No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
“Aggressive Refugees, Violent Hooligans, Concerned Citizens”: Reinterpreting Multiple Processes of Difference-Making in Mediatizations of Migration and Conflict in East Germany in the German Media 1
Abstract
While feminist postcolonial literature provides valuable insight into the intersectional effects of race, gender and sexuality, other dimensions of difference-making like region or class often remain invisible. Combining postcolonial and post-socialist perspectives, this paper explores the intersections of multidimensional frontiers in the social production of “otherness”. Using a sociology of knowledge approach to discourse, we analyze how current mediatizations of migration and conflict in East German cities link ethnosexual with spatio-cultural-historical frontiers. This interplay of multifaceted frontiers constitutes internal and external images of a cultural “other” and contributes to internal coherence within the sexually and racially imagined nation.
... Respondents include professionals, researchers, and locals who have experienced travel, research, and work related to PQs, and interpret PQ narratives based on their experiences and knowledge. The analysis is focused on the premise that readers do not correct the meanings found in each story, but are also actively (re)produced and (re)interpreted (Taragin-Zeller, 2018; Trzeciak and Schäfer, 2021). The end product of this research is what some researchers have termed a "spatial narrative, " which highlights that listening and Diagram of a qanat structure (Delfani et al., 2020). ...
Introduction
Travel narratives are very attractive sources that examine the destination from the point of view of tourists with different attitudes. A group of studies has been conducted on travel narratives, but this type of analysis has been done very little in Iran despite their potential.
Methods
11 Persian qanats (PQs) have been recognized as UNESCO World Heritage sites. Visitors who explore the qanats as conduits of the desert have extraordinary experiences that can seem like captivating fiction. The main focus of the current research is on the narratives of tourists who have visited these PQs. Qualitative and narrative analysis methods were used to avoid relying on numerical data.
Results
The study includes 30 participants who had visited the qanats and shared their travel stories. The study findings show that Persian qanats are a distinctive draw for foreign tourists that can leave a lasting impression.
Discussion
The PQs listed as a UNESCO World Heritage property are one of the unique attractions of Iran’s tourism, so far its tourism potential has been less noticed, and qanat tourism is a nascent branch of tourism in Iran. The narratives of travelers can be instrumental in promoting this invaluable groundwater engineering heritage.
... Considering the historical context of the Left-party, anti-capitalism is not only part of the party's heritage (Hough et al., 2007), but also still relevant for their current political approach (Matthews & Kerevel, 2021). The same applies to the opposite of the political spectrum, where the AfD is focusing on its core topic migration and its restriction (Trzeciak & Schäfer, 2021). ...
The attention that political parties pay to the tourism sector's issues has been an underresearched subject for tourism science. This paper aims to fill the gap by analysing political awareness for tourism-related topics on a national level. It will answer the question of whether tourism plays an important role in parties' manifestos and in which context it is addressed. To facilitate the research, the paper applies a quantitative content analysis as well as a contextual analysis. Results show that within parties' manifestos tourism topics are discussed and used for the political debate, not only for their economic aspects but in the context of infrastructure and sustainability as well. It becomes clear that tourism on a national level serves as a vehicle to communicate the general ideological message of the respective political party. The findings of this paper complement earlier studies regarding regional politics and tourism.
Der vorliegende Artikel unternimmt eine dekolonisierende Spurensuche im post(real)sozialistischen Raum Cottbus. Inspiriert durch post- und dekoloniale Städteinitiativen lokalisieren wir verschiedene Erinnerungsorte in der Stadt. Wir zeigen, wie der post(real)sozialistische urbane Raum, der aus der DDR hervorgegangen ist, auf ambivalente Weise in eine koloniale Matrix eingebunden ist. Wir rekonstruieren, wie diese spezifische Kolonialität/Modernität zur sozialen Hierarchisierung von sozialen, ökonomischen und epistemischen Beziehungen führte. Die ambivalente Positionierung der DDR, die einerseits koloniale Machtverhältnisse fortsetzte, diesen gleichzeitig entgegentrat sowie selbst von Prozessen der Abwertung betroffen war, konzeptualisieren wir als urbane imperiale Differenz. Wir argumentieren, dass die Aufarbeitung der Prozesse von Rassialisierung im (real)sozialistischen urbanen Raum wichtig ist, um gegenwärtige rechtsextreme, zuwanderungsfeindliche und rassistische Bewegungen besser verstehen zu können.
Since 2015, far right parties drawing heavily on radical anti-refugee rhetoric gained electoral support in Germany while the number of political hate crimes targeting refugees rose. Both phenomena – far right electoral support and prevalence of right-wing hate crimes – have theoretically and empirically been linked with socio-structural and contextual variables. However, systematic empirical research on these links is scattered and scarce at best. We combine official statistics on political hate crimes targeting refugees in Germany and far right electoral support of the far right party “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) in the German national elections 2017 with socio-structural variables (proportion of foreigners and unemployment rate) and survey data collected in a representative survey (N = 1,506) in 2016. We aggregate and combine data for all German municipalities except Berlin which were the level of analysis for the current study. In path analyses, we find socio-structural variables to be unrelated with each other but significantly correlated with both criterion variables in a systematic fashion: proportion of foreigners was negatively while unemployment rate was positively linked with far right electoral support. Right-wing crime was linked positively with unemployment rate across Germany and positively with proportion of foreigners only in East Germany while proportion of foreigners was unrelated to right-wing crime in West Germany. When including survey measures into the model, they were linked with socio-structural variables in the predicted fashion – intergroup contact correlated positively with proportion of foreigners, collective deprivation correlated positively with unemployment rates, and both predicted extreme right-wing attitudes. However, their contribution to the explained variance in outcome variables above and beyond socio-structural variables was neglectable. We argue that both far right-wing electoral support and right-wing hate crime can be conceptualized as behavioral forms of political extremism shaped through socio-structural and contextual factors and discuss implications for preventing political extremism.
Research has provided insight into ideas, agents and patterns of inequality associated with Islamophobia. Yet, we know less about why anti-Muslim racism is so virulent and persistent today. Focusing on post-unification Germany, we explore the broader function Islamophobia fulfils for society. We draw on a discourse analysis of statements by four public figures, the publicists Monika Maron and Alice Schwarzer, and the politicians Vera Lengsfeld and Beatrix von Storch; two of them are from Germany’s former East, and the other two from the former West. We found little evidence of specific regional ‘flavours’ of anti-Muslim racism, but noted that the speakers’ diverging positionality in re-unified Germany shapes their Islamophobic agitation. Our analysis shows how ‘old’ and ‘new’ Germans distinctly participate in re-creating western identities as the unmarked norm. Anti-Muslim racism, we argue, plays an important role in everyday discursive acts of nation-building, and assists in justifying multi-layered patterns of stratification. Outward projections onto an ‘Other’, the ‘enemy within’, fulfil a key function: the integration of a highly polarized society, at least on the symbolic level. The collective in need of integration, our analysis suggests, may therefore not necessarily be the one that is the main target of such efforts.
In the immediate aftermath of German reunification, as in the wake of the recent humanitarian crisis, Germany experienced notable ‘peaks’ of racist agitation and violence. In the 1990s, as today, the post-Communist eastern regions of Germany tend to be perceived as the hub of such racism. In this article, Lewicki revisits both ‘peaks’ via an examination of numerical evidence for verbal and physical racist violence in the former East and West of Germany. Rather than conceiving of racism as ‘cyclical’ or a specific legacy of the Communist dictatorship, her analysis suggests that political projects in Germany’s past and present have retained distinct structural incarnations of race. Far-right activists could thus successfully channel animosities resulting from the terms of unification into nationalist and racist resentment: momentarily more so in the East, but increasingly also in the West. The politics of citizenship, Lewicki argues, has provided a key means of perpetuating, reaffirming and cementing racialized hierarchies in the two post-war German states, but also in reunified Germany.
The anti-immigration continuum of public attitude-media-politics has undergone changes in the course of the “refugee crisis” in Germany. By examining migrant representations and discursive events taking place in 2015 and early 2016, we will show the volatility of the recent discourse on refugees. A historical/critical discourse analysis will show how new topoi arose and old topoi of the security/power paradigm have lastly reconquered the discourse. Using newspaper coverage, we discuss discursive events in three main sections: borders, arrival, and presence. Discursive shifts have taken place that have had an impact on the configuration of migration categories such as migrants or refugees.
This article discusses the debate on sexism that flared up again as a consequence of the moral panic after the sexual assaults by young migrants and refugees during the New Year's Eve celebrations 2015/2016. I introduce the concept of ethnosexism in order to approach an existing yet currently aggravated conceptualization of migration as a 'sexual problem'. This adds an intersectional dimension to the concept of sexism. I then consider the 'sexually dangerous muslim refugee' as a figure of defense against migration and analyze its function in feminist and liberal attitudes for narratives of western superiority.
Short Version is published in the print version of the Journal 2:1, 2016
Populist right-wing politics is moving centre-stage, with some parties reaching the very top of the electoral ladder: but do we know why, and why now?
In this book Ruth Wodak traces the trajectories of such parties from the margins of the political landscape to its centre, to understand and explain how they are transforming from fringe voices to persuasive political actors who set the agenda and frame media debates. Laying bare the normalization of nationalistic, xenophobic, racist and antisemitic rhetoric, she builds a new framework for this ‘politics of fear’ that is entrenching new social divides of nation, gender and body.
The result reveals the micro-politics of right-wing populism: how discourses, genres, images and texts are performed and manipulated in both formal and also everyday contexts with profound consequences. This book is a must-read for scholars and students of linguistics, media and politics wishing to understand these dynamics that are re-shaping our political space.
The contribution outlines a research programme which I have coined the "sociology of knowledge approach to discourse" (Wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse). This approach to discourse integrates important insights of FOUCAULT's theory of discourse into the interpretative paradigm in the social sciences, especially the "German" approach of hermeneutic sociology of knowledge (Hermeneutische Wissenssoziologie). Accordingly, in this approach discourses are considered as "structured and structuring structures" which shape social practices of enunciation. Unlike some Foucauldian approaches, this form of discourse analysis recognises the importance of socially constituted actors in the social production and circulation of knowledge. Furthermore, it combines research questions related to the concept of "discourse" with the methodical toolbox of qualitative social research. Going beyond questions of language in use, "the sociology of knowledge approach to discourse" (Wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse) addresses sociological interests, theanalyses of social relations and politics of knowledge as well as the discursive construction of reality as an empirical ("material") process. For empirical research on discourse the approach proposes
the use of analytical concepts from the sociology of knowledge tradition, such as interpretative schemes or frames (Deutungsmuster), "classifications", "phenomenal structure" (Phänomenstruktur), "narrative structure", "dispositif" etc., and the use of the methodological strategies of "grounded theory".
This book offers an interrogation into the position of racialized communities in the European Union, arguing that the tension between a growing nonwhite, non-Christian population and insistent essentialist definitions of Europeanness produces new forms of identity and activism. Moving beyond disciplinary and national limits, the text explores structures of resistance, tracing a Europeanization from below in which migrant and minority communities challenge the ideology of racelessness that places them firmly outside the community of citizens. Using a notable variety of sources, from drag performances to feminist Muslim activism and Euro hip-hop, the book draws on the largely ignored archive of vernacular culture central to resistance by minority youths to the exclusionary nationalism that casts them as threatening outcasts. At the same time, it reveals the continued effect of Europe’s suppressed colonial history on the representation of Muslim minorities as the illiberal Other of progressive Europe.
Die Entstehung der »Islamophobie« wird gemeinhin als Folge des jüngsten radikalen Islamismus gesehen. Demgegenüber belegen kultur- und sozialwissenschaftliche Analysen, dass antimuslimischer Rassismus bereits lange vorher verbreitet war und in politischen, kulturellen und alltäglichen Diskursen der »westlichen Kultur« verwurzelt ist. Im Unterschied zu interreligiösen Dialogen, die sich bemühen, »das Fremde« zu verstehen und damit der »Islamophobie« begegnen wollen, kehrt dieses Buch die Perspektive um. Der Blick auf »die Anderen« dient als Ausgangspunkt der Betrachtung - nicht, um »das Fremde« zu verstehen, sondern um das »Eigene« reflektieren zu können. Mit Bezug auf postkoloniale und poststrukturalistische Theorien wird die Präsentation »des Islam« als hegemonialer Diskurs analysiert. Demnach ist die Dichotomie zwischen »Islam« und »Westen« eine Konstruktion, die beide essenzialisiert. Sie hat sich historisch entwickelt und transformiert, ihr kommen in politischen Konstellationen unterschiedliche Bedeutungen zu, ihre Facetten sind Teil des kulturellen Wissensbestandes »des Westens« über »den Orient« bzw. »den Islam«. In ihrem Alltag vermitteln sich den Subjekten die Bedingungen und Bedeutungen des »Islamdiskurses« als kulturelle Repräsentationen, die ihnen Sichtweisen und Interpretationen anbieten, nahelegen oder erschweren. In diesem Möglichkeitsraum setzen sich die Subjekte aktiv mit der kulturellen Hegemonie auseinander und positionieren sich darin.
Nach Jahrzehnten scheinbarer Stabilität stolpert Europa in jüngster Zeit von Krise zu Krise. Hier zeigen sich die Folgen einer einseitigen Geschichtsaufarbeitung, die nach dem Mauerfall postfaschistische und postsozialistische Narrative zu einer westlich-kapitalistischen Erfolgsgeschichte verband, während die koloniale Vergangenheit unbeachtet blieb. Fatima El-Tayeb zeigt die Auswirkungen dieses Prozesses anhand des Beispiels deutscher Identität: Immer wieder werden rassifizierte Gruppen - insbesondere Schwarze, Roma und Muslime - als »undeutsch« produziert, als Gruppen, die nicht nur nicht zur nationalen Gemeinschaft gehören, sondern diese durch ihre Anwesenheit gefährden. Ein postmigrantisches Deutschland braucht daher nicht nur neue Zukunftsvisionen, sondern auch neue Vergangenheitsnarrative.
'Imagined Communities' examines the creation & function of the 'imagined communities' of nationality & the way these communities were in part created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism & printing & the birth of vernacular languages in early modern Europe.
This article offers a comparative overview of the case studies included in this Special Issue with the aim of providing a narrative of how the refugee emergency in Europe has unfolded during the period 2014–2016. I look at the ‘real’ events as they happened, identify which events were taken up in the different national political scenes and media landscape as highly relevant, and then identify on the basis of a meta-analysis of the findings of the different articles, the main interpretative frames used to make sense of the refugee emergency. This meta-analysis allows me also to relate the discourses with the actual policies adopted or decisions taken with a view to addressing the emergency. The article focuses on contrasted discourses, how they are politicized in different countries and how they are eventually brought together adopting a frame of ‘reason’/rationalization that reconciles solidarity with public order.
Justice, Gender and the Politics of Multiculturalism explores the tensions that arise when culturally diverse democratic states pursue both justice for religious and cultural minorities and justice for women. Sarah Song provides a distinctive argument about the circumstances under which egalitarian justice requires special accommodations for cultural minorities while emphasizing the value of gender equality as an important limit on cultural accommodation. Drawing on detailed case studies of gendered cultural conflicts, including conflicts over the 'cultural defense' in criminal law, aboriginal membership rules and polygamy, Song offers a fresh perspective on multicultural politics by examining the role of intercultural interactions in shaping such conflicts. in particular, she demonstrates the different ways that majority institutions have reinforced gender inequality in minority communities and, in light of this, argues in favour of resolving gendered cultural dilemmas through intercultural democratic dialogue.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Societies have historically sought to spatialize difference—to other—even within the boundaries of supposedly unified polities. Drawing on previous scholarship on the spatialization of difference in published case studies, we examine the dialectical relationship between the formation and institutionalization of regions, on the one hand, and the nation-building process more broadly on the Other. Certain regions become repositories for undesirable national traits as part of a dialectical process of nation and region building. The processes of othering are rarely as linear and tidy as proposed in some current formulations of the theory; rather, othering involves a host of concomitant processes that work together to produce economically and culturally differentiated regions. The processes by which particular places or regions become “othered” are not only interesting in the abstract but also carry with them enduring material consequences. To demonstrate this effect, we visit two historical case studies that examine the formation of internal Others in nineteenth-century Europe (Italy and Germany).
Intersectionality has attracted substantial scholarly attention in the 1990s. Rather than examining gender, race, class, and nation as distinctive social hierarchies, intersectionality examines how they mutually construct one another. 1 explore how the traditional family ideal functions as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality in the United States. Each of its six dimensions demonstrates specific connections between family as a gendered system of social organization, racial ideas and practices, and constructions of U.S. national identity.
In this provocative, wide-ranging history of how the continent of Europe came to be conceived as divided into âWestern Europeâ and âEastern Europe,â the author shows that it was not a natural distinction, or even an innocent one, but instead was a work of cultural creation, of intellectual artifice, of ideological self-interest and self-promotion.
Es tut uns leid, was in Cottbus passiert ist [We are sorry for what happened in Cottbus
- H Jarjanazi
Jarjanazi, H. (2018, January 27). Es tut uns leid, was in Cottbus passiert ist [We are sorry for what happened in
Cottbus].
Flight into authoritarianism: Right-wing extremist dynamics in the middle of society. Leipzig’s Authoritarianism-study
- O Decker
- E Brähler
Neonazi-Proteste in Chemnitz: Wie rechts ist die Stadt? [Neo-Nazi demonstrations in Chemnitz: How right-wing is the city?
- S Leber
Leber, S. (2018, September 2). Neonazi-Proteste in Chemnitz: Wie rechts ist die Stadt? [Neo-Nazi demonstrations
in Chemnitz: How right-wing is the city?].
Families demonstrating side by side with neo-Nazis
- S Leber
- M Meisner
- M Lücker
Understanding modern societies: An introduction
- S Hall
Hall, S. (1992). The west and the rest: Discourse and power. In S. Hall & B. Gieben (Eds.), The formations
of modernity. Understanding modern societies: An introduction (pp. 185-227). Polity Press in association with
The Open University.
On populist reason . Verso
- E Laclau
Ungehörte Stimmen: Überlegungen zur Ausblendung von Migration in die DDR in der Migrationsforschung [Unheard voices: Reflections on the invisibility of migration to the GDR in migration research
- U Goel
Race, ethnicity and sexuality: Intimate intersections, forbidden frontiers
- J Nagel
Nagel, J. (2003). Race, ethnicity and sexuality: Intimate intersections, forbidden frontiers. Oxford University Press.
Subalternisierung. Formen und Mechanismen der Missachtung Ostdeutscher nach der Vereinigung [Subalternization. Forms and mechanisms of disregard for East Germans after unification
- R Kollmorgen
Kollmorgen, R. (2011). Subalternisierung. Formen und Mechanismen der Missachtung Ostdeutscher nach der
Vereinigung [Subalternization. Forms and mechanisms of disregard for East Germans after unification]. In R.
Prekäre Verhältnisse: Über natio-ethno-kulturelle (Mehrfach-)Zugehörigkeit [Precarious conditions: on (multiple) natio-ethno-cultural belonging
- P Mecheril
Fremd-Sein in der staatssozialistischen Diktatur: Zu historischen Ursachen von Fremdenfeindlichkeit und rassistischer Gewalt in den neuen Bundesländern [Being a stranger in the state socialist dictatorship: on historical causes of xenophobia and racist violence in the new federal states
- P G Poutrus
- J C Behrends
- D Kuck
Ethnosexismus: Sex-Mob-Narrative um die K€ olner Sylvesternacht [Ethnosexism: Sex-mob-narratives regarding New Year's Eve in Cologne
- G Dietze
Dietze, G. (2016). Ethnosexismus: Sex-Mob-Narrative um die K€ olner Sylvesternacht [Ethnosexism: Sex-mob-narratives regarding New Year's Eve in Cologne]. Movements: Journal for Critical Migration and Border Regime
Studies, 2(1), 1-16. https://movements-journal.org/issues/03.rassismus/10.dietze-ethnosexismus.html
Ungeh€ orte Stimmen: € Uberlegungen zur Ausblendung von Migration in die DDR in der
- M Foucault
Foucault, M. (2008). The history of sexuality, Vol. 1: The will to knowledge. Penguin.
Goel, U. (2013). Ungeh€ orte Stimmen: €
Uberlegungen zur Ausblendung von Migration in die DDR in der
Unheard voices: Reflections on the invisibility of migration to the GDR in migration
- Migrationsforschung
Migrationsforschung [Unheard voices: Reflections on the invisibility of migration to the GDR in migration
Prek€ are Verh€ altnisse: € Uber natio-ethno-kulturelle (Mehrfach-)Zugeh€ origkeit
- P Mecheril
Mecheril, P. (2003). Prek€ are Verh€ altnisse: €
Uber natio-ethno-kulturelle (Mehrfach-)Zugeh€ origkeit [Precarious
conditions: on (multiple) natio-ethno-cultural belonging].
Das sagen die Menschen in Chemnitz: 'Die Situation spaltet Familien
Menschen in Chemnitz. (2018, August 31). Das sagen die Menschen in Chemnitz: 'Die Situation spaltet Familien.
[the situation is splitting families].
Fremd-Sein in der staatssozialistischen Diktatur: Zu historischen Ursachen von Fremdenfeindlichkeit und rassistischer Gewalt in den neuen Bundesl€ andern [Being a stranger in the state socialist dictatorship: on historical causes of xenophobia and
- P G Poutrus
- J C Behrends
- D Kuck
Poutrus, P. G., Behrends, J. C., & Kuck, D. (2001). Fremd-Sein in der staatssozialistischen Diktatur: Zu historischen
Ursachen von Fremdenfeindlichkeit und rassistischer Gewalt in den neuen Bundesl€ andern [Being a stranger
in the state socialist dictatorship: on historical causes of xenophobia and racist violence in the new federal
states].