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Saterfriesisch, Niederdeutsch, Hochdeutsch - Sprachkontakt im Vokalismus trilingualer Saterfriesen
Abstract
Im Saterland wird neben der Regionalsprache Niederdeutsch eine der am stärksten bedrohten Minderheitensprachen Europas, das Saterfriesische (Seeltersk), gesprochen. Spätestens seit Ende des zweiten Weltkrieges stehen beide Sprachen nicht mehr nur miteinander, sondern auch mit dem nördlichen Standarddeutsch in engem Kontakt. Die meisten älteren Muttersprachler/innen des Saterfriesischen sind trilingual mit Niederdeutsch und Hochdeutsch als zweiter und dritter Sprache. Es wird eine akustische Untersuchung vorgestellt, die sich auf Interferenzerscheinungen bei der Produktion gemeinsamer Monophthonge im Vokalismus trilingualer Saterfriesen konzentriert und versucht, diese auf inner- und außersprachliche Faktoren zurückzuführen. Zu den innersprachlichen Faktoren zählen die Größe des Vokalinventars und die damit verbundenen funktionalen Restriktionen zur Aufrechterhaltung distinkter Vokalkategorien. Zu den außersprachlichen Faktoren zählen unter anderem die Domäne des Sprachgebrauchs sowie die Größe und Autonomie der Sprachgemeinschaft. Als Vergleichsgruppe wurden zudem gleichaltrige monolinguale Sprecher des nördlichen Standarddeutschen herangezogen. Die Vokale wurden in einen neutralen /hVt/-Kontext eingebettet und in Form einer Leseaufgabe erhoben. Gemessen wurden die Vokaldauer sowie F1 und F2 unter Berücksichtigung der Formantdynamik. Der Vergleich der Vokalproduktionen in den drei Sprachen zeigt, dass die hochdeutschen Vokalrealisierungen von den niederdeutschen und saterfriesischen Realisierungen in Bezug auf Vokaldauer und Vokalqualität abweichen, während sich kaum Differenzen zwischen der Regional- und Minderheitensprache finden. Der Vergleich mit monolingualen Sprechern des Standarddeutschen außerhalb des Saterlandes lässt zudem erkennen, dass die im Hochdeutschen der Saterfriesen abweichenden Realisierungen eine Orientierung in Richtung zur weiteren Sprachgemeinschaft des Standarddeutschen in Nordwestdeutschland aufweisen. Die Ergebnisse legen somit nahe, dass Unterschiede in der Realisierung geteilter Vokalkategorien in den drei Sprachen eher auf außersprachliche Faktoren zurückgehen.
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Aims and objectives: This study investigates the effects of individual bilingualism and long-term language contact on monophthongal vowel productions in English and Welsh. Design: To this end, we recorded the Welsh and English vowel productions of two sets of Welsh-English bilinguals differing in home language use, as well as the English vowel productions of English monolinguals. Data and analysis: The data were analysed acoustically, with a focus on spectral and temporal properties. Comparisons were then made within each language and cross-linguistically. Findings: The results of a cross-linguistic acoustic comparison revealed a high degree of convergence in the monophthong systems of Welsh and English, but also some language-specific categories. Interestingly, at the individual level we found no effect of linguistic experience on vowel production: the two sets of bilinguals and the English monolinguals did not differ in their realisation of English vowels, and the two sets of bilinguals did not differ in their realisation of Welsh vowels. Implications: The findings demonstrate pervasive phonetic convergence in a language contact situation with a historical substrate. They also indicate that a homogeneous peer group with shared values can override the effects of individual linguistic experience.
The present study compares the acoustic realization of Saterland Frisian, Low German, and High German vowels by trilingual speakers in the Saterland. The Saterland is a rural municipality in northwestern Germany. It offers the unique opportunity to study trilingualism with languages that differ both by their vowel inventories and by external factors, such as their social status and the autonomy of their speech communities. The objective of the study was to examine whether the trilingual speakers differ in their acoustic realizations of vowel categories shared by the three languages and whether those differences can be interpreted as effects of either the differences in the vowel systems or of external factors. Monophthongs produced in a /hVt/ frame revealed that High German vowels show the most divergent realizations in terms of vowel duration and formant frequencies, whereas Saterland Frisian and Low German vowels show small differences. These findings suggest that vowels of different languages are likely to share the same phonological space when the speech communities largely overlap, as is the case with Saterland Frisian and Low German, but may resist convergence if at least one language is shared with a larger, monolingual speech community, as is the case with High German.
Saterland Frisian (Sfrs. Seeltersk ) is the only living remnant of Old East Frisian. It is an endangered language, with an estimated number of 2250 speakers (Stellmacher 1998: 27) and is spoken in the municipality of the Saterland (Sfrs. Seelterlound ), which is located in the federal state of Lower Saxony in northwestern Germany.
Previous investigations on Saterland Frisian report a large vowel inventory, including up to 20 monophthongs and 16 diphthongs in stressed position. Conducting a cross-dialectal acoustic study on Saterland Frisian vowels in Ramsloh, Scharrel, and Strücklingen, the objective is to provide a phonetic description of vowel category realization and to identify acoustic dimensions which may enhance the discrimination of neighboring categories within the crowded vowel space of the endangered minority language. All vowels were elicited in a /hVt/ frame. Acoustic measurements included vowel duration, mid-vowel F1 and F2, and the amount of spectral change and the spectral rate of change. The results suggest instances of phonetic attrition, i.e., merged categories, precisely where contrasts were reported to be on the retreat. The cross-dialectal comparison showed differences between the three dialects primarily within the F1 dimension at the 20% measurement point. The findings presented here contribute to the description of an endangered minority language and add to the question of which acoustic variables are used in languages with large vowel inventories to maintain or enhance the existing contrasts. Furthermore, the results underline the importance of the consideration of inter-speaker variability as well as measurements beyond the vowel target.
Saterland Frisian has a complete set of closed short tense vowels. Together with the long tense vowels and the short lax vowels they constitute series of phonemes that differ by length and/or tenseness. We examined the cues that distinguish the front unrounded and the back rounded series of short lax and short and long tense vowels in triplets by eliciting 'normal speech' and 'clear speech' in a reading task from two speakers. Short and long vowels were distinguished by vowel duration, and lax and tense vowels by their location in the F1-F2 space. The durational difference between short tense and long tense vowels, however, was largely restricted to the 'clear speech' condition. In 'clear speech', f0 dynamics and centralization in the F1-F2 space were used as additional means to make short tense vowels more distinct from long tense vowels. These results suggest that length and tenseness are used as distinctive features, while f0 dynamics and centralization in the F1-F2 space were optionally used to enhance the contrast between short and long tense vowels.
The goal of this chapter is to provide a broad overview of work leading up to the view that vowel inherent spectral change (VISC) plays a significant role in vowel perception. The view that implicitly guided vowel perception research for many years was the idea that nearly all of the information that was needed to specify vowel quality was to be found in a cross section of the vowel spectrum sampled at a reasonably steady portion of the vowel. A good deal of evidence shows that this static view is incomplete, including: (1) measurement data showing that most nominally monophthongal English vowels show significant spectral change throughout the course of the vowel; (2) pattern recognition studies showing that vowel categories are separated with far greater accuracy by models that take spectral change into account than otherwise comparable models using features sampled at steady-state; (3) perceptual experiments with "silent center" vowels showing that vowel steady-states can be removed with little or no effect on vowel intelligibility; and (4) perceptual experiments with both naturally spoken and synthetic speech showing that vowels with stationary spectral patterns are not well identified.
Maximum likelihood or restricted maximum likelihood (REML) estimates of the
parameters in linear mixed-effects models can be determined using the lmer
function in the lme4 package for R. As for most model-fitting functions in R,
the model is described in an lmer call by a formula, in this case including
both fixed- and random-effects terms. The formula and data together determine a
numerical representation of the model from which the profiled deviance or the
profiled REML criterion can be evaluated as a function of some of the model
parameters. The appropriate criterion is optimized, using one of the
constrained optimization functions in R, to provide the parameter estimates. We
describe the structure of the model, the steps in evaluating the profiled
deviance or REML criterion, and the structure of classes or types that
represents such a model. Sufficient detail is included to allow specialization
of these structures by users who wish to write functions to fit specialized
linear mixed models, such as models incorporating pedigrees or smoothing
splines, that are not easily expressible in the formula language used by lmer.
The study reported in this paper examined the effect of second language (L2) experience on the production of L2 vowels for which acoustic counterparts are either present or absent in the first language (L1). The hypothesis being tested was that amount of L2 experience would not affect L1 German speakers' production of the “similar” English vowels /i, l, /, whereas English language experience would enable L1 Germans to produce an English-like /æ/, which has no counterpart in German. The predictions were tested in two experiments that compared the production of English /i, l, , æ/ by two groups of L1 German speakers differing in English language experience and an L1 English control group. An acoustic experiment compared the three groups for spectral and temporal characteristics of the English vowels produced in /bVt/ words. The same tokens were assessed for intelligibility in a labeling experiment. The results of both experiments were largely consistent with the hypothesis. The experienced L2 speakers did not produce the similar English vowels /i, l, / more intelligibly than the inexperienced L2 speakers, not did experience have a positive effect on approximating the English acoustic norms for these similar vowels. The intelligibility results for the new vowel /æ/ did not clearly support the model. However, the acoustic comparisons showed that the experienced but not the inexperienced L2 speakers produced the new vowel /æ/ in much the same way as the native English speakers.
The Welsh language has a complex vowel inventory with up to thirteen monophthongs and the same number of diphthongs. According to descriptive reports, systematic differences are found between the two main varieties of Welsh, Northern and Southern Welsh (Ball & Williams 2001, Jones 1984). However, few studies have attempted to verify these claims instrumentally, and little is known about the acoustic properties of Welsh vowels. The present study is the first systematic acoustic investigation of the monophthongs and diphthongs of Northern and Southern Welsh and includes measurements of formant trajectory length and spectral rate of change for the diphthongs (Fox & Jacewicz 2009).
The results largely confirm claims about contrastive vowel categories in Northern and Southern Welsh. In contrast to auditory-based accounts, however, pairs of Northern Welsh vowels were found to differ, not only in terms of duration, but also vowel quality. The diphthongs, in turn, revealed interesting cross-dialectal differences in spectral dynamics across their trajectories. The results have implications for notions of contrastivity in languages with large vowel inventories.
For fifty years after World War II, Latvia was incorporated into the
former Soviet Union. Although in theory the use of regional languages was
not discouraged, in practice knowledge of Russian was obligatory. Since
1991, Latvian has again become the official language, and knowledge of
Russian is widespread but optional. These political events have created a
natural experiment in the effects of almost universal bilingualism on a
language. To assess the impact on pronunciation, native speakers of
Latvian, ranging from retirement age to teens, were recorded reading a
word list and a short narrative. Vowel pronunciation differed across the
generations both in quantity relationships and in formant structure. a
Accuracy and simplicity of analytical expressions for the relations between frequency and critical bandwidth as well as critical-band rate (in Bark) are assessed for the purpose of applications in speech perception research and in speech technology. The equivalent rectangular bandwidth (ERB) is seen as a measure of frequency resolution, while the classical critical-band rate is considered a measure of tonotopic position. For the conversion of frequency to critical-band rate, and vice versa, the inversible formula z=[26.81/(1+1960/f )]–0.53 is proposed. Within the frequency range of the perceptually essential vowel formants (0.2–6.7 kHz), it agrees to within ±0.05 Bark with the Bark scale, originally published in the form of a table.
Purpose
This study investigates the effects of bilingual language modes (or settings) on the speech production patterns of a group of early Catalan/Spanish bilinguals from Majorca, Spain. Our main research question was as follows: are bilingual speech patterns modulated by the level of (co-)activation of a bilingual’s two languages?
Design
Bilingual participants were classified as a function of their linguistic experience (or dominance), from Catalan- to Spanish-dominant. Subsequently, we recorded their speech in two experimental settings: a unilingual setting in which only Catalan words were uttered, and a bilingual setting in which both Catalan and Spanish words (cognates) were produced in random order.
Data and analysis
The study examined the acoustic realization of Spanish and Catalan unstressed /a/, which surfaces as [a] in Spanish but is reduced to schwa, [ə], in Catalan. The acoustic characteristics of unstressed /a/ were explored across the two languages and the two experimental settings.
Findings
Catalan unstressed /a/, which was similarly reduced to schwa in the speech of all participants, became slightly more similar to Spanish unstressed /a/ (i.e., it had a higher first formant) when produced alongside Spanish words (bilingual setting) than when produced in a Catalan unilingual setting. There were no effects of linguistic experience, and the effects of setting did not interact with experience.
Originality
Very few studies have reported the effects of dynamic cross-linguistic interference in phonetic production, and even fewer have reported them with a phonetic variable resulting from a language-specific phonological process (unstressed vowel reduction) rather than a phonemic contrast.
Implications
These findings suggest that cross-linguistic interaction is dynamic and modulated by language activation, and that an absence of dominance effects does not necessarily entail an absence of online cross-linguistic phonetic influence.
Aims and Objectives
Studies on vowel productions of speakers from bilingual communities report not only interactions between the first and second language, but also monolingual-like realizations. The present study expands a prior acoustic investigation of Saterland trilinguals by studying the substrate effect of Saterland Frisian and Low German on the trilinguals’ standard language Northern Standard German. The research aim is to test whether the Northern Standard German vowel productions of the Saterland trilinguals approach the productions of monolingual speakers in terms of durational and spectral features.
Design
We elicited three repetitions per speaker of the complete inventory of stressed Northern Standard German monophthongs in /hVt/ context to compare the realizations of Northern Standard German vowels in trilingual speakers from Saterland and in monolingual speakers from Hanover, whose variety of Northern Standard German is representative of the larger speech community.
Data and analysis
In an acoustic analysis, we compared the durational and spectral features using linear mixed effects models. The findings are interpreted with reference to the cross-linguistic vowel productions of the trilingual speakers.
Findings
For the larger part, the Northern Standard German vowel productions of the trilinguals approach the productions of the monolingual speakers in terms of both durational and spectral features. In addition, the vowel productions of the trilingual speakers suggest a bidirectional interaction between the vowel systems of the trilinguals’ three languages.
Originality
This investigation is the first to study phonetic interference in vowel production in a situation of long-term language contact involving regional trilingualism and an endangered minority language.
Implications
Our findings show an orientation towards the larger speech community in the realization of vowel categories in the trilinguals’ standard language. Our study also suggests that the complete inventory needs to be studied to understand the functional constraints by which the multilingual vowel space is organized. It further suggests that a comparison of multilingual with monolingual speakers is necessary to draw conclusions on the mutual subphonemic influence of the individual vowel systems.
This is the second of two volumes emanating from the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages held at the University of Texas at Austin in February 2005. It features the keynote addresses delivered by Prof. Jacques Durand on the Phonology of Contemporary French Project and Prof. John Charles Smith on skeuomorphy and refunctionalization. It also includes eleven contributions by reputed scholars on topics ranging from phonetics, phonology, morphophonology, dialectology, sociolinguistics and language variation. Formal phonology papers favor the model of Optimality Theory, while phonetic measurements serve as the basis for sociolinguistic and dialectometric studies. Many of these studies emphasize new comparative, typological approaches to Romance data (including many non-standard varieties of French, Italian and Spanish). This volume will be of interest to all Romance linguists.
A cogent, freshly written synthesis of new and classic work on crosslinguistic influence, or language transfer, this book is an authoritative account of transfer in second-language learning and its consequences for language and thought. It covers transfer in both production and comprehension, and discusses the distinction between semantic and conceptual transfer, lateral transfer, and reverse transfer. The book is ideal as a text for upper-level undergraduate and graduate courses in bilingualism, second language acquisition, psycholinguistics, and cognitive psychology, and will also be of interest to researchers in these areas.
Aims:
This study investigates the perception and production of the Galician mid vowel contrasts by 54 early Spanish-Galician bilinguals in the cities of Vigo and Santiago (Galicia, Spain). Empirical data is provided to examine the role of language dominance in the perception and production of Galician mid vowel contrasts in order to determine whether the Galician vowel system is becoming more Spanish-like as a result of extensive contact with Spanish in urban areas.
Methods:
Perception and production data for each mid vowel contrast were collected in (1) binary forced-choice identification tasks, (2) AX discrimination tasks and (3) a reading-aloud task.
Results:
Results from binary forced-choice identification and AX discrimination tasks indicate that Spanish-dominant bilinguals have great difficulty in discriminating between these mid vowels while Galician-dominant subjects display a robust categorical identification of the two mid vowel categories. Acoustic analyses of their productions show that Galician-dominant bilinguals implement a Galician-specific /e/-/x025B;/ contrast but Spanish-dominant ones produce a single, merged Spanish-like front mid vowel. However, both language dominance groups seem to maintain a more robust /o/-/x0254;/ contrast. This asymmetry between front and back mid vowels is found in the productions of both language dominance groups.
Conclusion:
These results show that language dominance is a strong predictor of the production and perception abilities of Spanish-Galician bilinguals, and that only Galician-dominant subjects in these urban areas possess two independent phonetic categories in the front and back mid vowel space.
The present study reports on an acoustic analysis of alveolar laterals in two contact languages (Catalan and Spanish) as produced by two groups of Catalan–Spanish bilinguals (Catalan-dominant and Spanish-dominant) residing on Majorca. Catalan alveolar laterals have been reported to be “darker” (i.e. velarized) than Spanish ones. Recent sociophonetic research has suggested that Catalan and Spanish are gradually converging in this phonetic feature due to intensive contact and that laterals are sociolinguistically salient in Majorca. This paper examines the potential interactions between the social-indexical role of laterals in Majorca and the abilities of bilinguals to maintain two separate acoustic distributions for laterals in their two languages. First, it is shown that bilinguals tend to transfer the phonetic features of the sound categories of their native language to their non-native one even after having had early and extensive exposure to native input in their non-dominant language. Second, it is shown that while most bilinguals maintain two separate acoustic distributions for the laterals in their two languages, some participants do not. Social-indexical and cognitive factors that could explain this finding are discussed.
Most work investigating the role of convergence in situations of language attrition has focused on the morpho-syntactic restructuring of the dying language variety. A central concern of such research has been untangling the factors driving the restructuring with an eye towards establishing whether the changes observed are best viewed as externally driven or, by contrast, as internally motivated. A second and equally important concern of this research attempts to define the domains of the linguistic system that may be the most permeable to external influence. The present study provides a contribution to this line of research and sheds light on its two leading concerns from the domain of phonology and phonetics. Specifically, we present the results of an instrumental study of the phonological vowel system of Frenchville French and argue that this linguistic variety is undergoing a perceptually striking process of phonetic convergence with English that is motivated by the auditory and acoustic similarity between a subset of vowels in the contact languages. An interesting consequence of our analysis is that bilingual phonologies may become particularly permeable to inter-linguistic influence precisely where they are acoustically and perceptually unstable, and where they are already congruent to some degree.
Cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation in vowels among speakers of American English was examined in terms of vowel identification by listeners and vowel classification using pattern recognition. Listeners from Western North Carolina and Southeastern Wisconsin identified 12 vowel categories produced by 120 speakers stratified by age (old adults, young adults, and children), gender, and dialect. The vowels /ɝ, o, ʊ, u/ were well identified by both groups of listeners. The majority of confusions were for the front /i, ɪ, e, ɛ, æ/, the low back /ɑ, ɔ/ and the monophthongal North Carolina /aɪ/. For selected vowels, generational differences in acoustic vowel characteristics were perceptually salient, suggesting listeners' responsiveness to sound change. Female exemplars and native-dialect variants produced higher identification rates. Linear discriminant analyses which examined dialect and generational classification accuracy showed that sampling the formant pattern at vowel midpoint only is insufficient to separate the vowels. Two sample points near onset and offset provided enough information for successful classification. The models trained on one dialect classified the vowels from the other dialect with much lower accuracy. The results strongly support the importance of dynamic information in accurate classification of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variations.
Two views of bilingualism are presented--the monolingual or fractional view which holds that the bilingual is (or should be) two monolinguals in one person, and the bilingual or wholistic view which states that the coexistence of two languages in the bilingual has produced a unique and specific speaker-hearer. These views affect how we compare monolinguals and bilinguals, study language learning and language forgetting, and examine the speech modes--monolingual and bilingual--that characterize the bilingual's everyday interactions. The implications of the wholistic view on the neurolinguistics of bilingualism, and in particular bilingual aphasia, are discussed.
The spectral characteristics of vowels in Modern Greek and German were examined. Four speakers of Modern Greek and three speakers of German produced four repetitions of words containing each vowel of their native language. Measurements of the fundamental frequency and the first three formats were made for each vowel token. These measurements were then transformed into log frequency ratios and plotted as points in the three-dimensional auditory-perceptual space proposed by Miller (1989). Each vowel token was thus represented by one point, and the points corresponding to each vowel category were enclosed in three-dimensional target zones. For the present corpus, these zones differentiate the five vowels of Modern Greek with 100% accuracy, and the fourteen vowels of German with 94% accuracy. Implications for the distribution of common vowels across languages as a function of vowel density are discussed.
Languages differ widely in the size of their vowel inventories; however, cross-linguistic surveys indicate that certain vowels and vowel system configurations are preferred. A cross-linguistic comparison of the acoustic vowel categories of two languages that differ in vowel inventory size, namely, English and Spanish, was performed in order to reveal some of the language-specific and/or universal principles that determine the acoustic realization of the vowels of these two languages. This comparison shows that the precise location in the acoustic space of similar vowel categories across the two languages is determined, in part, by a language-specific base-of-articulation property. These data also suggest that the relatively crowded acoustic vowel space of English may be expanded with respect to the relatively uncrowded acoustic vowel space of Spanish; however, this effect is variable depending on the syllable context of the English vowels. Finally, the data indicate no difference in the tightness of within-category clustering for the large versus the small vowel inventory.
This study investigates vowel productions of 20 Quichua-Spanish bilinguals, differing in age of Spanish acquisition, and 5 monolingual Spanish speakers. While the vowel systems of simultaneous, early, and some mid bilinguals all showed significant plasticity, there were important differences in the kind, as well as the extent, of this adaptability. Simultaneous bilinguals differed from early bilinguals in that they were able to partition the vowel space in a more fine-grained way to accommodate the vowels of their two languages. Early and some mid bilinguals acquired Spanish vowels, whereas late bilinguals did not. It was also found that acquiring Spanish vowels could affect the production of native Quichua vowels. The Quichua vowels were produced higher by bilinguals who had acquired Spanish vowels than those who had not. It is proposed that this vowel reorganization serves to enhance the perceptual distinctiveness between the vowels of the combined first- and second-language system.
The current study was designed to investigate the timing and nature of interaction between the two languages of bilinguals. For this purpose, we compared discrimination of Canadian French and Canadian English coronal stops by simultaneous bilingual, monolingual and advanced early L2 learners of French and English. French /d/ is phonetically described as dental whereas English /d/ is described as alveolar. Using a categorial AXB task, the performance of all four groups was compared to chance and to the performance of native Hindi listeners. Hindi listeners performed well above chance in discriminating French and English /d/-initial syllables. The discrimination performance of advanced early L2 learners, but not simultaneous bilinguals, was consistent with one merged category for coronal stops in the two languages. The data provide evidence for interaction in L2 learners as well as simultaneous bilinguals; however, the nature of the interaction is different in the two groups.
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