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Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1965.

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... Lee's data on hunting and gathering work and foraging returns (e.g. Lee 1965Lee , 1968Lee , 1969 served, at least for a while, to change some of the thinking about the 'hard life' of foragers and led to a greater appreciation of the flexibility and resiliency of lower and mid-latitude hunter-gatherer adaptations. It also underscored the importance of women's contributions to subsistence and decision-making among Ju/'hoansi. ...
... In the 1960s when the Harvard Kalahari Research Project was carried out (1967)(1968)(1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973), some of the Dobe Ju/'hoansi depended to a significant extent on hunting and gathering (Lee 1965(Lee , 1968a(Lee ,b, 1969(Lee , 1979Lee and DeVore 1976). During the dry season Ju/'hoansi resided near pans that contained water, whereas in the wet season they would distribute themselves more widely in order to take advantage of wild plants and animals. ...
... handle/1807/10394. The diachronic perspective on the Ju/'hoansi (see Lee 2013;Lee, Biesele, and Hitchcock 1996;Lee and Biesele 2002) has been invaluable in elucidating a whole series of changes in subsistence, movement patterns, group size and composition, labor organization, kinship terminology, family structure, caregiving, technology, and resource exploitation strategies and changes in the natural and social environments in northwestern Botswana (Lee 1965(Lee , 1968(Lee , 1969(Lee , 1972(Lee , 1979(Lee , 2013Konner 1976Konner , 2005. Much of Lee's work took place at the small community of Dobe on the Botswana-Namibia border. ...
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This article assesses the substantive and varied contributions of Richard B. Lee of the University of Toronto to hunter-gatherer studies, anthropology, ethnoarchaeology, the study of Ju/'hoansi and San peoples, and indigenous peoples' studies. Over a period of nearly 5 decades, Lee has made a number of important theoretical contributions, including providing insights that led to the development of the concept of the original affluent society, egalitarianism, work, and the contributions of women to subsistence and decision-making in small-scale societies. A founder with Irven DeVore of the Harvard Kalahari Research Group, Lee helped train a whole series of students, many of whom have made significant contributions in their own right. Through a series of visits to the Dobe Ju/'hoansi of Botswana and, more recently, the Nyae Nyae Ju/'hoansi of Namibia, Lee engaged in interdisciplinary research that ranged from cultural ecology to medical anthropology and from kinship studies to the importance and variation in concepts surrounding indigeneity. His insights on the diversity present in hunting and gathering societies and social change over time and space have been central to the Kalahari Debate. Some of his most recent work has shed light on HIV/AIDS, leadership, and community-based development.
... In the absence of much ethnographic evidence, Washburn (1950 Washburn ( , 1959; Washburn and Devore 1962; Washburn and Lancaster 1968) argued that egalitarianism and prevalent patterns of food sharing emerged in order to cope with the risks inherent within economies dominated by the hunting of large game. Augmented by early ethnographic evidence about hunting and food sharing presented by Lee (1965 Lee ( , 1968) and others, this viewpoint held that (1) even good individual hunters had low success rates and that (2) when they were successful, they succeeded in acquiring much more food than either they or their immediate kin could consume. Thus, egalitarianism and food sharing emerged as a set of strategies for buffering risk, evening out daily foraging returns, and assuring that no individual went hungry. ...
... cieties in other times and places, and this has been especially true with respect to their strongly egalitarian social systems. Washburn focused heavily on issues of buffering day-to-day risk, evening out daily foraging returns, and the provisioning of potential mates with food within contexts in which large game was consistently hunted and shared. Lee's (1965) initial directions in studying the Ju/'hoansi derived directly from Washburn's evolutionary interests, also focusing mostly on issues of day-to-day foraging and sharing dynamics associated with the large package sizes of hunted game. Likewise, Lee's early theoretical orientation is manifested in his goal of building an empirical general ...
... She felt that these relationships relied on a social structure with equally striking egalitarian norms, values, and mechanisms of enforcement. Furthermore, while Lee (1965 Lee ( , 1968) had previously emphasized egalitarianism as a mechanism for pooling risk and leveling day-to-day foraging returns, Wiessner focused on broader spatial and temporal scales at which foraging risk was a concern. These linkages between dynamics of foraging risk and egalitarian social systems quickly achieved broader recognition. ...
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Using hunter-gatherer societies as a focus, we argue for a heuristic continuumof egalitarian social systems ranging between relatively strong and weak forms. Weak egalitarianism is characterized by an absence of real political hierarchy, and limited differences between individuals in terms of rank, status, wealth, or power, while strongly egalitarian societies are characterized by these with some combination of powerful sharing and leveling norms, extensive formal networks of reciprocity spanning geographical regions, assertive social mechanisms of norm enforcement, and ritual practices designed to alleviate resulting social tensions. While weak forms of egalitarianism may result from some long-recognized properties of mobile foraging societies, such as group membership flexibility and universal access to both means of economic production and the means of coercion, we argue that strong egalitarianism emerged as a social strategy for coping with foraging risk at larger temporal and spatial scales. We conclude with a synthesis of ethnoarchaeological and archaeological approaches in the examination of the prehistoryof egalitarianism, as well as a brief consideration of potential evolutionarily implications.
... The distribution and types of artefacts and items found in the nuclear activity around a hearth -12 -may tell us something about the composition of the family that occupied the surrounding area. Gender may relate to types of activities, for instance evidence of stone working suggests the presence of an adult male, the manufacture of ostrich egg shell beads, the presence of a female (Marshall 1976;Tanaka 1976;Yellen 1977a;Brooks & Yellen 1987;Lee 1965Lee , 1984Wadley 1988). ...
... Food may be consumed during gathering, or at kill sites, but within the campsite is usually eaten in the immediate vicinity of individual family hearths. Shady locations may also -133 -be chosen (Yellen 1977a;Brooks & Yellen 1987;Lee 1965Lee , 1984Marshall 1976a). A typical !Kung campsite may be divide into public and private areas. ...
... This may incorporate a central open area partially surrounded by huts. Dancing, or the communal distribution of meat, may take place here (Lee 1965;Marshall 1976a;Yellen 1977a;Gould & Yellen 1987;Brooks & Yellen 1987). ...
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Cover title. Thesis (B.A.)--University of Cape Town, 1990. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-179).
... The distribution and types of artefacts and items found in the nuclear activity around a hearth -12 -may tell us something about the composition of the family that occupied the surrounding area. Gender may relate to types of activities, for instance evidence of stone working suggests the presence of an adult male, the manufacture of ostrich egg shell beads, the presence of a fernale (Marshall 1976;Tanaka 1976;Yellen 1977a;Brooks & Yellen 1987;Lee 1965Lee , 1984Wadley 1988). ...
... Food may be consumed during gathering, or at kill sites, but within the campsite is usually eaten in the immediate vicinity of individual family hearths. Shady locations may also -133 -be chosen (Yellen 1977a;Brooks & Yellen 1987;Lee 1965Lee , 1984Marshall 1976a). A typical !Kung campsite may be divide inco public and private areas. ...
... Public, or communal areas, are those surrounding the private areas. This may incorporate a central open area partially surrounded by huts, Dancing, or the communal distribution of meat, may take place here (Lee 1965;MarshalJ 1976a;Yellen 1977a;Gould & Yellen 1987;Brooks & Yellen 1987). ...
Thesis
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A spatially coherent, highly resolved, single occupation site affords the archaeologist an opportunity of studying the intrasite arrangement of artefacts and features. The Dunefield 's Midden site represents the residue of a Late Holocene, mobile community, coastal residential camp and reflects the exploitation of a diverse range of resources. The result of a study on the intrasite use of space at this camp shows specific clustering patterns for most artefact categories, and allows for the identification of discrete, activity associated zones and an interpretation of domestic and social organisation. A review of methodological and theoretical approaches leads to the adoption of an eclectic epistemological approach, and provides a broad framework, or vehicle, for the formulation of a research paradigm, specifically aimed atformulating the types of questions best asked in a study of this nature. Various quantitative approaches define the relationships of artefacts at the operational or observable level. Density plots and means ratios indicate anaggregation of certain classes of artefacts, mainly smaller items, in squares occupied by hearths and demonstrate the clustering of larger, mainly 'marine' items in larger zones around hearths. Nuclear household hearths, and 'dump' area, are also defined. Correspondence analysis illustrates the diversity in artefact categories clustered around hearths. At the inferential level individual activity areas and household zones arc suggested. A broad survey of the ethnographic, ethnohistorical and ethnoarchaeological literature allows a judicious comparison of modern and prehistoric hunter gatherer camp organisation, and by inference, behaviour, which suggests that the behaviour of the Dunefield's inhabitants was essentially modern.
... eople adjusted group sizes and composition to resource availability and to the distribution of other groups. Group aggregation and dispersal patterns were related to the abundance of resources. In the 1960s. as resources were depleted in an area, people tended to move out, in part to avoid conflict among group members over the remaining resources (Lee. 1965Lee. . 1968Lee. . 1969Lee. , 1979). Another strategy was to switch to using alternative resources (Lee, 1969Lee, . 1972). In the I960s, mobility was all important strategy in the Jul'hoansi's adaptation to their semiarid ecosystem. They tended to be particularly mobile in the summer rainy season, whereas in the dry season (roughly from M ...
... Land use plans devised by the government and the district council had only limited inputs from local people. CHA~GES OVER TIME IN JUI'HOANSI WILDLIFE UTILIZATION In order to assess changes in wildlife offtake rates over time in the western Ngamiland region, we looked at infornlation recorded by the various researchers who worked in the area. Lee (1965 Lee ( , 1968 Lee ( , 1969 Lee ( , 1979 ) rep0I1ed on a 28- day study of a group engaged in subsistence hunting at Dobe north of lXaiIXai. The study was carried out during July-August, 1964. ...
... with low work effOtt for both adult males and females in the dry Season (June and July). If we take the mean of the offtake rares reported by Lee (1965 Lee ( , 1968 Lee ( . 1969 Lee ( . ...
Article
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An assessment of subsistence hunting and natural resource management among Ju/'hoansi Bushmen (San) over a period of 30 years from the 1960s to 1995 was carried out as part of anthropological investigations of remote foraging and food-producing populations in the northwestern Kalahari Desert region of Botswana and Namibia. The Ju/'hoansi pursue a diversified set of resource management and utilization strategies, exploiting over 50 species of mammals, birds, and other fauna using a variety of tools and techniques. Wildlife offtake rates in the 1960s were well below replacement rates. Although changes have occurred over time in technology and in the use of dogs, donkeys, and horses in hunting, the numbers of animals taken by subsistence hunters were still below sustainable yields in 1995, and wildlife products continue to play a significant role in the socioeconomic and ideological systems of Ju/'hoansi. These findings underscore the importance of ensuring a continuation of the right to hunt legally and to engage in local community-based natural resource management projects.
... The late summer, when temperatures may be at their highest, is the most arduous period of subsistence activities for !Kung women (Lee 1965:189). There is ino doubt that heat stress is a potential danger to the !Kung San, who must take steps to ensure a supply of water adequate to their daily requirements (Lee, 1965, pp. 149-151). ...
... Other points emerge which argue against poor nourishment among the !Kung San population. Both Draper and Lee emphasize the existence of dependents on the family providers (Draper, 1976, p. 210;Lee, 1965Lee, , pp. 197-198, 1968Lee, , p. 36, 1969Lee, , pp. 54-55, 1972b. These dependents number about 40OWo of the total population and include infants, adolescents, and the old. ...
Article
This paper examines the question of why the total fertility rate of the !Kung San hunter-gatherers of the Northern Kalahari desert is as low as 4.69 births. When the intermediate variables involved are examined through the employment of a reproductive equation, it becomes clear that low fecundity is a major issue. Arguments offered previously to explain the low fertility of !Kung women, depending on factors such as nutrition, health status, and lactational practices are insufficient. Drawing upon recent data from sports medicine and endocrinology, I suggest that the pattern of San female energetics in their gathering and subsistence routine has a direct effect upon their fecundity. Such a correlation between activity patterns, endocrine function, and reproductive capacity may also be important for understanding the fertility of other mobile hunter-gatherer groups.
... As so often happens, however, the media in the form of Life magazine got there first; in 1947 its own writerphotographer team set the atavistic tonealbeit in journalistic termsfor all that was to follow anthropologically into the 1950s and through the 1960s (Burke and Farbman 1947:91-97). 14 Following the Marshalls in 1963, the Harvard Kalahari Project led by Lee and DeVorewhose 'research goals required a population as isolated and traditionally oriented as possible' (Lee 1965:2)commenced its 'race against time … through the deep sand' (Lee 1984(Lee :ix, 1, 1993 toward people whom they thought were on the 'threshold of the Neolithic' but on the verge of losing, through outside influences, the sought after 'basic human adaptation stripped of the accretions and complications brought about by all the 'advances' of the last few thousand years' (Lee 1974(Lee :169, 1979. 15 They, thus, anticipated Diamond's (1974:129) injunction to 'pursue the few remaining peripheral peoples … the more remote local groups … always attempting to distinguish, of course, between primitive and peasant traits'. ...
... In addition to those of the Marshalls and van der Post, these were led by John Clement (South African) -1951 (Clement 1967); François Balsan (French) -1951(Balsan 1952; Ernst Westphal (South African/British) -1953 (Westphal 1956); Kenneth Oakley (British) -1953; William and Irene Morden for the American Museum of Natural History -1954(AMNH 1954; Alan Paton (South African) -1956 (Paton 2005); Jens Bjerre (Danish) -1957 (Bjerre 1960); Oswin Köhler (German) -1957(Köhler 1989. They were followed immediately by Clive Cowley (1968) with the Witwatersrand University Kalahari Project (South African) -1960 and many years thereafter (Tobias 1975), the Harvard University Kalahari Project (American) -1963 and continuously until 1972 (Lee 1965;Lee and DeVore 1976), the Wild Kingdom TV producers (American) -1964 (Perkins and Perkins 1965), and the Kyoto University Primatological and Anthropological Expedition (Japan) -1968 and sporadically thereafter (Tanaka 1980). I began my work in 1973. ...
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Against a backdrop of calls for a more layered understanding of the dominant societal concerns which influence anthropologists' thinking, and thus the need to address the philosophies and assumptions that for so long misrepresented those characterized as 'primitive' along with others marked out as culturally or biologically inferior, I reflect on the existential crisis that engulfed Euroamerica in the early Cold War years. This was a threat anthropology was well placed to relieve; it did so in part by framing a natural 'primitive man' in opposition to 'civilized' humanity to restore the 'family of man' to psychic security. An image of 'Bushmen' etched by ethnographers rapidly emerged as a centerpiece of anthropological practice. I show how that image is indistinguishable from the fictional version popularized by Laurens van der Post and that both forms of it derive ultimately from the work of Jung. I argue that the image feeds readily into racialist discourse; thus, the time to render it obsolete has long passed.
... According to Trigger (1981), Boserup's (1965) 'The conditions of agricultural growth' and Lee & De Vore's results on population and production amongst the Kalahari hunter-gatherers (Lee 1965, Lee & De Vore 1968a, acted as catalysts for change in anthropology and archaeology. Central to both these studies was the view that population growth was an independent variable influencing cultural change. ...
... Added impetus for the investigation of 'man-land' relations was provided by anthropological research among the Kalahari hunter-gatherers, in particular that of Lee (1965). Parkington, a Cambridge student who trained under Higgs, arrived in South Africa in 1966 to take up a teaching post at UCT, and he appears, more than others, to have been influenced by Lee's work (eg. ...
... This study is an attempt to find archaeological and local historical information on the Ju/'hoansi Bushmen who live in the Sandveld of northern Namibia and Botswana. These people are well-known from the work of Lorna Marshall (1976) and Richard Lee (1979), among others, as well as the films by John Marshall. The Ju/'hoansi have become central to what is known as the 'Great Kalahari Debate,' which revolves around the relations between the Bushmen and the outside world (see Barnard, 1992). ...
... Instead, argues Wilmsen in his (1989) book Land Filled with Flies, the evidence shows that the Bushmen were in contact with the outside world, and worked as herdsmen, possibly for the last 1500 years. Lee has cogently argued that this is a cynical view of Bushmen research, which had already showed contact in the initial studies (Lee, 1965;Marshall, 1976;Solway & Lee, 1990), and certainly had moved beyond any perceived pristinist paradigm by the publication of the second (1979) hunter-gatherer conference papers by Leacock and Lee in 1982, long before Land Filled with Flies appeared. For myself, the debate does not stop there, as my interests are in the relations between foragers and food producers, and the problems of foragers becoming food producers. ...
Article
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The 'Great Kalahari Debate' which revolved around the degree of isolation of the Ju/'hoansi Bushmen failed to adequately interrogate the Bushmen on what they knew of their own history. A combination of interviews with respected Ju/'hoansi elders and archaeological excavation indicates that those Bushmen living in the Sandveld of north-eastern Namibia, although in contact with Kavango farmers, would use them as a convenient source of hxaro exchange items only when needed. This meant only a limited number of exotic pieces were found in the excavations at the hxaro exchange place of Cho/ana in the Kaudom Reserve, suggesting that the Bushmen retained their independence. By way of contrast, hunters living in small rock shelters on the edge of Tswana settlements around Gaberone in Botswana gradually saw their cultural material being completely replaced by exotic goods and food, indicating encapsulation by the dominant society.
... Binford, 1967Binford, , 1981Binford, , 1983), which included model-building and hypothesis-testing as a major component in the interpretation of early hominin behavioral ecology. As a result, various models of land use and subsistence patterns were formulated (Lee, 1965;Isaac, 1968;Lee and DeVore, 1968;Jochim, 1976;Winterhaulder, 1977;Isaac, 1978a,b;Binford, 1980;Isaac, 1980;Bunn, 1982;Torrence, 1983;Binford, 1985;Isaac, 1989). In addition, behavioral archeological approaches such as those defined by Schiffer (1976Schiffer ( , 1995 lead to the concept that explicative or diagnostic behavior, activities, or organizational characteristics are reflected in artifacts and faunal remains (Yellen, 1977;Shipman and Harris, 1988;Blumenschine and Marean, 1993). ...
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Bulk geochemistry of ~ 1.8 Ma lacustrine claystone at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, is controlled principally by the geochemistry of ultrafine (< 0.1 μm), authigenic clay minerals. Authigenic clays have an average structural formula of (Si3.83Al0.17)(Al0.43Fe0.49Mg0.84)(Na0.99K0.22Ca0.16)O10(OH)2; octahedral composition varies, with Mg/(Al + Fe) ranging from 0.7 to 2.3. These clay minerals have a complex history of interaction with saline, alkaline water, followed by secondary diagenetic reactions that leached Mg in freshwater paleoenvironments. Lateral variations in whole-rock and clay geochemistry show westward enrichment in Mg, from Mgoct = 0.6–1.6. This is consistent with persistence of saline, alkaline Paleolake Olduvai to the west, and the presence of groundwater wetlands and other freshwater paleoenvironments to the east. Stone artifact mass density also varies systematically across the basal Bed II deposits, ranging from 100.0 to 104.3 g of artifacts per cubic meter of excavated sediment. Significant correlation is found between clay geochemistry and the density of artifacts excavated from associated archeological trenches (r2 = 0.59, p < 0.01). This relationship supports models of hominin land use in which artifact use and discard is concentrated near freshwater paleoenvironments such as wetlands associated with surface and groundwater discharge. Independent paleoenvironmental proxies such as clay geochemistry allow quantitative hypothesis testing to improve our understanding of early hominin behavior and paleoecology.
... Particular focus on hunter-gatherers was carried out by Gould (1969) among Australian groups and Lee (1965) with the !Kung San. One of the most detailed hunter-gatherer studies with direct implications for archaeology was Yellen's (1977) work among the !Kung. ...
Article
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Ethnoarchaeology is one of the most significant and lasting contributions developed by Lewis Binford as a mainstay of processual archaeology. Observations about the organization and use of space by contemporary groups are used as one method to investigate material patterns found in archaeological record. Ethnoarchaeological research by Graham (1989) among the Rarámuri of northern Mexico generated models of residential site structure that operate at several spatial and organizational scales. Further ethnographic survey of groups who use subterranean dwellings was conducted by Schmader (1994). Resulting expectations about residential mobility and site structure are presented. Excavations of ancestral puebloan pitstructures in central New Mexico by Schmader (1994) applied Graham’s models to explain patterning of interior floor assemblages. Distributions of floor items are used to identify activity areas and maintained interior space. Discussions concerning structure function, architectural responses to mobility, and inferences about varying degrees of site sedentism are presented. The potential and applicability of connecting ethnoarchaeological observations with archaeological patterns is described.
... Richard Gould and Richard Lee were contemporaries in the doctoral program at UC Berkeley (Gould [1965] 1966, Lee 1965 and there is every indication that Gould shared in the excitement generated by the Kalahari ethnoarchaeological project. A year later, Richard Gould arrived at Warburton Mission in Western Australia to begin his own ethnoarchaeological study among the people of the Western Desert. ...
Article
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Three components provide the structure for Richard Gould's book Living Archaeology. The first component presents his original research into the cultural ecology and behavior of Aboriginal groups living in the Australian desert. This section also includes information on Gould's excavations at Puntutjarpa rock shelter located in the Western Desert and the James Range East shelter in the Central Desert. The second component of the book presents Australian ethnohis-torical and archaeological research, which provides a continent-wide context for Gould's work. Finally, there are a number of connecting chapters and sections that advance Gould's theoretical arguments concerning the nature of the archaeological record and how ethno-graphic observations by archaeologists assist its interpretation. In this retrospective, we consider first his motivations for undertaking eth-noarchaeological work, then his theoretical position, and finally his contribution to Australian archaeology.
... These seasonal-ecological models, inspired by ethnographic works (e.g. Lee 1965;Lee & De Vore 1968), were especially developed based on the Western Cape late Holocene assemblages (4/3-0.5 ka at De Hangen & EBC) (Parkington 1972(Parkington , 1976(Parkington , 1977(Parkington , 1981. The seasonal mobility model is based on the idea that there are different ecozones that can be occupied at different times of the year as seasonal environmental conditions dictate. ...
... Cohen (1977) explains that the emerged agriculture was likely due to a demographic pressure for a more effective way to feed people. The numerous hunter-gatherer populations had the enormous manpower needed for the work (Harris, 1971;Lee, 1965Lee, , 1968. From now onwards, natural ecosystems were turned into agro-ecosystems, notably increasing primary and secondary productivity according to Lindeman (1942)-relying on general thermodynamics of exchanges between work, energy and heath. ...
... The northern, Angola, group numbers about 4,000, the central group consists of about 7,000 individuals and extends from the western margin of the Okavango Swamp in Botswana to the farms of the Grootfontein district in South West Africa, while t,he .small southern group of about 2,000 people is found on the farms of the Gobabis district in South West Africa and the Ghanzi district in Botswana (Lee, 1965). All speak mutually intelligible dialects of Northern Bushman (Westphal, 1963). ...
Article
Intolerance to lactose owing to deficiency of lactase is particularly prevalent among non-Caucasian peoples. Special caution is therefore needed in offering them milk supplements. Lactose tolerance has been investigated among the!Kung in the north-western Kalahari. The opportunity was taken also to examine their acetylator status, as this affects their ability to detoxicate drugs given for the treatment of tuberculosis and other diseases.The preliminary studies reported here suggest that not more than 10% of the!Kung are tolerant to lactose, but only one person out of 30 was a slow acetylator.
... Dogs are present in virtually all human settlements around the globe (Coppinger & Coppinger, 2016) and are commonly used as hunting aids though their specific role varies and is dependent upon ecology and terrain. There are many examples of dogs aiding in flushing, driving, and sometimes killing larger game including pigs and peccaries (Alvard, 2000;Bulmer, 1968;Caro, 2008;Corlett, 2007;Dwyer, 1983;Koster, 2008), deer (Corlett, 2007;Godwin et al., 2012;Sweeny et al., 1971), antelope (Holmern 2006;Ikeya, 1994;Lee, 1965), giraffe (Caro, 2008), moose (Ruusila & Pesonen, 2004), tapir (Koster & Tankersley, 2012;Noss et al., 2002), kangaroo (Jones, 1970;White, 1972), and seals (Rasmussen, 1931). Several case studies also provide examples of dogs aiding in hunting smaller game including rodents (Dei, 1989;Koster, 2008;Lupo, 2011), porcupines (Dei, 1989;Lupo, 2011), armadillos (Alves et al., 2009), and hyrax (Milner, 1994). ...
Article
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Dogs (Canis familiaris) are ubiquitous in human settlements. A range of studies suggests that uses of dogs vary with ecological context. High seasonality and reliance upon large game appears to favor investments in the uses of dogs as aids in hunting and hauling. Regional cultural traditions may also play significant roles in attitudes and behaviors towards dogs. We use ethnographic and archaeological data to assess six hypotheses concerning the roles of dogs in the traditional villages on the Mid-Fraser Canyon in British Columbia. We find that it is likely that village dogs lived in traditional Mid-Fraser villages where they may have consumed human food waste, but were also used for hunting, possibly hauling loads, as a source of products, and as a target of ritual treatments. Given their importance in numerous activities, dogs may have been wealth items for select households.
... Non-Khoe-speaking Bushmen include the !Kung, further divided into the Central, Northern, and Southern !Kung. The Central !Kung in Botswana and Namibia are also known as the Zu/=hoãsi, Ju/wasi, Zu, or Zhu and are the group with whom most anthropologists have worked (e.g.,Lee 1965Lee , 1979Lee , 1984Lee and Devore 1976;Marshall 1976;Wiessner 1977Wiessner , 1982Yellen 1977). In the twentieth century, Bushmen lived as participants in a broader regional economy, cooperating with or depending upon pastoralists, or becoming pastoralists when possible (Vierich 1982;Wilmsen 1989). ...
Article
After the appearance of agriculture and subsequent increasing population densities and agricultural intensification, some mobile hunters, foragers, and part-time horticulturalists often obtained ceramic vessels from nearby villages. Mobile groups are firmly embedded within regional patterns of interaction and exchange. Certain regional interaction patterns encourage use of vessels made by a sedentary neighbor, and the factors that would discourage it are less significant than previously believed. The vessels made by neighboring agriculturalists may often be as well suited to the tasks and settlement pattern of mobile groups as vessels made by the mobile groups themselves. Given the probable frequency with which mobile groups discarded ceramics made by a neighboring group, archaeologists should consider this scenario when interpreting ceramic frequencies in remote small sites, where some ceramics may be far from the villages in which they were apparently made. Using an archaeological case study from the Western Papaguería of the US Southwest, I propose using vessel techno-function, along with other data, to place individual sites within a broader settlement system. The settlement system, rather than diagnostic ceramic types, may be most useful for assigning these sites to particular cultural traditions and for understanding patterns of landscape use.
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Insects are present in most archaeological contexts as a result of both natural and cultural processes. Insect data can be used to address a number of issues, including environmental reconstruction, forensics, identification of domesticates, taphonomy, and diet. This paper focuses on the archaeology of insect use in antiquity: their collection, processing, and storage and the archaeological manifestations of those activities. Consideration also is given to the incorporation of insect data into settlement/subsistence models.
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This paper suggests that sex differences in the behavior of children exist but are not necessarily intensified under certain cultural conditions. Under conditions of culture change to a sedentary economy, certain elements of male and female differentiated behavior are exploited in the process of increasing sex differentiation.
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Faunal remains excavated from !Kung Bushman (San) campsites occupied between 1944 and 1975 provide the basis for an examination of foraging strategy. Over this period these inhabitants of the northern Kalahari Desert in Botswana shifted from primary reliance on hunted and gathered foods to dependence on meat and milk derived from their own herds of goats and cattle. Analysis of faunal remains shows that both goats and cattle replace nondomesticates in the same size classes. However the overall structure of the faunal assemblages—measured by number of species, species diversity and distribution of species by size class—remains unchanged. This contradicts diet breadth models which predict specialization when high value food items become abundant, and suggests that these !Kung act to minimize risk in a highly variable and unpredictable semi-arid environment. The cross cultural and diachronic implications of this fact are considered.
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Energy capture and conversion is fundamental to human existence, and over the past three decades anthropologists have used a number of approaches which incorporate energetics measures in studies of human ecology. In particular, measures of community-level energy balances and flows have been used to study human subsistence within the adaptability framework. Recent advances in energetics methodology are considerable, making measurements more practicable and accurate. They include the following: the development of less invasive methods for the measurement of energy expenditure in the field; improvements in, and reevaluation of, older techniques for energy expenditure measurement; and an improved understanding of the physiological basis of adaptation to high and low energy intakes. This article describes and evaluates field methods currently available for estimating energy intake, expenditure, and storage. All three types of method can be used to examine energy balance over periods of more than a month, and energy nutritional stress in individuals and communities. Energy intake measures are the least accurate and most time-consuming, while anthropometric body composition methods are the most robust in a wide variety of field conditions. Energy expenditure methods are intermediate in accuracy, but they can be used to address issues of work output, physical performance, and metabolic adaptation, as well as short-term energy balance.
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Our primary goal was to investigate human ability to recognize basic emotions from only the eyes of dogs in comparison to the whole face. Simultaneously, we replicated and extended previous research (Bloom et al., 2021), while validating American canine emotional facial expression photographs cross-culturally to Brazil. Participants (N=120) viewed behaviorally-anchored photographs of three breeds. Half the participants in each condition (faces or eyes-only) viewed two-word forced choice items while the other half viewed four-word forced choice items. Participants identified target emotions from images of both dogs’ faces and eyes-only at a higher rate than chance. Fear was accurately recognized more than the other emotions. When dogs are afraid, they open their eyes and expose the sclera, a conspicuous signal. Emotion identification accuracy was highest for the Rhodesian Ridgeback, who is similar in morphology to common Brazilian stray dogs (Vira-Latas Carmelo). We conjectured that Brazilians were more accustomed to seeing dogs with the Rhodesian Ridgeback morphology than the erect-eared breeds, thus increasing accuracy for this breed. Further studies with additional dog morphologies are desirable. In addition to research interest, our Canine Eyes task has the potential to become a test of individual differences in Theory of Mind with clinical applications.
Chapter
The fossil record indicates that Homo sapiens appears sometime around 195–160 ka (White et al. 2003; Clark et al. 2003; McDougall et al. 2005; Smith et al. 2007). Evolutionary genetics (Ingman et al. 2000; Tishkoff et al. 2007; Gonder et al. 2007; Fagundes et al. 2007; Behar et al. 2008) point to the time between 200 and 100 ka as the origin point for the modern human lineage. Modern humans have relatively very low genetic diversity that is best explained by one or more population bottlenecks late in the evolution of the lineage, with estimates for the first bottleneck ranging from 144 ka (103,535–185,642 ka 95%CI) (Fagundes et al. 2007) to 194.3  ±  32.5 ka (Gonder et al. 2007) to 203  ±  12.6 ka (Behar et al. 2008). Fagundes et al. (2007) estimate the effective population of that bottleneck at ∼600 (76–1,620 95%CI). A computer simulation by Rogers reported in (Ambrose 1998) suggests that this bottlenecked population was a single contiguous breeding group in one region, since if this population sampled a broad range of populations across Africa the original genetic variation would have been preserved. This bottleneck seems to have occurred during the glacial MIS6 (∼195–125 ka), one of the longest coldest stages of the Quaternary (Petit et al. 1999), during which time Africa would have been primarily dry with relatively few isolated refugia. Paleoanthropologists now have a gripping question to address – where did this progenitor population arise, how, and why there?
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This paper examines the past and present socioeconomic situation of the Basarwa (Bushmen, San) of the Republic of Botswana. Changes in adaptive strategies are outlined, and it is shown that Basarwa groups have chosen a number of alternative lifestyles. In some cases, Basarwa have become clients of other groups; other people have been dispossessed and are now squatters on what used to be their land; and still others have continued foraging. Case studies of 5 communities are presented which range from the hunting and gathering !Kung of the Dobe region to the settled agropastoral Chwa of the Nata River area who are engaged in self-help activities. Changes which will have implications for the future of the Basarwa are discussed, including the land reform program in the tribal grazing areas, the remote area development efforts of the Botswana Government, and the militarization of !Kung and other Basarwa in Namibia. It is concluded that the future of the Basarwa will depend upon how political, economic, and environmental issues are resolved, and whether or not the Basarwa are included in decision-making regarding development action.
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The diets and nutrition of hunter-gatherers are discussed with the !Kung Bushmen (San) of the Dobe area, Botswana as the example. In general they show no qualitative deficiency of specific nutrients though they are thin and may be undernourished (by our standards) at some seasons. They show little or no obesity, dental caries, high blood pressure or coronary heart disease; their blood lipid concentrations are very low; and they can live to a good old age if they survive infections or accidents.
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Blood pressures have been measured, and sociological, anthropometric, medical, and biochemical examinations have been made in an isolated group of !Kung bushmen in northern Botswana.Blood pressures were taken in 152 bushmen of both sexes, aged 15 to 83 years, who were examined in family groups. Systolic and diastolic pressures declined with increasing age in the men. The women showed a small rise of systolic pressure after the menopause but their diastolic pressure decreased slightly with age. The mean blood pressure ( pulse pressure) for men and women combined thus remained the same throughout life.Other communities whose blood pressures do not increase with age are reviewed. Of the possible explanations in the bushmen, a low salt intake and a lack of obesity appeared to be important, with relative freedom from mental stress an additional imponderable factor.
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Locomotor patterns are ranges of complex skills which must be learned and practiced — which both limit and facilitate other aspects of primate life. Since locomotor skills are differentially distributed in the normal living group at any one point in time, ideally such groups can be considered as units, internally structured with respect to patterns of movement. An exhaustive study of the total locomotor pattern of a primate population would include many details of ecology, social behavior and morphology, as well as postures, gaits and locomotor abilities. This paper presents, at least roughly, certain qualitative components of such a description for several troops of gray langurs (Presbytis entellus thersites) in Ceylon. Descriptions are given of the features of the home range commonly used by the gray langur, the kinds of postures and locomotor skills used there, as well as the sorts of social activities that occur in these places and postures. The importance of play in the acquisition of skill and confidence in movement is stressed. Material on toque macaques (Macaca sinica) and purple-faced langurs (P. vetulus philbricki) is added when informative contrasts occur among the three varieties of primates using the same trees. Descriptions of this kind can form the basis for an assessment of the evolutionary importance of behaviors and related morphological features, particularly in the interpretation of the locomotor behavior and ecology of fossil specimens. Certain problems, which arise when a classification of locomotor types in primates is made without the benefit of such descriptions, are discussed.
Article
Most members of the Harvard !Kung Bushman Study Project who have thought about the subject of !Kung women's status agree that !Kung society may be the least sexist of any we have experienced. This impression contradicts some popularly held stereotypes about relations between the sexes in hunting and gathering societies. Because sex is one of the few bases for the differentiation of social and economic roles in societies of this type, it has probably been attributed more weight than it deserves. The men are commonly depicted in rather romantic terms, striving with their brothers to bring home the precious meat while their women humbly provide the dull, tasteless vegetable food in the course of routine, tedious foraging. Contrary evidence is now emerging from several researchers that men and women of band-level societies have many overlapping activities and spheres of influence (Gale, 1970). The distinction between male and female roles is substantially less rigid than previously supposed, though there is variation among band-level peoples in the degree of autonomy and influence that women enjoy. This paper describes relations between the sexes for two groups of !Kung: those living a traditional hunting and gathering life at /Du/da and those who have recently adopted a settled way of life in the !Kangwa Valley and who are now living by agriculture, animal husbandry, and a small amount of gathering. The point to be developed at some length is that in the hunting and gathering context, women have a great deal of autonomy and influence. Some of the contexts in which this egalitarianism is expressed will be described in detail, and certain features of the foraging life which promote egalitarianism will be isolated. They are: women's subsistence contribution and the control women retain over the food they have gathered; the requisites of foraging in the Kalahari which entail a similar degree of mobility for both sexes; the lack of rigidity in sex-typing of many adult activities, including domestic chores and aspects of child socialization; the cultural sanction against physical expression of aggression; the small group size; and the nature of the settlement pattern. Features of sedentary life that appear to be related to a decrease in women's autonomy and influence are: increasing rigidity in sex-typing of adult work; more permanent attachment of the individual to a particular place and group of people; dissimilar childhood socialization for boys and girls; decrease in the mobility of women as contrasted with men; changing nature of women's subsistence contribution; richer material inventory with implications for women's work; tendency for men to have greater access to and control over such important resources as domestic animals, knowledge of Bantu language and culture, wage work; male entrance into extra-village politics; settlement pattern; and increasing household privacy.
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Zooarchaeological analyses often rely on bone fragmentation, cut marks, and other taphonomic indicators to bolster interpretations of resource intensification that are based on observed changes in prey types and frequencies. While these taphonomic indicators are assumed to be good proxy measures of processing effort, this assumption is based on inadequate actualistic data and analysts often conflate one or more taphonomic indicators as manifestations of the same process. In this paper, we present zooarchaeological data from two villages occupied by Central African forest foragers with very different foraging efficiencies. These data provide the first case where known disparities in diet breadth and foraging efficiency are matched with prey assemblages and taphonomic attributes. Observational and quantitative data show differences between the villages in diet breadth and access to high-ranked prey, but specific taphonomic indicators such as cut mark distribution and intensity do not match predictions generated from models of resource intensification. We propose that linking different taphonomic processes to resource scarcity and intensification can provide powerful adjunctive information. However, because different processing outcomes may be associated with different kinds of resource intensification in response to different kinds of scarcity, we need to strengthen the validity of purported taphonomic indicators with more rigorous independent studies.
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Este texto plantea distintos significados de compartir el alimento y, en última instancia, se reflexiona sobre si realmente se comparten los alimentos. Para intentar contestar a esta y otras preguntas, se analizan los cambios en la redistribución, en la reciprocidad y en los procesos de identificación que se generan en torno a la mesa. http://www.publicaciones.cucsh.udg.mx/pperiod/esthom/pdfs/35_Sharing_food.pdf
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Southern Africa, consisting of approximately six million square kilometres, is a region of considerable size. It is roughly two-thirds the size of either the United States or Brazil, or nearly six times the area of France. Although southern Africa contains approximately 60 million people, it is not one of the more densely populated regions of the world. The overall population density of about 10 per square kilometer reflects the relative emptiness of some of its parts, notably the Namib, southeastern Angola and the Kalahari (see Fig. 2).
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The information presented in this paper is based on a broad literature review of knowledge of all plants used as sources of food and water by the Khoisan people, namely, the Hottentots or Khoi-Khoin and the San or Bushmen (Schapera 1963, Bruwer 1972), who inhabit the arid and semi-arid areas of Namibia, Botswana and southern Angola (mean annual rainfall 50–700 mm). The literature survey is supplemented by nutritional data, most of which has not been previously published.
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No event has an autonomous life. It's always limited to things around it. Jean-Luc Godard (1966) It only takes three generations for personal contact to be lost, and then the memory, if it exists at all, passes on to strangers, us. Peter Greenaway (1994) In this journal (HA 20:185-235, hereafter 1993), Lee and Guenther attack me personally and my work, particularly my book Land Filled with Flies , which elsewhere they (1995:298) say has “a density of error and misrepresentation unrivaled in recent anthropology.” This is not the first nor the last such attack, which began in 1989 when, in a symposium at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Lee implied that I was complicit in destroying data that he insinuated I wished not to be available for further inspection. He also then accused me, along with my colleague James Denbow, of pandering to the supposed need of the Government of Botswana to create a homogeneous national identity. We were to have done this by orienting our research toward a subversion of evidence of differences among the various peoples—especially “Bushmen”—of the country. Lee has never retracted this nor his accusation of data forgery, although he (1993:20n6) has elliptically acknowledged that the latter is false. Since then, Lee and Guenther, together and alone, have expanded their litany of alleged malfeasance and intensified their attacks. Most recently, Guenther (1999) continues to accuse me of “doctoring” evidence (this term was first used in 1993:217).
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This paper is dedicated f o Professor lsabel McBryde, in acknowledgement of her confribution to the development of professional archaeology in Australia, and her ability to move with the changing tides of academic history while maintaining the most rigorous standard of researc h and scholarship. The role of women in the development of Australian archaeology is so manifest, and has been so substantial, that it hardly seems necessary to devote a paper to it. On the other hand, as the only substantial published history of Australian Aboriginal archaeology does manage to exclude this contribution (Horton 1991; Bowdler 1993), there is clearly a case for indicating what was overlooked. McBryde (1993a: xi) refers to "that intrepid yet often shadowy, even invisible, band of women archaeologists", but we would contend that, in Australia, the band has been rather less diaphanous than that. In this paper, we address women's contribution to the development of Australian archaeology in its widest sense. We look at the role of particular individuals in the pre-professional and the professionalisation phases (cf. Moser 1995), Aboriginal and historical archaeology and also archaeology in Papua New Guinea (part of Australia during the Pleistocene, after all), archaeology both within and without the academy, the role of those who have supported the enterprise in a generally anonymous fashion, and the role of Aboriginal women who have engaged with archaeologists in different ways. We also consider whether there are particular kinds of contributions which have been made by women, perhaps because they have been restricted by society and circumstance to certain kinds of task, or whether indeed such perceptions are themselves stereotypical. Obviously, given the space available, this survey will be wide rather than deep, but it is to be hoped that some of the issues raised will be pursued elsewhere in greater depth. We do not address the issue of whether women are or have been equal participants in the workforce (see for instance Goulding et al. 1993). In the belief that it is more difficult to assess the relative weight of more recent contributions, our survey arbitrarily stops at about 1980. At this time, furthermore, Moser (1995: 77) suggests that the discipline was securely established as an autonomous profession. Before archaeology: the squire's wife In his introduction to K. Langloh-Parker's The Euahlayi Tribe, Andrew Lang writes as follows. Mrs Parker ... has had, as regards the woman and children of the Euahlayi, all the advantages of the squire's wife in a rural neighbourhood, supposing the squire's wife to be an intelligent and sympathetic lady, with a strong taste for the study of folklore and rustic custom (Langloh-Parker 1905: ix).
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Having defined the Zambezian woodland, the edible wild vegetable products occurring in this area are reviewed. As well as 21 cultivated plants, 241 wild species have been listed, of which 184 were sampled and their nutritional value established. These results are discussed. Where available, the collecting period, the type of vegetation in which the species occurs, the Kibemba dialect name and the voucher number of the reference specimen are also given.
Article
Opening Paragraph In earlier articles I have argued the merits of the method of controlled comparison, both for the study of hunter-gatherer social organisation and for the study of Khoisan kinship across the forager/non-forager divide. In this article I put these two interests together to examine specifically the relation between kinship, production and culture contact among the Khoisan, and particularly the Khoe-speaking, peoples. Certain kinship structures and practices are dependent upon the means and methods of subsistence, while others are not. The latter are products of Khoisan history and in general reflect linguistic relationships between economically diverse Khoisan peoples.
Article
Hominization via predation has become a pervasive anthropological theme in recent years. Indeed, the assumption that hunting behavior originated within the primate phylogenetic sequence as a “human” subsistence pattern has generated numerous subsidiary hypotheses about how secondary traits were initiated, propagated or enhanced when a terrestrial, savanna-dwelling, meat-eating hominid line emerged from an arboreal, forest-dwelling, plant-eating ancestral stock. New field evidence on the behavioral and organizational features of subsistence in nonhuman and human primates now provides the basis for reconsidering these views.
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The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture and animal husbandry in the Near East and Mediterranean Region began some 12,000 years ago. The ecological changes associated with this change are known to have been related to higher levels of stress from undernutrition and infectious disease. Certain pathologies found in human skeletal remains from this time are indicative of anaemia and osteoporosis, although it is not clear whether they had clear nutritional aetiologies. In this paper, dietary changes associated with changes in subsistence practices in this region are described. In addition, quantitative modelling of possible patterns of dietary and nutrient intakes of adult males before, and soon after, the establishment of agrarian economies is used to examine the proposition that the skeletal pathologies porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis may have been due to nutritional deficiencies. The results suggest that protein deficiency was only likely if subjects were suffering from chronic energy deficiency (CED) and their diet contained no meat. Dietary calcium deficiency was possible after the transition to cultivation and animal husbandry, in the presence of moderate or severe CED. Anaemias, although present after the transition, were unlikely to have had dietary aetiologies, regardless of the severity of CED.
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Older transformational models for the origins of food production and newer evolutionary ones that focus exclusively on ultimate causation (i.e., selection) virtually ignore cost-benefit calculations and you cannot get selection for a behavior not being practiced for being too much work, too socially unacceptable, or too risky for the benefits it yields. Territoriality is an adaptation to a competitive environment for resources with fixed locations. But, it constrains mobility, the least risky subsistence strategy, to just that territory. As competition intensifies, it is less risky/costly to abandon more marginal or difficult-to-defend portions of a territory if it is possible to intensify resource extraction from a spatially reduced territory. Intensified resource extraction requires innovative behaviors in keeping with the characteristics of the resources the territory is a proxy for. If sufficiently practical innovative behaviors are not possible, further compression is not possible and competition becomes more violent. The widespread equifinality of some form of locally appropriate food production is due to the fact that intensification, when feasible, is usually more “economic” than violence.
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Prehistoric sites with depictions of trees are fewer and farther apart than those exhibiting their animal and human counterparts in southern African rock art. Even so, this arboreal subject matter occupies a unique position in hunter-gatherer belief and folkloric systems. From extant ethnographic testimonies concerning trees, this report assesses the graphic features and associations of these depictions and recognizes their pecuKar ontological and unifying force at the interface of the animal and human worlds. The significance of this oddity is inferable primarily from their generic physical form, which leads to their elevated metaphysical status in huntergatherer folklore, cosmology, and belief. While the outward arboreal appearance may be the most obvious in registering peculiarities that were in turn granted liminal status in hunter-gatherer cosmologies, it appears that some of this uniqueness may have derived from their invisible chemical properties of which very little is known in southern Africa at present. © 2009 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved.
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The origin and evolution of early Pleistocene hominin lithic technologies in Africa occurred within the context of savanna grassland ecosystems. The Nachukui Formation of the Turkana Basin in northern Kenya, containing Oldowan and Acheulean tool assemblages and fossil evidence for early members of Homo and Paranthropus, provides an extensive spatial and temporal paleosol record of early Pleistocene savanna flora. Here we present new carbon isotopic (δ(13)CVPDB) values of pedogenic carbonates (68 nodules, 193 analyses) from the Nachukui Formation in order to characterize past vegetation structure and change through time. We compared three members (Kalochoro, Kaitio, and Natoo) at five locations spanning 2.4-1.4Ma and sampled in proximity to hominin archaeological and paleontological sites. Our results indicate diverse habitats showing a mosaic pattern of vegetation cover at each location yet demonstrate grassland expansion through time influenced by paleogeography. Kalochoro floodplains occurred adjacent to large river systems, and paleosols show evidence of C3 woodlands averaging 46-50% woody cover. Kaitio habitats were located along smaller rivers and lake margins. Paleosols yielded evidence for reduced portions of woody vegetation averaging 34-37% woody cover. Natoo environments had the highest percentage of grasslands averaging 21% woody cover near a diminishing Lake Turkana precursor. We also compared paleosol δ(13)CVPDB values of lithic archaeological sites with paleosol δ(13)CVPDB values of all environments available to hominins at 2.4-1.4Ma in the Nachukui and Koobi Fora Formations. Grassy environments became more widespread during this interval; woody canopy cover mean percentages steadily decreased by 12%. However, significantly more wooded savanna habitats were present in the vicinity of lithic archaeological sites and did not mirror the basin-wide trend of grassland spread. Hominin lithic archaeological sites consistently demonstrated woody cover circa 40% throughout our study interval and 4-12% more woody than coeval basin environs. We propose that Turkana Basin early tool makers may have preferred a more wooded portion of the savanna ecosystem to reduce heat stress and to gain differential access to potable water, raw materials, animal carcasses, and edible plants.
Article
The Dobe area !Kung San (Bushmen)t are a foraging people living in northwestern Botswana. Of the 150 species of wild plants and animals that form their diet, by far the most important is mongongo (Ricinodendron rautanenii). This remarkable fruit and nut provides up to one half of the vegetable component of the !Kungs’ diet. The botany, ecology and nutrition of the mongongo, and the role it plays in the Bushman economy and society are discussed.
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The consequences of different birth intervals on dietary energy requirements and dependency ratios at different stages of the family lifecycle are modelled for Gambian agriculturalists and !Kung hunter-gatherers. Energy requirements reach a peak at between 20 and 30 years after starting a family for the Gambians, and between 15 and 20 years for the !Kung. For the Gambians, shorter birth interval confers no economic advantage over the traditional birth interval of 30 months. For the !Kung, the lack of participation in subsistence activities by children gives an output:input ratio in excess of that reported in other studies, suggesting that they are in a state of chronic energy deficiency.
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