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Law and Disorder: Ontario Catholic Bishops’ Opposition to Gay-Straight Alliances
Abstract
Originating in the United States, a Gay/Straight Alliance (GSA) is an in-school student club whose focus is on making the school a safe space for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer students and their straight allies by raising awareness about, and hopefully reducing, school-based homophobia. The ongoing struggle for GSAs in Canadian Catholic schools is one example of how clashes continue to be played out between Catholic canonical law and Canadian common law regarding sexual minorities. This paper draws upon Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, and The History of Sexuality Vol. 1: An Introduction to analyze one particularly influential curricular and policy document entitled Pastoral Guidelines to Assist Students of Same-Sex Orientation from the Ontario Conference of Catholic Bishops. This paper posits that Catholic doctrine about non-heterosexuality functions as a Foucaultian Panopticon enabling Catholic education leaders to observe and correct the behaviour of non-heterosexual teachers and students that they deem runs counter to the values of the Vatican. This paper argues that successful resistance to the powerful disciplining regime of the Catholic school is possible.
... LGBTQ adolescents are at greater risk for suicidality, substance abuse, depression, anxiety, disordered eating, and HIV/AIDS than their straight and cisgender peers; moreover, anti-LGBTQ stigma, including having a hostile school environment, significantly increases these risks among LGBTQ youth (Adelson et al., 2021). Student-led GSAs, also known as Gay-Straight Alliances, aim to mitigate this risk by supporting LGBTQ students in a welcoming environment and reducing homophobia and transphobia in schools (Callaghan, 2014). Statistical modelling conducted by Poteat et al. (2020) revealed that youth who were more involved in their school's GSA had greater perceived peer validation, self-efficacy, and hope, which, as a result, showed further correlation with reduced symptoms of depression and anxiety. ...
... Nevertheless, the permissibility of GSAs in Ontario schools has been the subject of ongoing political disputes. The province's Catholic schools, in particular, have shown resistance to the initiation of GSAs (Callaghan, 2014). Canadian Catholic schools are constitutionally mandated to follow policy and curriculum aligned with Catholic doctrine; however, these schools are also required to adhere to the 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Canadian common law (Callaghan, 2014). ...
... The province's Catholic schools, in particular, have shown resistance to the initiation of GSAs (Callaghan, 2014). Canadian Catholic schools are constitutionally mandated to follow policy and curriculum aligned with Catholic doctrine; however, these schools are also required to adhere to the 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Canadian common law (Callaghan, 2014). In a 2004 policy document compulsory for Ontario Catholic schools to follow, the Ontario Conference of Catholic Bishops encouraged homophobic ideology by declaring homosexuality as a sin and suggesting a Twelve- ...
The permissibility of student GSA (Gender Sexuality Alliance) clubs in Ontario has been heavily disputed, with Catholic schools showing particular resistance. With a history of opposing same-sex rights, Canada’s Catholic Church holds great social, economic, and political power. This institution-level power generates extensive structural stigma that harms the LGBTQ community, including adolescents. Stigmatization provokes emotional, cognitive, behavioural, and physiological responses that compound each other, altering one’s health. Through the use of accepted socio-epidemiological guidelines for establishing causal inference along with data from a Canadian report on homophobia and transphobia in both Catholic and public schools, it is evident that structural stigma, expressed through prejudice against GSAs in Ontario Catholic schools, is harmful to the health of LGBTQ students. LGBTQ students, who are structurally stigmatized in Ontario Catholic schools, experience inferior emotional health compared to their nonstigmatized cisgender and heterosexual peers. Literature reviewed demonstrates confidence in a causal relationship; due to the structural stigma that Catholic schools in Ontario perpetuate against the LGBTQ community, LGBTQ students attending these schools experience greater risks to their mental health. It is imperative that LGBTQ youth are protected in schools, and solutions must be considered to balance Catholic religious rights in education with the health and social needs of students.
... This article contributes to the body of education scholarship that explores how publicly-funded Catholic K-12 schools are addressing the existence of gender and sexual minority people within them (e.g., Callaghan, 2014Callaghan, , 2016Martino, 2014). Our review identified two recurring themes in this literature: (1) resistance to gender and sexual minority (GSM) students and groups (e.g., the naming of Gay-Straight/Gender Student Alliances or GSAs as such, opposition to same-sex student relationships, etc.); and (2) institutional negation of Canadian human rights law in school policy and practice, alongside a concomitant elevation of Catholic Church authority (Callaghan, 2012(Callaghan, , 2014Iskander & Shabtay, 2018). ...
... This article contributes to the body of education scholarship that explores how publicly-funded Catholic K-12 schools are addressing the existence of gender and sexual minority people within them (e.g., Callaghan, 2014Callaghan, , 2016Martino, 2014). Our review identified two recurring themes in this literature: (1) resistance to gender and sexual minority (GSM) students and groups (e.g., the naming of Gay-Straight/Gender Student Alliances or GSAs as such, opposition to same-sex student relationships, etc.); and (2) institutional negation of Canadian human rights law in school policy and practice, alongside a concomitant elevation of Catholic Church authority (Callaghan, 2012(Callaghan, , 2014Iskander & Shabtay, 2018). As a whole, the scholarship recognizes that although the Ontario Human ...
... Rights Code provides protection against discrimination on the grounds of gender identity, gender expression, and sexual orientation, Canadian Catholic school boards demonstrate largely noncompliant administrative regulations and school procedures pertinent to GSM student needs (Callaghan, 2014). That said, much of the literature on GSM people in publicly-funded Catholic schools emphasizes sexual diversity (e.g., diversity on the order of sexual orientation; see Case & Meier, 2014;Peter et al., 2018). ...
In this article, we share findings from an analysis of Ontario Catholic school board policy documents (N = 179) containing Canada’s newest human rights grounds: gender expression and gender identity. Our major finding may be unsurprising—that Ontario Catholic boards are generally not responding to Toby’s Act (passed in 2012) at the level of policy, as few boards have added these grounds in a way that enacts the spirit of that legislation. While this finding is likely unsurprising, our study also yielded findings that unsettle any facile binary of “Catholic boards/bad” and “public secular boards/good” in relation to gender diversity. We also leverage our findings to suggest a striking possibility for a vigorous and doctrinally-compatible embrace of gender expression protections in Catholic schools, if not gender identity protections. We argue that fear of gender expression protections may stem from an erroneous conflation of “gender expression” with “gender identity” when these are in fact separate grounds—a conflation that is also endemic within secular Ontario school board policy; this doubles as a conflation of gender expression with “transgender,” as the latter is unfailingly linked with gender identity human rights. We make a series of recommendations for policy, and a case for Catholic schools embracing their legal duty to provide a learning environment free from gender expression discrimination without doctrinal conflict and arguably with ample doctrinal support, so that students of all gender expressions can flourish regardless of whether they are or will come to know they are transgender.
... This question may seem like a simple one, but it is one that a group of thirty-two secondary school students grappled with when they were denied permission to form a gay-straight alliance (GSA) at their publicly-funded Catholic school in Ontario, Canada. In Ontario, both secular and Catholic school boards are publicly-funded and accountable to the Provincial government, yet Catholic school boards are constitutionally protected in offering educational policy and curriculum that keeps within Catholic doctrine when it does not clash with Canadian common law (Callaghan, 2014). At this school, Iskander (then sixteen years old) requested permission to start a GSA but was denied this request by both the principal and superintendent on the grounds that the school could not support a group that specifically concerned lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) issues because the Catholic bishops did not allow it (Houston, 2011a). ...
... In this article, we explore interactions that led to the inclusion of protections for LGBTQ student organizations in Ontario's Accepting Schools Act, which we refer to as 'Bill 13.' While many players had influence over this legislation, and there has been academic work discussing the role of politicians (Kates, 2013), Catholic bishops (Callaghan, 2014), media (Martino, 2014;Shipley, 2014) and others, this article's focus is on the active role of youth activists in shaping this legislation. Drawing on news media, student speeches, scholarly literature, and Iskander's personal insights, we provide a reflective analysis of the youth activism behind this legislation, demonstrating how LGBTQ youth mobilized to effect change in education policy. ...
... It needs to be recognized that there are gay students within the Catholic school system, and we deserve to be treated with the same dignity and respect as everyone else. (Meagan Smith, grade 10 student, in a speech delivered at Queer Ontario's "Sex Ed, GSAs and Publicly Funded Schools" education forum; Smith, 2011) In the speech excerpted above, Smith asks her audience to recognize that 'there are gay students within the Catholic school system.' Smith's point about recognition is poignant, as the refusal to allow GSAs and subsequent refusal to allow the use of the word 'gay' in the naming of student clubs is symptomatic of a refusal to recognize the existence of LGBTQ students in Catholic schools (Callaghan, 2014) and a refusal to recognize LGBTQ sexualities and relationships as valid and healthy (Martino, 2014). Words like 'gay' and 'lesbian' are not part of the vocabulary of Catholic education: leaders refer instead to 'students experiencing same-sex attraction' (Callaghan, 2014). ...
The Accepting Schools Act (Bill 13), which amends the Education Act of Ontario, Canada, passed in 2012 includes the directive that all publicly-funded schools, whether secular or Catholic, support students who wish to establish, name, and run gay-straight alliances (GSAs). This legislation was influenced by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) youth activism and the events preceding Bill 13’s passage exemplify effective political mobilization by secondary school students in defiance of their schools. This article brings the voices of the youth activists, including one of its authors, together with news media and scholarly literature to reflect on the aims of this LGBTQ youth activism.
... That is, the Respecting Difference resource overtly dissuades students from disclosing their sexualities and genders, and receiving invaluable peer support; instead, youth are expected to privately consult with a chaplain and return to the closet. Limits are also imposed on queer advocacy, which signals how youth should be complacent with religiously-sanctioned homophobia (see Callaghan, 2012Callaghan, , 2014aCallaghan, /b, 2016b. ...
... Thereafter, Callaghan's (2012Callaghan's ( , 2014aCallaghan's ( , 2015Callaghan's ( , 2016a (Grace & Wells, 2015;Kitchen & Bellini, 2013;Lapointe, 2012Liboro et al., 2015;St. John, Travers, Munro, Liboro, Schneider, & Greig, 2014). ...
... Within Callaghan's (2007Callaghan's ( , 2009Callaghan's ( , 2010Callaghan's ( , 2012Callaghan's ( , 2014aCallaghan's ( /b, 2015Callaghan's ( , 2016a body of work that examines the experiences of queer Catholic school teachers and students, she argues that two colloquial expressions, "It's okay to be gay, just don't act on it" and "Love the sinner, hate the sin" (Callaghan, 2010, p. 85), are enacted to monitor, control, discipline, and police sexual minorities (Callaghan, 2014a). Callaghan (2015) explains: ...
This study provides an in-depth examination of the educative and activist function of GSAs in two public secular and two public Catholic Ontario secondary schools. Queer theory, as elaborated by Foucault (1978), Sedgwick (1990/2008), Butler (1990, 1993a/b/c), Warner (1991), and Britzman (1995), provides a foundation for critiquing the heteronormative underpinnings of schooling, and the trans-informed insights of Namaste (2000), Stryker (2006), Serano (2007/2016, 2013), Malatino (2015), and Connell (2009) offers a lens to scrutinize cisnormative infrastructure, pedagogy, and practice as they pertain to the role and educative function of GSAs in selected Ontario schools. To generate knowledge on the particularities of the four GSAs (Patton, 2002), a multi-sited case study approach was undertaken (Patton, 2002; Stake, 2005). Data were gathered by completing semi-structured interviews with 14 youth and five educators across the school sites, observing and participating in GSA meetings, collecting semi-structured diaries from 13 youth, and analyzing club-related visual materials - all of which were made sense of by employing queer and trans-informed theoretical perspectives. There was a concerted effort to speak with trans and gender diverse GSA members in order to (de)subjugate their embodied knowledges and understandings (Stryker, 2006), authorize their voices (Cook-Sather, 2002, 2006), and document their agency in schooling by way of their club-inspired education and activism (see Elliott, 2015, Schindel, 2005, 2008). Three prominent themes emerged within the data: 1: each GSA was a student-driven democratizing space that enabled youth to explore and circulate anti-hetero/cisnormative discourses (Fraser, 1990); 2) all GSAs served as a proxy in the absence of an ongoing systemic commitment to queer and trans-informed education; and 3) pastoral care and its regulatory moral authority within Catholic education impeded GSA development and functioning (Martino, 2014). The implications of the study are outlined in terms of the need for systemic support for anti-heteronormative and anti-cisnormative education so that the burden and responsibility for this education does not just fall on the shoulders of GSA members and gender and sexual minority youth in particular.
... LGBTI youth experiences and subjectivity (Quinn & Meiners, 2013;Fields et al., 2014), and recent work on systemic heterosexism and cissexism in Canadian Catholic education (Callaghan, 2014;2016;2018). By foregrounding the voices of the young activists through their publiclydelivered speeches, we place them in conversation with scholars who have written about the Ontario Catholic school gay-straight alliance controversy (Herriot, 2014;Kates, 2013;Martino, 2014;Niblett & Oraa, 2014;Seitz, 2014). ...
... However; their engagement in activist work through appeals to media, impassioned speeches, and political action, though met with strong opposition and threats of "disciplinary action" (Houston, 2011), garnered public attention and spurred policy makers into action. As Callaghan (2014) and others who have written about these events agree, it is both significant and remarkable that high-school student activism led to such policy changes. The students came up against structures of power and surveillance and, to quote Tran, "maneuvered" past themgoing beyond their schools and appealing to politicians and the public directly. ...
... Much academic literature about the Catholic school GSA controversy frames it as primarily a case of conflict between (Catholic) religious and LGBTQ rights, the identity of Catholic schools and the rationale for their existence, and, more broadly, conflict about the separation between church and state in Canada (Burns, 2016;Callaghan, 2014;Cochrane, 2014;Martino, 2014). This literature, apart from Seitz (2014), largely ignores how nationalism, xenophobia, and the pervasive association of queerness with whiteness and racialization with straightness framed the GSA controversy. ...
Just over a decade ago, when we were high school students attending neighbouring Catholic schools in Ontario, Canada, we found ourselves embroiled in a highly publicized controversy about sexuality and education. As teenagers, we used media publicity as a central strategy in our organizing for the right to form gay–straight alliances in our publicly funded religious schools. At the same time, the media—and, later, sexuality scholars and educational researchers—used us, drawing on our experiences to tell particular kinds of stories about sexuality, youth, and religious schooling. Using autoethnography, queer theory, and critical studies of childhood and youth, we deconstruct these various uses of the Ontario Catholic school GSA controversy and their impact on our lives from our current vantage points as emerging scholars. First, we interrogate how notions of queer young people’s risk and resilience shaped our activism and its reception. Second, we explore how framing queer young people as heroes or victims produces exclusions. Finally, we consider what it has meant for us personally to grow up alongside representations of our activism as teens. We aim to trouble the idealization of LGBTQ young people’s activism by showing how the limited stories and subject positions available to LGBTQ youth, the stigmatization of meaningful intergenerational dialogue between LGBTQ adults and youth, and racist and anti-religious sentiment may prevent adults from understanding, supporting, and welcoming young people into LGBTQ activist movements.
... Their experiences are quite similar to LG-BTI teachers in Australian Catholic schools who do not enjoy such federal protections and given the recent election outcome are unlikely to change. In light of the progress in LGBTI student rights in Canada, especially in relation to provincial legislation that ensures students-including those in Catholic schools-should be allowed to establish Gay/Straight Alliances and use the words "gay" or "queer" in the name of their GSAs (Callaghan, 2014), one might expect that respect for LGBTI teachers' equality rights will follow. As we have seen, legislation, law, and progressive educational policies are very important for safeguarding LGBTI teachers' equality rights, but there should not be loopholes for Catholic schools to simply sidestep these essential rights (in the case of Canada) or be exempt from human rights and federal antidiscrimination laws (in the case of Australia). ...
... Although the abbreviation, GSA, has been reconceptualized to move beyond its static, singular, binary, trans-elusive, and non-intersectional limitations (see Ghaziani, 2011;Lapointe, 2016), the founding name may still remain pertinent in certain spaces where it has been refuted due to homophobic censorship. For example, within a publicly funded Catholic education context, religiously sanctioned homophobia has been well documented (Callaghan, 2012(Callaghan, , 2014a(Callaghan, , b, 2016Lapointe, 2018), including the explicit banning of words, such as "gay" or "rainbow," in club names ; see also Niblett & Oraa, 2014;Martino, 2014); thus, the brand name, Gay-Straight Alliance, may still be maintained and leveraged to explicitly identify the group as queer in Catholic settings. ...
... Although the abbreviation, GSA, has been reconceptualized to move beyond its static, singular, binary, trans-elusive, and non-intersectional limitations (see Ghaziani, 2011;Lapointe, 2016), the founding name may still remain pertinent in certain spaces where it has been refuted due to homophobic censorship. For example, within a publicly funded Catholic education context, religiously sanctioned homophobia has been well documented (Callaghan, 2012(Callaghan, , 2014a(Callaghan, , b, 2016Lapointe, 2018), including the explicit banning of words, such as "gay" or "rainbow," in club names ; see also Niblett & Oraa, 2014;Martino, 2014); thus, the brand name, Gay-Straight Alliance, may still be maintained and leveraged to explicitly identify the group as queer in Catholic settings. ...
... Much of my work in this field has been a critique of how Catholic schools respond to their encounters with situations that they perceive to threaten their identity. For example, in Ontario's Catholic schools, Marc Hall was going to be denied access to his prom in 2002 if he took his boyfriend as a date (Grace & Wells, 2005), and in 2011 students like Leanne Iskander were not going to be allowed to organize Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) because the prevailing view in their schools, backed by the Ontario Catholic Bishops and Catholic School Trustees Association, was that such phenomena are contrary to Catholic teaching (Callaghan, 2014). There were several dimensions to the arguments over these issues, but the political disagreements all boiled down to the bishops and trustees asserting the denominational rights of Catholic schools as distinct from, and contextually precedent over, the secular individual rights of students in these schools. ...
I argue that the crisis of identity Catholic schools are experiencing in the 21st century also presents an opportunity for a rediscovery and expanded conversation, both within and beyond the confines of the institutional Church, of what it means to exist separately from the mainstream without restricting internal diversity. I begin by presenting salient historical, theological, and sociological features Catholicism and Catholic Education during and since the Second Vatican Council (1962-5) to establish the context and substance of its modern identity crisis. I then provide a review of current controversies within Catholic schools to demonstrate how they are symptomatic of this crisis, but also potential catalysts for exploring new options. The next section argues both for the merits of recognizing multiple Catholic identities, and imagining the Catholic school as an institution that assembles and coordinates them. I propose that the fact of multiple Catholic identities should be interpreted as differences in kind, rather than by their degree of difference from a narrowly constructed idea of Catholicism. I also propose that the intersection of these identities at school should be encouraged as a way of nurturing both students’ own identities and their ability to encounter religious difference within their own tradition and community. The conclusion demonstrates how in practice this model presents a promising means of possibly deepening individual and institutional religious identit(y/ies) in today’s world, and for responding to controversial issues that arise within Catholic schools.
... This conceptualization of the policy dispositif speaks to the notion of a trans specific policyscape in Ontario with its particular historical contingencies and formation of policy ensembles involving a legacy of LGBT activism and networks of power, which resonate with 'the ways in which particular fields of knowledge are sustained and challenged in these settings, around particular events' (Ball 1994, 22). Such events as the GSA controversy in Catholic schools (see Callaghan 2014), the provincial government's legislation of the new Health and Physical Education curriculum with its content on gender and sexual diversity, the controversy around transgender peoples' pronouns, as well as the recent legislation governing the gender identity and sex information on official government forms and the recent closing of the Gender Identity Clinic for Children and Youth at CAMH, constitute defining features of a trans specific policy dispositif and ensemble in the Ontario context. The irruption of dissent that has come to characterize the reception of these events illuminates not only the 'real struggles over the interpretation and enactment of policies' dealing with the rights of gender and sexual minorities, but the extent to which these struggles 'are set within a moving discursive frame which articulates and constrains possibilities and probabilities of interpretation and enactment' (Ball 1994, 23). ...
In this paper we draw on Mettler’s concept of the policyscape and apply it to an examination of policy-making processes and events as they pertain specifically to an analysis of transgender inclusivity and gender diversity in the Ontario context. We employ Ball’s focus on policy as text and policy ensembles alongside Bailey’s employment of policy dispositifs to map key events that characterize important legislative developments that define the Ontario education policy landscape with regards to addressing gender identity and gender expression as a basis for anti-discrimination. We situate particular events such as the GSA (Gay Straight Alliance or Gender and Sexuality Alliance) and sex education controversies within a broader context of trans activism, which we identify as pointing to quite specific contingencies that characterize the Ontario policyscape. Overall, the paper extends a consideration of the specificities of the Ontario case in Canada to a broader reflection on the utility of the policyscape as a crucial concept for making sense of the relevance of more general characteristics of a spatially-focused trans informed policy analysis.
In this paper, our purpose is to investigate policy informing texts and discourses referencing transgender equality and gender diversity in the Western Australian education system. Drawing on scholarship from transgender, queer and policy studies, we highlight the interplay of progressive and conservative forces affecting the Western Australian education system’s commitment to supporting transgender and gender non-binary students. Based on a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) project, the paper constructs a Western Australian case study, which threads together the critical examination of policy informing texts, qualitative interview data and media discourses surrounding public narratives, such as the Safe School Coalition Australia’s attempt to implement a school program, which builds awareness about gender and sexual diversity. Emerging through the material, discursive and spatial elements of locales and networks, our case study has the potential to deepen knowledge regarding the heuristic capacity of employing policyscape as an analytic category. In this vein, we draw attention to the possibilities and challenges for re-conceptualizing gender and providing trans-affirmative school spaces that promote equality.
Sears and Herriot examine the complex interplay between and among religion, citizenship and social justice in education. Beginning with a discussion of the diverse ways individuals and groups understand these concepts, the chapter moves on to consider several key themes including: the idea that religion is a ubiquitous and persistent part of modern societies; the anomaly that religious people, groups, and institutions are sometimes the victims of social injustice and discrimination and sometimes the purveyors of those same things; and the fluid and contested nature of human rights. The chapter concludes by arguing that negotiating the complexities of the intersections between religion, citizenship and social justice requires a high degree of religious literacy.
Catholic schools have achieved academic, social, and spiritual successes, but have also struggled with shifting twenty-first century social values. Confronted with issues such as the proper treatment of non-heterosexual students, disagreements over the ordination of women, and assertions that schools are not properly teaching doctrine, Catholic schools tend to listen to concerns and then resume established institutional programs. In Beyond Obedience and Abandonment, Graham McDonough proposes that Catholic schools embrace dissent as a powerful opportunity for rediscovery in the Church. Building a case for productive dissent, McDonough provides a nuanced analysis of contemporary Catholic education. He considers the ways in which the established body of theology, history, and curriculum theory supports faithful disagreement within the tradition of religious schooling and outlines new perspectives for overcoming doctrinal frustrations and administrative obstacles. Beyond Obedience and Abandonment is a well-reasoned and engaging work that illustrates the limitations of current practices and proposes new designs that will enable greater dissent and fuller participation in Catholic education.
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