The long-term effects of digital literacy programs for disadvantaged populations: analyzing participants’ perceptions

Abstract

Purpose
This study aims to examine the long-term effects of an Israeli digital literacy government program for disadvantaged populations, as they are perceived by participants of the program one year after completing the course.

Design/methodology/approach
Participants in the program were interviewed about the effects of participating in the program, their experiences and satisfaction, in retrospect, a year after they completed the program.

Findings
The main reasons for joining the program included cognitive motivations, mainly interest to become familiar with internet applications, followed by employment aspiration. Positive benefits from participation included accumulated knowledge, confidence in using technology, empowerment and enhanced sense of self-efficacy. Interviewees also reported that as they could not practice or communicate with instructors once they completed the program, a significant portion of the accumulated gains faded.

Social implications
Social and practical implications: Digital technologies constitute key infrastructure to facilitate public participation, as well as for gaining social, political and economic capital. Therefore, there is a significant social value in reducing digital inequality by increasing digital literacy of disadvantaged populations, i.e. citizens with low socioeconomic status and low digital literacy. This study sheds light on the benefits gained from such programs, as perceived by past participants.

Originality/value
While previous studies evaluating digital literacy programs focus on specific technical improvements and short-term gains, this study investigates the long-term effects and shortcomings of the program as perceived by participants.

Full text

The long-term effects of digital
literacy programs for
disadvantaged populations:
analyzing participants’
perceptions
Azi Lev-On and Nili Steinfeld
Ariel University, Ariel, Israel
Hama Abu-Kishk
Sapir Academic College, D.N. Hof Ashkelon, Shderot, Israel, and
Sigal Pearl Naim
Max Stern Yezreel Academic College, Yezreel Valley, Israel
Abstract
Purpose –This study aims to examine the long-term effects of an Israeli digital literacy government
program for disadvantaged populations, as they are perceived by participants of the program one year after
completing the course.
Design/methodology/approach –Participants in the program were interviewed about the effects of
participating in the program, their experiences and satisfaction, in retrospect, a year after they completed the
program.
Findings –The main reasons for joining the program included cognitive motivations, mainly interest
to become familiar with internet applications, followed by employment aspiration. Positive benefits
from participation included accumulated knowledge, confidence in using technology, empowerment and
enhanced sense of self-efficacy. Interviewees also reported that as they could not practice or
communicate with instructors once they completed the program, a significant portion of the
accumulated gains faded.
Social implications –Social and practical implications: Digital technologies constitute key infrastructure
to facilitate public participation, as well as for gaining social, political and economic capital. Therefore, there
is a significant social value in reducing digital inequality by increasing digital literacy of disadvantaged
populations, i.e. citizens with low socioeconomic status and low digital literacy. This study sheds light on the
benefits gained from such programs, as perceived by past participants.
Originality/value –While previous studies evaluating digital literacy programs focus on specific
technical improvements and short-term gains, this study investigates the long-term effects and shortcomings
of the program as perceived by participants.
Keywords Interviews, Digital literacy, Media literacy, Digital divide (s), Digital inequality
Paper type Research paper
The study was supported by the Institute for the Study of New Media, Politics and Society at Ariel
University. The researchers thank Dr Esther Brainin, Tania Zilberstein, Itay Karkason, Naomi
Bitman, Sapir Bachar, Inbal Lax-Froind, Arava Rottman and Ariella Kagan for their help in research
and preparation of the manuscript.
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Received 15February 2020
Revised 5 April 2020
1 June 2020
15 September 2020
Accepted 23 September2020
Journal of Information,
Communication and Ethics in
Society
Vol. 19 No. 1, 2021
pp. 146-162
© Emerald Publishing Limited
1477-996X
DOI 10.1108/JICES-02-2020-0019
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
https://www.emerald.com/insight/1477-996X.htm

Introduction
Many aspects of our lives have migrated onto the internet. Digital inequality refers to
differences in access to and attitudes toward the internet, as well as to differences in user
capabilities and types of usage of the internet. These affect the ability of individuals and
groups to perform everyday functions online in a quick and efficient manner to make the
most of the internet according to their needs.
Digital inequality is a worldwide phenomenon that has been studied intensively in
recent decades. Governments now implement policies and programs to enable wide
access to digital tools and advance their uses, especially for disadvantaged populations,
groups and citizens with low digital skills. Such programs use a variety of methods,
from equipping private homes with internet connection devices, through user training
and guidance, to training teachers and parents.
Digital inequality and its predictive factors are the subject of much research. Still,
research that addresses the long-term effects of digital literacy programs barely exists. The
present study contributes to filling the void in the field of evaluation of digital inequality
programs, focusing on Lehava, the most extensive such government program in Israel.
Literature review
Digital inequality: a societal challenge
The study of digital inequality, originally described in the literature as “digital divide,”is
essential because of the multitude of contexts in which internet use can bring many
personal, economic, social and political benefits to users (Scheerder et al.,2017). Research
from the past two decades demonstrates that using the internet (and in the past decade
specifically online social media) can bring dramatic results in a variety of contexts,
including exposure to political information, social and political participation (Coleman and
Blumler, 2009;Jennings and Zeitner, 2003;Kang and Gearhart, 2010;Park and Perry, 2008;
Polat, 2005;Purdy, 2017;Smith et al., 2009) and social organization (Norris, 2001;Benkler,
2006). The internet is also essential in such contexts as employment (DiMaggio and
Bonikowsky, 2008), education (Aydin, 2012), economy and consumerism (Kaplan and
Haenlein, 2010;Madden and Rainie, 2003) and health (Eysenbach, 2003;Mesch et al., 2012;
Neter and Brainin, 2012). Online social media can contribute to creating and maintaining
social connections, provide information, emotional support and a sense of belonging (Ellison
et al.,2007;Hampton et al., 2011;Lev-On, 2012).
Hence, lack of access or usage capabilities may lead to the exclusion of groups and
individuals from multiple individual and social resources (van Dijk, 2005). Castells (2002)
perceives digital exclusion as multiple deprivation for those with limited capabilities of using
the internet and argues that digital exclusion is one of the most pernicious forms of
exclusion in contemporary society.
All these examples emphasize how advanced and sophisticated internet usage promotes
individuals and groups in society, enables access to information and offers gains of social
and political capital, resulting in a dramatic social value. Unequal use of technology,
therefore, has far-reaching social implications. Reducing digital inequality has become a
global objective through which organizations hope to empower and promote the social,
economic and political inclusion of disadvantaged populations (Di Gianatonio, 2018).
As part of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, world leaders have committed to
ensure universal and affordable access to the internet in the least developed countries by
2020, and gender equality in access and use of information and communication technology
by 2030 (UN, 2020). Various governmental and intergovernmental organizations around the
world manage a variety of programs to reduce digital inequality with a variety of methods:
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e.g. equipping people with internet access and communication tools, training users and
training parents and teachers. An interesting example of such an intergovernmental
program is the EU-funded MEDLIT (Media Literacy for Social Change) program,
established in October 2015, which is aimed at enhancing digital competences of refugee,
asylum-seeking and migrant women (https://medlitproject.eu). In Israel, too, there are
several programs aimed at reducing digital inequality. These programs are run by various
public, private and third sector entities (Zilka, 2012).
Ethnic digital inequality in Israel
Israeli society is composed of deeply divided enclaves, communities secluded by choice
(Douglas, 1985): mainly Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) (Hakak and Rapoport, 2012;Sharabi and
Kay, 2019) and Arab (Erdreich, 2016). These communities live in segregated cities or
neighborhoods, run separate and homogenous school systems, and the interaction between
them and the general society is quite limited. The segregation of such communities is also
manifest in digital inequalities among and between such populations and the general Israeli
society.
Let us start with inequalities between the Arab minority and the Jewish majority. As far
as internet access is concerned, the gap between Arab and Jewish populations in Israel is
narrowing. Recent data shows that the percentage of internet users among Arabs in 2016
was about 78% compared to 89% among Jews in Israel, and a year later there was another
increase, with the percentage of Arab users reaching 84% compared to 91% among Jews
(Ganayem, 2018). Still, inequalities in the extent and character of use between the
populations are evident. For example, more than 70% of Arab internet users do not perform
daily activities such as shopping or making payments online, compared to only about 30%
of Jews.
Interestingly, the Arab population uses social media significantly more than the Jewish
population (73% and 61%, respectively) (Ganayem, 2018). Such differences in technology
use and adoption have diverse origins. First, a lower education level often leads to a “blue-
collar”employment where technology use is limited compared to other fields. Second,
negative attitudes and concerns about technology may lead to a lack of motivation to use
technology among minorities as a result of lacking computer skills and limited internet
exposure (Mesch and Talmud, 2011;Mesch et al., 2013).
Another sphere of digital inequality, which is unique to Israel, refers to the ultra-
Orthodox population and its patterns of internet usage. About 15% of the Jewish population
in Israel is ultra-Orthodox. As noted, ultra-Orthodox communities have strived to establish
and maintain their communities as closed enclaves, self-segregating from the general
society. Manifestations of this separation can be seen in geographic, educational and legal
segregation, as well as distinct speech and dress patterns to name a few (Lev-On and Neria-
Ben-Shahar, 2009).
Internet penetration challenges the ability of the ultra-Orthodox population to isolate
itself, and in its early years, there was a consolidated outcry by community rabbis
forbidding any use of the new medium. However, over time, this position has eroded. As a
consequence of understanding the many advantages of the internet –especially in the
economic and employment spheres –“softer”approaches have appeared; for example,
permitting internet use for employment purposes only.
In any case, technological and economic developments, along with changes in society,
appear to have increased internet usage among the ultra-Orthodox population (Cohen, 2013).
For example, in 2008–2009, the percentage of ultra-Orthodox internet users was 28%,
compared to 38% in 2010–2011 and 43% in 2015–2016. The increase in use by ultra-
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Orthodox women was greater than among ultra-Orthodox men: in 2008–2016, for the latter,
it was from 28% to 39% and 28% to 47% for former. Still, in 2015–2016, 43% of ultra-
Orthodox Jews used the internet, equal to half of the non-ultra-Orthodox user rate (86 %)
(Kahner et al.,2017).
The key factors behind the technological revolution among the ultra-Orthodox
population are changes in employment characteristics and the growing dependence on the
internet of businesses, institutions and organizations operating in ultra-Orthodox
communities (Kahner et al.,2017).
An interesting aspect of these two minority groups, Israeli Arabs and ultra-Orthodox
Jews, is the status of women and gender roles in the family. While both societies are
patriarchal, women’s roles in the family differ between them. In ultra-Orthodox society,
women are inferior to men in all religious and intellectual aspects but are often the main
providers of the family. This is because many of the men are full-time “Torah students,”
who engage in the study of religious texts as a “primary vocation”(Stadler, 2009). As a
result, women often possess more practical and technological knowledge, engaging with
technology through their work more than men. Recently, ultra-Orthodox women are
increasingly being trained and employed as software programmers in the high-tech industry
in Israel (Raz and Tzruya, 2018). Haredi seminaries and colleges offer occupational training
for ultra-Orthodox women in computer basics and software programming, and Haredi
employment centers use mostly young ultra-Orthodox women in gender-segregated
workplaces (ibid).
Arab society in general is more traditional and patriarchal than secular Jewish society in
Israel, and gender inequality is deeply rooted in its traditional structure (Haj-Yahia, 2005).
However, it is also undergoing a radical transition into a more modern, urban and technological
way of life. Consequently, more significant generational inequality exists in the Arab sector in
terms of access rates between younger and older adults (Israeli Internet Association, 2016).
Research demonstrates that women in Arab society are adapting to this transition faster than
men (Abu Aleon et al., 2019). Still, gender digital inequality exists within Arab society in Israel,
favoring men in terms of access, use and duration, as well as use types, with men more inclined
to use the internet for knowledge purposes and women for entertainment (Ganayem, 2012).
Israeli programs to reduce digital inequality
As stated, a number of public, private and third-sector programs operate in Israel with the
aim to empower internet users and reduce digital inequality. This study focuses on Lehava,
the primary and largest government initiative aimed at increasing the digital literacy of
disadvantaged populations. In addition to “Lehava,”three other major programs operating
in Israel are:
Computer for Every Child (www.maly.co.il), established by leading business figures
in collaboration with the government, to provide computers, software and basic
training to children from disadvantaged families.
Appleseeds Academy (www.appleseeds.org.il), a non-profit that collaborates with
industry and government ministries in operating educational and employment programs in
technological fields for diverse populations including youth-at-risk, minorities and people
with disabilities.
Machshava Tova (www.mtova.org.il), founded by educators and Hi-Tech professionals
with the aim of offering underprivileged populations access to technology in a supportive
and empowering environment.
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Other programs operating in Israel target educators (e.g. Mobile Computer for Every
Teacher, www.athenafund.org) or the elderly (e.g. the National Initiative for Advancing
Digital Literacy of Senior Citizens, www.eshelnet.org.il).
As noted, Lehava (“for Reducing the Digital Divide in Israeli Society”) is Israel’s largest
leading public digital literacy program. The program was established in 2001 by the
Ministry of Finance and was later made the responsibility of the Ministry of Science,
Technology and Space, defined as the government’sflagship program to reduce digital
inequality in Israel (Fisher and Bandes-Jacob, 2003) by targeting citizens with low
socioeconomic status, limited access to advanced information technologies and low digital
literacy.
As of 2018, courses and activities included in the program take place in 30 centers. Four
centers operate in ultra-Orthodox cities and are normally composed of only ultra-Orthodox
participants. In total, 7 centers operate in Arab cities and are normally composed of only
Arab participants, while 19 centers are dedicated to the general population. Of the 63,000
participants in various Lehava activities during 2016, approximately 61% were from the
centers for the general Jewish populations, 22% from the ultra-Orthodox centers and 17%
from the Arab centers. About half of all program participants in 2016 participated in the
foundational course: “Knowledge of the computer and the internet”(Ministry of Science,
Technology and Space, 2017). Issues covered in the course include familiarity with the
computer, keyboard and mouse, wise and secure web surfing, searching for information
online, personal information management, using email, Israeli eGovernment websites and
social media. The course is spread over 18 1.5 h-long sessions. Participants of the course,
across centers and populations, are predominantly women. In Arab centers, participants are
younger on average (in a recent survey, mean age of 39 years) compared to participants of
ultra-Orthodox centers (50.6 years) and those of general population centers (mean age
49.6 years) (Lev-On, 2019).
Previous program assessment studies
Two previous studies have assessed the impact of Lehava: Fisher and Bandes-Jacob (2003)
and Zilka (2012). Both studies used similar methods in the form of questionnaires measuring
participant internet skills, information about and attitudes toward the internet, and feedback
on the character of the activity at the center. The questionnaires were filled out at the
beginning and again at the end of the course, in addition to interviews conducted with
participants and instructors. In Fisher and Bandes-Jacob’s (2003) study, half of the
participants, who came to the centers mainly to improve their online skills and become
familiar with computers for personal needs, significantly improved their skills. It was also
evident that participant satisfaction with the center’s activities was quite high. Zilka (2012)
found that 40% felt they improved their skills, while 85% reported greater confidence in
working with the computer.
Both studies, as well as other studies evaluating similar programs around the world,
focused on specific technical improvements and short-term effects. However, the current
study investigates the long-term effects of the program as perceived by participants.
Research questions
This study seeks to understand the long-term effects of a government program to reduce
digital inequalities. As noted, we focus on Lehava, the Israeli Government’sflagship
initiative aimed at increasing digital literacy of disadvantaged populations. To learn about
the long-term effects of participation in the program, the research team interviewed
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participants of the program’s main course, “Introduction to computers and the internet”a
year after course completion.
The main questions were:
Q1. What were the motivations leading participants to enroll in the course? How do they
correspond with the variety of uses the internet offers (e.g. political participation,
employment, education, health or general social inclusion)?
Q2. What are the main gains from the course, perceived by participants a year after
completing the course, and how do they correspond with the variety of uses the
internet offers?
Q3. How satisfied were participants with the course?
Q4. How vital was practice during and after course hours to thesuccess of the course?
In analyzing the responses to the above questions, the study focuses on similarities and
differences between participants of ultra-Orthodox, Arab and general Jewish population
centers.
Method
Participants
We interviewed 61 former participants who finished the course a year earlier. We decided to
interview participants who finished the course one year prior to examine long-term effects of
the course because we feel that, on the one hand, a year is a long enough period to allow a
reflection of the consequences of learning basic digital skills, that extend mere knowledge
gain (e.g. social implications, career-related implications, etc). while, on the other hand, it is
not too long so it is harder for interviewees to remember previous events or compare
between periods and event preceding and following the course. To reach potential
interviewees, the research team received a list of all adult graduates and the year they
finished the course. The study did not include minors, who compose the majority of course
participants but rather targeted adult participants only. According to the list, 1,028
participants completed the course one year prior to the study period. The team conducted
telephone inquiries with all 1,028 individuals with an offer to participate in the study. About
800 people were contacted successfully, of which 61 agreed to be interviewed. The
distribution of interviewees was designed to fit the geographic distribution of the course
participant population, including Arab and ultra-Orthodox Jewish participants. Although
the course is targeted toward citizens with low socioeconomic status, limited access to
advanced information technologies and low digital literacy, in general, due to the
characteristics of these two population groups in Israel, they constitute primary target
populations for the course, and therefore an effort was made to include representatives of
these populations in the study. In total,50 interviewees were Jews and 11 Arabs, the latter
participating in the course at Arab centers. In terms of gender, 12 were men and 49 were
women. Among Jewish respondents, 37 defined themselves as secular and 13 as ultra-
Orthodox, who participated at ultra-Orthodox centers. Respondents resided in all areas of
the country, in the north, center and south of Israel, spread across 27 different localities. 18 of
the interviewees were referred to the course by the Employment Service and 43 came to the
course independently.
In total, 11 of the interviewees were 30–40 years old, 8 between 40–50 years of age and 33
were 51 years or older. The ages of nine interviewees were unknown. In total, 24 of the
interviewees did not use a computer and the internet before attending the course, while 31
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had used a computer and the internet previously. Common prior uses were basic: turning on
the computer, typing and printing,email and using search engines to find information.
Participants were rewarded 60 ILS (approximately 18 USD) in gift vouchers for agreeing
to be interviewed.
Materials
To answer the research questions, semi-structured interviews were conducted. At the
beginning of each interview, interviewees were assured by the interviewers that their
responses would only be used for research purposes and be analyzed and published
anonymously. Interviewees gave their explicit consent to use the interview materials and
quotes for the research.
The interview included questions related to each of the research questions.
To learn about participant motivations to register for the course, they were asked about
their prior experience in using computers; how secure were they in their ability to use a
computer before joining the course; what led them to join; and what were their course
expectations.
To learn about main participant gains from the course, they were asked whether their
expectations were fulfilled; in what ways did participation in the course contribute to them;
in what ways did the course empower them; in what ways did they feel that they can now
use computers as a result of participating in the course; and what tools did they acquire and
how do they use them today.
To inquire into course satisfaction, interviewees were asked about their overall
experience during the course: moments of difficulties and moments of success that they
experienced and if they would recommend the course to others.
Finally, to understand the factors crucial for the success of the course, and especially the
importance of practice, interviewees were asked what they would change in the structure or
design of the course or what they would offer to improve it.
Procedure
We conducted phone interviews, for reason of convenience and accessibility for the various
interviewees, as well as to enable interviews with participants from across the country. The
interviews were conducted by three interviewers in Hebrew and two interviewers in Arabic
who were briefed by the researchers. The interviews in Arabic were translated by a
professional translator. Each interview lasted approximately 40 min.
Interview recordings were transcribed and analyzed thematically and inductively. The
analysis was also intended to reflect, as much as possible, the subjective experience of the
interviewees (Shakedi, 2011). Consent on themes that emerged from the interviews was
obtained by transferring the transcripts of the interviews between two media researchers
who were not directly involved in the interviews. Each of the researchers analyzed the data
differently. The first researcher analyzed the transcripts laterally (an analysis of all the
answers received from all interviews per question) and the other did so in a longitudinal
manner (analysis of each interview separately). Finally, the themes obtained from both
analyzes were compared. This form of analysis provided additional insights and analysis
capabilities for the texts and themes derived from them and reinforced the validity of the
findings (Creswell, 2007;Lincoln and Guba, 1985). Data analysis software was used to
analyze qualitative data (ATLAS.ti 8.3.3). The research team coded into the software words
and phrases based on the manual fieldwork, which define and relate to the categories found
in the preliminary analysis. The program then was used to scan interview transcripts to find
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related appearances and combine them into codes, thus organizing the transcripts according
to the categories and broader themes.
Findings
The analysis of the interviews revealed four main themes:
(1) motivations to participate in the course;
(2) benefits from the course;
(3) satisfaction with the course; and
(4) practice.
In the following sections, these themes are discussed, accompanied by relevant quotations
from the interviews. Each quotation is followed by respondent’sfirst name initial, age,
gender and ethnic/religious identity (i.e. Arab, secular Jewish or ultra-Orthodox Jewish) in
parentheses. To clarify, Arab and ultra-Orthodox respondents participated in courses,
which took place in centers dedicated to Arab or ultra-Orthodox populations, respectively.
Motivations to attend the course
Motivations to attend included will to expand knowledge, gain confidence and independence and
professional motivations, such as improving academic performance or position at work.
Knowledge of the computer and experience in using it –the main motive. The vast majority
of interviewees, across sociodemographic groups, responded that their expectations from
the course were to know how to use a computer as much as possible, from basic
acquaintance with the computer:
Learn as much as possible [...] the importance of everything, recognize. (V, 51 years old, female,
secular Jewish)
To deepening existing knowledge:
“I expected to acquire deeper knowledge of how to use the computer than I had previously known.
My knowledge was superficial.”(N, 51, female, Arab)
Personal motives.
Beyond the technical aspect of computer knowledge, participants also addressed what such
knowledge could contribute to them, in various aspects: independence, self-confidence or the
ability to help their children.
“To be given tools to know more, to become more professional, to be independent. To be given
confidence.”(G, female, secular Jewish)
Interestingly, specifically among the Arab population interviewees, a dominant personal
motive for attending the course was the desire to help one’s children:
“[That] I can help my children and keep an eye on their homework which requires the use of
computers.”(M, 29, female, Arab)
Such motivations were expressed by several other Arab interviewees, but by none of the
Jewish interviewees. This motivation expressed by participants of Arab centers, who are
predominantly young women, illustrates the dramatic generational divide in Arab society,
in its transitioning into a modern, technological society (Abu Aleon et al.,2019). While the
younger generation studies at school with computers, the mothers, who are responsible for
raising and educating the children, face an obstacle due to their lack of computer experience.
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Among the ultra-Orthodox Jews, such motivations hardly exist as in most homes there is no
computer, and the use of internet technology is strictly forbidden for ultra-Orthodox
education (Lev-On and Neria-Ben-Shahar, 2009).
A comparison between ultra-Orthodox and other interviewees did not find significant
differences related to these interviewees’motives to join the course.
Professional motives.
These motives were again mainly mentioned by interviewees from the Arab population,
corresponding with the advantages of the internet for education (Aydin, 2012). Among these
motives is the acquisition of knowledge that will help in academic performance:
“It will help me when I start studying and, God willing, will help me in the future when I start
working in a job related to my studies.”(M, 29, female, Arab)
Another professional motive was the acquisition of knowledge for finding a new profession
or an improved place of work, which corresponds with research demonstrating the
advantages of the internet for employment (DiMaggio and Bonikowsky, 2008):
“My expectations were that I would know the computer so I could work full time.”(A, 36, female,
Arab)
Another motive in this regard was the acquisition of knowledge to help improve computer
skills needed in the workplace:
“Sometimes, my work in the council requires computer knowledge. For example: Sending files,
saving files and sharing files, accounts, entering some data.”(Y, 34, female, Arab)
From the responses received in this theme, the course was perceived among the Arab
population, most of whom are young women with families, as a tool for achieving
professional improvement, and thus improving quality of life and socioeconomic status. The
reason such motivations were not expressed by ultra-Orthodox participants might be due to
the existence of dedicated occupational training centers for ultra-Orthodox women in
computer basics and software programming, which are oriented to employment purposes
(Raz and Tzruya, 2018). Among the Jewish population, the course is more of a tool for
accumulating additional knowledge, often without a predetermined goal.
Benefits of the course
Most respondents described positive benefits as a result of participating in the course. The
benefits were both on a personal level, such as self-development, self-confidence and
empowerment, and on a professional level, such as succeeding as work:
“I still don’t feel like I can use all these things, but I’m more confident. I can now look around a
little and sense my environment.”(K, male, secular Jewish)
Positive feelings.
The interviewees described several types of positive feelings they felt as a result of participating
in the course. Self-confidence was among them:
“The course contributed a lot both to my self-confidence and knowledge in general.”(S, female,
secular Jewish)
Others described a sense of independence they felt as a result of participating in the course:
“[The course] opened a whole world to me, also [the skill] to write by myself.”(S, 80, female,
secular Jewish)
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“You are not so dependent on the environment, people around you. It is significant, it gives you
some independence and you can move forward by yourself.”(S, 50 plus, female, ultra-Orthodox
Jewish)
Or a sense of personal well-being:
“The course has helped me and added to my life a kind of rest and time savings ... For me it is a
tremendous achievement”(A, 38, female, Arab)
Another feeling described by a relatively older interviewee was that the course contributed
to her integration into society, an interesting reflection linking generational digital
inequality with the perception of digital exclusion (Castells, 2002):
“It’s very important, especially at our age that it enables us to be a little more involved in society
[...]that they won’t feel behind compared to young people who run through everything, and
those at our age look at it in a frightened way. Today it gives people at our age a sense of being
younger, that they are “in the business.”(S, 50 plus, female, ultra-Orthodox Jewish)
Knowledge of using a computer.
Two types of knowledge-related benefits of using a computer were discussed. First, there is the
acquisition of new knowledge that did not exist before:
“Once a person has the tools, then he can also progress on his own [...] and even if there are new
things he can move forward on his own. It helps him.”(S, 50 plus, female, ultra-Orthodox Jewish)
The second type is the deepening of existing knowledge:
“Today I can do many things in Microsoft Word which I didn’t previously think were significant.”
(M, 29, female, Arab)
Professional benefit.
Another benefit that the interviewees derived from participating in the course was professional:
“I acquired the basic knowledge that I need in my professional and academic positions [...]
Today I can achieve my goal professionally [...] In addition, my salary has improved.”(Z, 42,
female, Arab)
Following the improvement in computer use and knowledge, the interviewee was able to
make progress in her studies and work and improve her salary. Two other goals were
achieved: improvingeconomic status (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010) and personal well-being.
Social benefits.
A small number of interviewees described benefits which were not cognitive, and unrelated to the
stated purpose of the course. Several interviewees, Arab and Jewish and male, as well as female,
reported that the course provides a reason to get out of the home and meet people:
“I made new friends there, it was significant for me mainly in learning but also friends.”(S, 61,
male, secular Jewish)
It can be understood that just meeting other people with the same purpose and shared
interests helps to quickly connect course participants together:
“On the social level, I met women my age from my village who have the desire to change their life
trajectory as I do, and to work on a project even if it is small.”(A, 42, female, Arab)
Or make connections while practicing in class:
“There is also the social part. One helps the other [...] if there is something that one is having
difficulties with, whether it is in practice, or in class itself. There is something social, also a social
thing here.”(S, 50 plus, female, ultra-Orthodox Jewish)
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The social benefit not only came from getting to know or meeting new people but also from
strengthening family ties:
“Personally, the course helped me connect more with my boys because I can now help them and
answer their homework questions.”(N, 30, female, Arab)
Empowerment.
The vast majority of interviewees, across sociodemographic groups, regardless of age and gender,
stated that the course empowered them. For some, empowerment is reflected in the knowledge
gained in the course and their ability to work freely with the computer and the internet:
“If I hadn’t taken the course, I wouldn’t have been able to use it to search for information on the
Internet and I wouldn’t have learned to use email.”(P, 43, female, Arab)
Others referred to empowerment in the context of confidence to deal with what had
intimidated them in the past:
“I operate on the Internet with greater confidence. Daring. I’m not afraid of the tool.”(Y, 70, male,
secular Jewish)
“[I used to think] If I hit that button –maybe I’ll make some mistake? Today I’m not scared.”
(H, 50 plus, female, secular Jewish)
“I never thought I could use a number of software and computer programs at this level of control
and confidence.”(N, 30, female, Arab)
Interestingly, the interviewees who referred to increase in self-confidence were mostly
Jewish (with few exceptions such as N’s last quote above) while most of the references to
knowledge and skill-related empowerment were mentioned by Arab interviewees, again
suggesting that for the Arab participants, in particular, the course and the knowledge
gained are used for education and employment purposes.
Satisfaction
As far as satisfaction with the course design and structure is concerned, more than half of
the respondents said that they were satisfied with the course structure as it is today and
there was nothing to change in their opinion. Almost all interviewees also chose to describe
positive experiences they had during the course. The descriptions mentioned the teaching
staff’s attitude, availability and level of knowledge and proficiency:
“The instructor is knowledgeable and has extensive experience and knowledge, and most
importantly she was patient. Gave each of us personal attention. [...] If I have trouble, I call the
instructor for guidance and information.”(R, 30, female, Arab)
Other interviewees chose to share their personal feelings as a result of the positive
experience of the course, experiences that extend beyond the acquisition of knowledge:
“In the personal dimension, the experience has proved to me that I can achieve my goals without
the help of my daughters or grandchildren. You feel that you are your own master and you have
the ability to succeed, and so your self-confidence increases, and you want to learn more and
more.”(A, 42, female, Arab)
“The experience was very positive and contained a lot of instructional values that are useful for
us professionally, and for improving our financial situation. Personally, you acquire self-
confidence. You feel that your life has “lengthened”by benefiting and learning something,
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because I believe that one should learn something new every day despite all the pressures from
the children and from life in general.”(A, 31, female, Arab)
An interesting critique by several respondents relates to the heterogeneity of the groups,
which created gaps in the existing level of knowledge and comprehension of training
materials:
“Maybe it is better to have a smaller group in which everyone is in the same level.”(K, male,
secular Jewish)
One interviewee’s suggestion was to sort out course participants based on a preliminary
knowledge questionnaire:
“I think there are people with more and less knowledge. Do the initial sorting and create levelled
groups because there are older people who know more than younger people so do some short
questionnaire for anyone who wants to sign up to divide into groups.”(S, female, secular Jewish)
In relation to this interviewee’s remark, it is relevant to note that among the interviewees
there was no clear pattern linking age with success in the course. While some older
interviewees described difficulties in keeping up with the course pace, others stated that the
pace was too slow for them. We did not find age-based differences in how interviewees
described the difficulty level of the classes. Other interviewees talked about the division into
groups in accordance with the goals set out by participants:
“I think there are those who come from a background where there is a lot of maneuvering at home
and a lot of work outside. At home, they want to upgrade and gain more of this or that software
and expand their knowledge, so it’sadifferent level, and some come from nothing, so you can’t
mix the two groups together, it’s two completely different levels. I remember there were a lot of
women in my course that already came with a lot of knowledge, they just came to optimize, they
use it at home a lot [...] and there were others who do not even know how to look at the
computer.”(S, 50 plus, female, ultra-Orthodox Jewish)”
The importance of practice
The topic of practice came up as leitmotif in interviewee comments. Most of them talked
about the fact that without practice –during and after course completion –it would be
difficult for them to internalize and remember the material they learned:
“Keep repeating the stuffall the time: repeating, repeating, repeating. You have to keep going
back to the beginning: to memorize, memorize, memorize.”(V, 51, female, secular Jewish)
Interviewees who did not continue to practice after completing the course felt that they have
forgotten some or most of what they learned during the course:
“I didn’t use a computer, that’s why I don’t know today how to apply what I learned in the course
[...] I forget a lot, and don’t practice the things I learn.”(P, 43, female, Arab)
Other interviewees described how daily use of the various software, especially after the end
of the course, is what helped them to remember:
“It was important to me to find a job that required that I would use it, that is, in these programs,
because, you know, then you forget.”(R, 35, female, ultra-Orthodox Jewish)
Some interviewees talked about the difficulty of practicing at home for objective reasons:
“You can’t practice at home because of a lack of software.”(Y, male, secular Jewish)
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Others, however, talked about the difficulty of practicing at home due to subjective reasons:
“When I tried by myself at home to practice, I did not succeed and I don’t know why.”(G, 71, male,
secular Jewish)
Discussion and conclusions
This study focuses on the long-term effects of a government digital literacy program, as
perceived by program graduates a year after attending the course.
Unlike previous studies that evaluated specific skill improvements and short-term
effects, the aim of this study is to investigate participant views of the contribution of the
course sometime after completion, not only in terms of technological capabilities but also in
how participation hasempowered them and affects their everyday life.
The internet plays an essential role in a wide variety of contexts and is vital for various
personal and social functions. Thus, digital participation transforms into social
participation, making digital exclusion, therefore, one of the most pernicious forms of
exclusion (Castells, 2002). By inquiring into participant motivations and gains from
participating in the course as they are perceived over time, this study seeks to examine the
contribution of digital literacy training to social inclusion, autonomy and empowerment of
disadvantaged populations in these contexts and others.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with course graduates from the general
Jewish, ultra-Orthodox and Arab populations, given that these three groups were trained in
separate centers. It was assumed that the characteristics and motivations of participants in
each group might be different because of the unique characteristics of each group. Most of
the interviewees were women, as women constitute the majority of course participants. Arab
interviewees were somewhat younger, in conformity with the characteristics of the
participants in Arab centers.
Several themes emerge from the analysis:
Motivations. Predictably, the main reason for joining the course was the interest of
participants in advancing their knowledge of computers and the internet. Other
motivations were employment-related, illustrating the perceived potential of the
internet in economic and work-related contexts. These unique motivations
introduced mainly by Arab interviewees are important and should be recognized by
instructors and managers of centers for Arab populations. Course contents should
relate to these unique desires.
Gains. Most respondents described positive results from their participation in the
course, both in terms of knowledge gained and of practical experience. Although
interviewees did not specifically relate to the contexts of digital social participation
mentioned above, many also reported a sense of empowerment derived from an
increase in self-efficacy, which extends beyond the specificcontextscoveredinclass,
and confidence in using the internet for themselves, by themselves. The tendency of
Jewish participants to describe self-confidence and efficacy, while Arab respondents
related mostly to knowledge and practical experience, and to the ability to help their
children with homework, is fascinating and again suggests the differences between
these populations, in general. The character of digital inequality is different within the
two population groups, leading to differences in motives and in gains described by
interviewees. Arab women attending the centers for Arab populations experience a
dramatic generational digital divide in their own family, where their children are using
computers at school while they lack experience (Abu Aleon et al., 2019). For ultra-
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Orthodox women who participate in the course at centers for ultra-Orthodox
populations, the main target is usually not work-related, as dedicated occupational
training takes place in ultra-Orthodox seminaries. Therefore, their motivations and
gains, are different, similar to the general Jewish population.
Satisfaction. Interviewees described positive impressions of the course, mainly
because of the attitude and knowledge of the instructors. The main critique
concerned the heterogeneity of the groups in terms of level of prior knowledge.
Practice. A significant point is the essential need for practice, during the course and
especially after completion. When interviewees came home after the course, they
had difficulties in applying the material learned in the lessons and, therefore hands-
on experience between sessions was not continuous. Moreover, participants also
noted that after completion of the course, there was no continued guidance or
contact with the centers, which created a dissonance between participant online
activity during the course and after its completion, leading to forgetting and
missing some of the benefits obtained during the course.
Reducing digital inequality in society is an essential mission with a great social
significance. Indeed, the interviews indicate that course participants also feel that
expanding their knowledge and capabilities in using the internet leads to empowerment,
increasing self-confidence, independence and personal autonomy. Interviewing
participants a year after completing the course, rather than at the end of the course as
most similar studies do, has enabled us to realize the long-term, long-lasting impact of the
course, which expanded beyond extended knowledge and skills. New friendships were
formed, participants strengthened family ties and their authoritative, knowledgeable role
in their family improved their work conditions and progressed with professional or
academic studies.
However, the way in which digital literacy programs are designed and operate also plays
an important role in their ability to lead to social change and reduce inequality between
groups in society, and the findings of this study also point to several suggestions for
improvement of “Lehava”or similar programs. The location of the centers, homogeneity of
group participants in terms of prior knowledge and experience, the attitude and expertise of
instructors, accessibility and practice during the course are key factors. However, without
continued support for participants, especially access to equipment and software after the
course has finished –and as these are population groups that often come from low
socioeconomic strata, with many participants having very limited access to some of the
equipment and software at their home or workplace environment –a large part of the
benefits may fade, without the course achieving its goal of reducing digital inequality in
society.
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Corresponding author
Nili Steinfeld can be contacted at: nilisteinfeld@gmail.com
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