heavily
populated municipalities are much more active on their municipal websites and Facebook
pages, compared to smaller municipalities (Wohlers, 2009; Garrett and Jensen, 2011;
Norris and Reddick, 2013; Lev-On and Steinfeld, 2015). Other variables that affect usage
patterns include geographical location (in the state’s centre/periphery; Wohlers, 2009;
Norris and Reddick, 2013) and demographic and socio-economic factors such as the local
population’s income and education (Reddick and Norris, 2013; Lev-On and Steinfeld,
2015).
In Israel, municipalities have a legal obligation to operate websites that provide
information to the public on issues that under the municipalities’ responsibility. Indeed,
among the 75 Israeli municipalities, on which the current study focuses, 95% maintain a
municipal website. At the same time, the number of municipalities that maintain a social
media account, specifically Facebook, is on the rise, although this practice is not
mandated by law. Lev-On and Steinfeld (2015) found that out of 75 municipalities in
Israel, 43 (58.1%) maintained an official Facebook page in 2013. Municipalities with no
Facebook presence are mostly ultra-Orthodox and Arab municipalities, where the use of
social media is modest compared to the remainder of Israel.
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3 Research questions and hypotheses
This exploratory study focuses on mobile applications used by local governments, the
profiles of adopting and non-adopting local governments, the motives and challenges that
underlie the development of these mobile applications, and the dominant features
available on these applications. Our research questions are:
RQ1 What is the extent of penetration of municipal mobile applications in Israel?
H1 The rate of penetration of mobile applications of municipalities will be lower than
the penetration rate of websites, and will be similar to the small rate of penetration
of social media used by municipalities (Lev-On and Steinfeld, 2015), because
mobile apps came into use relatively late, in the ‘third wave’ of e-government,
after websites and social media had already been adopted into use for a similar
purpose.
RQ2 Which variables explain the differences between the adopting and non-adopting
municipalities?
H2 Adoption of mobile application by municipalities will depend on various
demographic and socio-economic factors. The following hypotheses were
formulated on the basis of previous studies on communication technology
adoption by local authorities:
H2.1 Municipalities with a mobile application have significantly larger
populations than municipalities lacking a mobile application (Wohlers,
2009; Garrett and Jensen, 2011; Norris and Reddick, 2013; Lev-On and
Steinfeld, 2015).
H2.2 Municipalities with a mobile application are more centrally located than
municipalities that lack a mobile application (Wohlers, 2009; Norris and
Reddick, 2013; Lev-On and Steinfeld, 2015).
H2.3 Municipalities with a mobile application belong to a higher
socio-economic stratum than municipalities lacking a mobile application
(Reddick and Norris, 2013; Lev-On and Steinfeld, 2015).
H2.4 Municipalities with a mobile application have populations that are more
educated than municipalities lacking a mobile application (Lev-On and
Steinfeld, 2015; Reddick and Norris, 2013).
H2.5 Municipalities with predominantly Arab residents will have significantly
lower penetration rate of municipal applications, based on previous
research in Israel that found that Arab sector local governments are later
adopters of communication technologies compared to Jewish sector local
governments in Israel (Lev-On, 2013; Lissitsa and Lev-On, 2014; Lev-on
and Steinfield, 2015).
H2.6 Municipalities with predominantly Haredi (ultra-orthodox) populations
will have significantly lower penetration rate of municipal applications
compared to other municipalities. This hypothesis is based on the
prohibition to use smartphones in the Haredi community, and on previous
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research in Israel that found that Haredi sector local governments are later
adopters of communication technologies compared to Jewish sector local
governments in Israel (Lev-on and Steinfield, 2015).
RQ3 What are the dominant features included on the municipal mobile apps?
H3 Applications will initially include functions related to the transmission of
information to residents. This hypothesis is based on previous studies that found
that municipalities’ main goal in communicating with resident is to convey
information and that municipalities are apprehensive about interaction with
residents (Scott, 2006; Garrett and Jensen, 2011; Norris and Reddick, 2013).
RQ4 What are the motives that underlie the development of the applications?
H4 Application will be developed primarily to improve communication with residents,
to convey information to residents, and to improve municipal services. This
hypothesis is based on previous studies that focused on the motivations underlying
the establishment of web-based platforms (Garrett and Jensen, 2011; Mossberger,
2013).
4 Method
To study the penetration and usage of mobile applications by municipalities, we employ a
combined quantitative and qualitative approach, i.e., multi-method approach (Fontana
and Frey, 2000). The study was conducted in three stages.
In the first stage, we created a list of municipal applications. For this purpose, a list of
all municipalities was obtained from Israel’s Interior Ministry. Then, three research
assistants searched for mobile applications using the Google search engine, Facebook
pages and municipal websites, in virtual app stores of Google and Apple, and if necessary
by contacting the cities’ spokespeople.
To examine the effect of municipalities’ demographic and socio-demographic status
on their adoption of mobile applications, relevant variables were collected from the
Central Bureau of Statistics: number of residents, the municipality’s socio-economic
cluster, education (measured by the percentage of 17–18 year olds who are eligible for a
Matriculation Certificate, which is the most relevant variable available that can be used as
a proxy), and peripherality.1 T-test were used to find the significance of differences
between municipalities with, and without, applications.
In the second stage, we analysed the content of municipality app features, based on
categories used in the literature (Lev-On, 2014).
In the third stage, semi-structured interviews were conducted with municipality
spokespersons who were in charge of maintaining the apps. After obtaining a list of
contact information for municipal spokespersons, 16 telephone interviews were
conducted with eight spokespersons randomly selected from adopting municipalities, and
eight spokespersons from non-adopting municipalities. In the interviews, spokespersons
responded to questions about the motives and considerations underlying the decision to
develop a municipal app, the specifications and design of the application; who were
involved in the development process (such as the mayor, the spokesperson’s office, etc.);
citizens’ involvement in the process; and the challenges and drawbacks of using this
communication channel in practice.
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The interviews were conducted by telephone due to the large geographic distribution
of the municipalities. The interviews were transcribed, and the textual contents were
coded manually and analysed using a thematic method. The average length of each
interview was ten minutes. Interviews were conducted by three research assistants trained
by the principal investigators, who also supervised the interview process.
5 Findings
The findings show that as of mid-2015, 32 of Israel’s 75 municipalities (42.7%) maintain
a mobile application (42.7%), supporting H1.
5.1 Variables predicting smartphone app usage
Several significant differences were found between adopting and non-adopting
municipalities.
a Population size
The average municipality population size in Israel is 79,000. The average population
size of adopting municipalities is 122,000 inhabitants, while the average population
size of non-adopting municipalities is 48,000 residents. The difference is significant
(t = 3, p < 0.01), supporting H2.1.
b Peripherality
The average peripheral index of adopting municipalities is 6.96, and 5.88 for
non-adopting municipalities. The difference is significant (t = 2.27, p < 0.05),
supporting H2.2.
c Socio-economic status
The average socio-economic cluster of adopting and non-adopting municipalities is
5.87 and 4.1, respectively. The difference is significant (t = 4.55, p < 0.01),
supporting H2.3.
d Education
The average education level of populations in adopting and non-adopting
municipalities is 65.58% and 59.5%, respectively. This difference is significant
(t = 2.09, p < 0.05), supporting H2.4.
e Sectoral population features
Findings show that the adoption rate of municipal apps in the Arab sector is
relatively low. Only 22% of the municipalities with a large Arab population (at least
one quarter of the population), maintain a mobile application. The remaining
municipalities with large Arab populations have no application at all, supporting
H2.5.
The situation is similar in the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) sector, where only 37% of the
cities that have a large concentration of ultra-Orthodox Jews maintain a municipal
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application. The remaining cities with a large or predominant Haredi population do not
maintain a mobile municipal application, confirming H2.6.
5.2 Analysis of smartphone app content
Next we conducted a content analysis of 30 municipal applications (of a total of 32
applications in our sample; two applications were eliminated from the analysis due to
technical issues). The applications were available for both Android and iOS-based
systems. Launch dates of the applications ranged from early 2013 to the date of the
current study. See Table 1 for a list of the features coded in the applications.
Table 1 Percentage frequency of features on municipality apps
Features Percentage frequency
Interactive features Call centre 96%
Contact us 40%
Personal area 36%
Payments 36%
My inquiries 33%
Distress signal 10%
Polls 6%
Share a ride/parking 6%
QR scan 3%
Static information Phonebook 76%
Events 60%
Link to Facebook 60%
Messages 56%
News/flashes/updates 53%
Link to website 53%
Map 33%
From the Mayor’s desk 30%
Sites around the city 23%
Link to social media 16%
Emergency numbers 13%
Business 13%
About the city 6%
Useful information 6%
Business hours 1%
Misc. Tools (settings, about, language) 33%
Search 1%
On average, municipal apps offer 8.13 features, with different apps offering a different
array of features. Some emphasise tourist attractions, while others provide a platform that
supports residents’ mutual assistance services such as shared transportation offers and
interactive bulletin boards. The most common features in municipal apps in Israel are
‘contact the call centre’ (available in 96% of applications), ‘phonebook’ (76%), ‘events’
(60%), ‘link to Facebook’ (60%), and municipal information (60 %). Municipal payment
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options (such as taxes and payment of fines) are available in only 36% of the
applications. This distribution of features seems to support H3, in thet the dominant
features are those related to the transmission of information to residents. See Figure 1 for
opening screens of several municipal apps.
Figure 1 Opening screens of several municipal apps (see online version for colours)
5.3 Motivations to develop municipal application
Interviewees mentioned several reasons underlying the decision to develop a municipal
application. First was the need for an additional channel of communications with
residents, alongside the municipality’s existing digital presence (in line with H4). At the
most basic level, interviewees explain the development of the mobile application as part
of the municipality’s efforts to improve the accessibility of the city’s services because
‘everyone uses a mobile phone these days’. In this respect, municipal applications were
developed as direct extensions of municipal websites and social media: “As soon as we
saw that more people were accessing the municipal website from their smartphone, the
lightbulb turned on. We needed to do something about that” (Interviewee 1).
Beyond extending the municipality’s existing communication channels with
residents, respondents also noted that the features of a mobile app support a new type of
interactive relationship between residents and the municipality, one that goes beyond
what websites allows in several respects:
• Information dissemination: Unlike a municipal website that allows users to ‘pull’
information of their choice, a mobile application supports ‘push’ technology. This
allows municipalities to send information to a user’s device, shifting control over
content dissemination from the user to the municipality. A mobile app’s push
technology makes it possible for a municipality to convey information to a very large
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number of residents, simply and economically (As one interviewee stated: “in one
click we can reach 2,500 people, even a little more”). Moreover, more sophisticated
applications also support targeted dissemination, where different information is sent
to different population segments (Interviewee 2: “The spokesperson’s office sends
messages on a variety of subjects, but the messages are sent according to topics of
interest pre-defined by residents. Each user defines a municipal profile for himself,
which is used to filter information according to street, age, gender, activities,
schools, interests, activities for children…”).
• Speed: Mobile technology allows municipalities to disseminate information more
rapidly compared to ordinary website use (Interviewee 3: “If, for example, a road is
closed because of construction work and such, or suddenly we decide to move the
Independence Day events from the town park to the city centre, the residents must be
informed. The app helps us convey our message quickly”).
• Portability and location-based data: The physical size and weight of mobile devices,
their portability, and their constant presence on the human body make it possible to
send and receive information based on a user’s specific location. The advantages of
this are stated by Interviewee 4
“If a person notices a hazard, he takes a picture of it and posts it. Within a few
seconds it reaches the 106 center… It is also possible to click on a button to add
the person’s GPS-based location. The attached image makes it much easier for
the municipality official who receives the information. If, for example, it is an
image of a broken bench in a park, a supervisor from the Construction
Department will view the photo and address the issue more effectively, and the
resident receives a mobile message later [that the issue has been handled].”
The combined use of multiple features of a municipal app – push technology used to
disseminate location-based information that residents receive in real-time, wherever
they are – is especially salient during emergencies. When an alarm is sounded (such
as an impending rocket attack), municipalities in the targeted areas use the municipal
applications to push real-time information to residents’ mobile devices, to help
residents find nearby shelters as quickly as possible. In some cases, the application
sends the alarm only to residents that are in the area of danger, based on the GPS
system in users’ mobile phones.
• Public invisibility: Like social media arenas, the mobile application allows direct
communications between residents and a municipality, but unlike them,
communications (including ‘problematic’ content such as negative reviews, curses
and slander) arrive directly to the municipality and are not visible to other municipal
app users. The fact that communications on municipal apps are not conducted in a
public arena that is visible to all users helps the municipality avoid the cost of open
public discourse on social media, where a negative comment can trigger similar
negative responses by others.
• Special populations: In some cases, mobile app development was also motivated by
a municipality’s wish to address the needs of challenged population groups. Due to
the portability of mobile devices, a municipal app is conveniently accessible by
people with mobile disabilities who may be challenged by other communication
channels. As Interviewee 5 stated:
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“In our municipality we took the issue of accessibility to heart, including the
accessibility of the municipality building, and its services… We also send
notices to people with disabilities, during routine times and in emergency
situations.”
• Municipal applications as a status symbol: Beyond the numerous practical motives
for developing a municipal app, some respondents also mentioned another important
motive: a municipal mobile app offers continuous opportunities to enhance a
municipality’s public image. The current climate of rapid technological development
allows- and, according to several interviewees, even requires – that municipalities
radiate an image of progress, and convey to residents that the municipality is
up-to-date and is not falling behind in its use of technology (Interviewee 6: “If an
organization cannot be found in the app store, this sends a message about the
organization and about its technological standards… If you’re not there, you don’t
exist”).
It is interesting to note that interviewees from municipalities that had not developed an
app yet expressed similar opinions regarding both the potential engagement that an app
offers, and its benefits for a municipality’s image, and they expressed a desire to develop
an application in the near future. In five of the eight interviews with representatives of
non-adopting municipalities, interviewees noted that their municipalities had decided to
develop an application, and in some cases had already initiated the process. The three
remaining interviewees noted that in their city, the municipal app development process
had encountered an objective obstacle, such as budgetary constraints.
Another aspect of a municipality app’s image-enhancing potential involves
municipality’s activities in the field of sustainability and environmental responsibility.
Two interviewees explained that the app is aligned with the image of a ‘green’ city that
they are trying to promote. Interviewee 7 stated:
“The app eliminates the need for the letters that are typically sent to your home
and people can pay through the app. The app addresses our need to be
environmentally responsible, and conveys the values that the municipality is
trying to promote…”
6 Discussion and conclusions
This study examined the extent of penetration of municipal applications, the profiles of
adopting and non-adopting municipalities, municipal application features, and the
motivations for developing them.
Findings demonstrate that the adoption rate of municipal apps in Israel (as of 2015) is
42.7%, indicating that the country’s municipalities are in the advanced stage of the new
technology adoption curve.
Our findings indeed correspond to the predictions of the technology acceptance
model, demonstrating that perceived usefulness and ease of use predict the type of
municipalities that adopt the new technology sooner and those who adopt later; and the
features that were developed and are in use.
To demonstrate, significant correlations between the size of a municipality, its
geographical location, residents’ education and socio-economic status, and its
development of a mobile application. Findings also show that ultra-Orthodox and Arab
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towns tended not to launch a municipal mobile application (apparently because of the
lack of usefulness of having an m-government app without having many citizens who
would use it).
These findings present a picture similar to that found in a study of websites of local
authorities (Lev-On and Steinfield, 2015), and municipalities that were early adopters of
websites are also early adopters of mobile applications. It is possible that the same
considerations underlying the early adoption of municipality websites and Facebook
pages also explain municipalities’ early adoption of municipal mobile applications. Based
on the insights from the interview, it seems that the perceived usefulness of having
m-government applications lead policy makers to decide to develop them, and include the
features they perceived as the most helpful, avoiding features that would produce
unnecessary problems; as municipality mobile apps inherently lack the social
communications features of Facebook, negative comments posted by users on a
municipality app are not visible to all users, as they are on Facebook, which reduces the
risks that such comments will trigger a barrage of criticism by other users.
Based on the interview and content analysis findings, three conclusions arise. First,
mobile applications are seen as an opportunity to expand communications with residents
by adding another communication platform to those already in use (telephone, websites
and social media). Local governments are using every opportunity and channel, including
a mobile app, to promote information transmission to residents. Indeed, the most popular
feature on mobile municipal apps is the contact feature, which is also available on
municipality websites and social media.
Second, municipality applications do not merely ‘reproduce’ the communications
potential available on websites and social media platforms. The unique features of mobile
technology offer municipalities an opportunity to send information with greater speed
and efficiency, and in a more targeted manner. Mobile technology gives such
organisations control over information dissemination (the ability to ‘push’ notifications
rather than wait passively for users to login to a website), and takes advantage of mobile
devices’ portability to offer new location-based services (such as targeted reports of
hazards in users’ immediate environment).
Third, mobile applications function are a means of enhancing municipalities’ public
image. Mobile apps are perceived as potential image enhancers on several levels: by
shaping the image of the municipality as ‘technology-developed’, and as ‘up-to-date’; by
strengthening the municipality’s image as a source of assistance for people with
disabilities who are challenged by access issues; and by highlighting a municipality’s
strategy for environmental responsibility and its image as an ‘eco-city’.
In this sense, a possible analogy exists between how municipal apps are perceived as
image-enhancers, and how the cellphone itself is used by adolescents (and sometimes
adults) as a tool for self-expression and for improving visibility, social status and prestige
(May and Hearn, 2005; Campbell, 2006; Chung and Park, 2015). It can thus be argued
that the existence of a municipal app also serves as a status symbol for the municipality.
This exploratory study offers a preliminary picture of the usage of mobile
applications in a country that is a world leader in internet and mobile use by individuals
and the public sector both. Future research should examine adoption rates and changes in
popular and unpopular features over a longer period, and compare the extent and
character of mobile municipal application use with the situation in other countries.
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obile applications in local governmen
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195
Acknowledgements
We appreciate the support of the institute for the study of new media, politics and society
in the School of Communication in Ariel University, and the assistance of Reut
Avrahami, Ayala Shoshani and Ortal Ben-Israel in collecting and analysing the data and
preparing the manuscript.
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Notes
1 All towns in Israel are grouped into ten socio-economic clusters, ranging from 1 (lowest
socio-economic status) to 10 (highest socio-economic status), using a measure developed by
the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). The CBS also developed the Peripherality Index, based
on the distance of each town or city from Tel Aviv, the country’s primary financial and
business centre. The Potential Access Index of towns is a function of population size and the
distance between a municipality and other municipalities.
