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Antisemitismus in der Migrationsgesellschaft. Theoretische Überlegungen, Empirische Fallbeispiele, Pädagogische Praxis
Abstract
Der Antisemitismus hat wieder Konjunktur und scheinbar überwunden geglaubte antisemitische Verschwörungstheorien drängen zurück in die politische Arena: die „Protokolle der Weisen von Zion“ als Erzählung vom „großen Austausch“, völkische Kapitalismuskritik in Form von Hetzkampagnen gegen George Soros oder sogenannte „Globalisten“. Rechte Agitatoren und Neonazis spüren in diesem Klima Aufwind und schreiten zur Tat. Auch linker Antisemitismus artikuliert sich zunehmend unverstellt und findet neue Bündnispartner – als hätte es eine diesbezügliche innerlinke Kritik niemals gegeben. Und der in Europa beheimatete islamistische Terrorismus hat Jüdinnen und Juden sowie jüdische Einrichtungen zu bevorzugten Zielen seiner Gewaltexzesse erkoren. Eine Herausforderung besteht zudem auch in dem weitverbreiteten Unvermögen, den modernisierten und sich wandelnden Antisemitismus überhaupt als Antisemitismus zu erkennen. Dieser Sammelband vereint Beiträge, die sich in diesem Sinne den Fragen und Problemstellungen des zeitgenössischen Antisemitismus aus unterschiedlichen Blickwinkeln annähern.
Mit Beiträgen von Wolfram Stender, Günther Jikeli, Gerhard Scheit, Daniel Rickenbacher, Michel Wyss, Michael Fischer, Soma Assad, Alexandra Preitschopf, Georg Lauss, Stefan Schmid-Heher und Enno Stünkel.
Zusammenfassung
Antisemitismus ist ein gesellschaftliches Problem, welches gerade in jüngerer Zeit wieder eine verstärkte Öffentlichkeit erfahren hat. Dabei darf die berechtigte Empörung über antisemitische Anschläge nicht über Alltagsantisemitismus und Defizite in der Solidarität mit Jüd:innen hinwegtäuschen. Im Beitrag werden die Existenz von antisemitischen Ressentiments in der Berliner Bevölkerung und ihre Auswirkungen auf die jüdische Community mithilfe eines triangulativen Ansatzes aus Bevölkerungsbefragung und Aktivierender Befragung untersucht. Dabei zeigt sich eine Präsenz unterschiedlicher Formen antisemitischer Ressentiments, welche auch in Berlin sowohl manifest als auch latent existieren. Der durch unterschiedliche soziale Gruppen getragene differenzierte Antisemitismus wirkt sich dabei massiv auf Jüd:innen in Berlin aus. Zum einen durch starke Erfahrungen von Besonderung und Bedrohung, zum anderen durch ein Fehlen von Sichtbarkeit und Solidarität. Dabei erweist sich Berlin aufgrund seiner pluralen Stadtgesellschaft als weniger für Antisemitismus offen, was aber keineswegs ein Verschwinden antisemitischer Ressentiments oder von Exklusionspraxen gegenüber Jüd:innen bedeutet.
On the morning of September 11, 2001, the entire world was introduced to Al Qaeda and its enigmatic leader, Osama bin Laden. But the organization that changed the face of terrorism forever and unleashed a whirlwind of counterterrorism activity and two major wars had been on the scene long before that eventful morning. In Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Global Jihadist Movement: What Everyone Needs to Know, Daniel L. Byman, an eminent scholar of Middle East terrorism and international security who served on the 9/11 Commission, provides a sharp and concise overview of Al Qaeda, from its humble origins in the mountains of Afghanistan to the present, explaining its perseverance and adaptation since 9/11 and the limits of U.S. and allied counterterrorism efforts. The organization that would come to be known as Al Qaeda traces its roots to the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Founded as the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, Al Qaeda achieved a degree of international notoriety with a series of spectacular attacks in the 1990s; however, it was the dramatic assaults on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 9/11 that truly launched Al Qaeda onto the global stage. The attacks endowed the organization with world-historical importance and provoked an overwhelming counterattack by the United States and other western countries. Within a year of 9/11, the core of Al Qaeda had been chased out of Afghanistan and into a variety of refuges across the Muslim world. Splinter groups and franchised offshoots were active in the 2000s in countries like Pakistan, Iraq, and Yemen, but by early 2011, after more than a decade of relentless counterterrorism efforts by the United States and other Western military and intelligence services, most felt that Al Qaeda's moment had passed. With the death of Osama bin Laden in May of that year, many predicted that Al Qaeda was in its death throes. Shockingly, Al Qaeda has staged a remarkable comeback in the last few years. In almost every conflict in the Muslim world, from portions of the Xanjing region in northwest China to the African subcontinent, Al Qaeda franchises or like-minded groups have played a role. Al Qaeda's extreme Salafist ideology continues to appeal to radicalized Sunni Muslims throughout the world, and it has successfully altered its organizational structure so that it can both weather America's enduring full-spectrum assault and tailor its message to specific audiences. Authoritative and highly readable, Byman's account offers readers insightful and penetrating answers to the fundamental questions about Al Qaeda: who they are, where they came from, where they're going-and, perhaps most critically-what we can do about it.
In this paper, I examine contemporary anti-Jewish prejudice that is spreading in Islamic civilization. I pose two core questions. First, is this Jew-hatred recent or traditionally inherited? Second, is it simply a Judeophobia or is it a new variety of antisemitism? Based on the work of Hannah Arendt, I distinguish between two evils: Judeophobia and antisemitism. I also challenge two, in my view, ideologically blinkered interpretations. The first, deflects interpretations that point to the empirical evidence of Islamist antisemitism by calling them examples of Islamophobia. The second, minimizes or even excuses this antisemitism as a justifiable response of Islamic outrage to grievances caused by the Middle East conflict and Western policy more generally. In short, these two interpretations deny the existence of an Islamist antisemitism whose origins lie primarily in the core elements of Islamist ideology. The paper draws attention to denial in a different context, not the now famous denial of the Holocaust in and by Europeans, but the denial of the reality of antisemitism in its Islamist form by observers of recent trends in the Middle East.
This paper demonstrates how the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) hegemony involved a coalescence of external and domestic forces into a historic bloc. It benefits from the insights of a neo-Gramscian approach. It argues that the JDP attempted to transfigure Turkey from an ordinary, medium-sized actor into a regional imperial power, but failed. The JDP’s attempt to implement neo-Ottomanism in the Balkans was ineffective, and its efforts in the Middle East not only failed to produce equilibrium in the region, even worse, they contributed to the acceleration of disorder in Syria. This paper points out that the existing international order makes it almost impossible for a medium-sized regional power to upgrade its status to that of a regional sub-superpower. It concludes that the JDP’s assertive foreign policy and increasing authoritarianism caused a decline in hegemony, which was later revived through coerciveness at the domestic level and trade-offs at the international level. It remains to be seen whether the coerciveness and trade-offs will be enough for the JDP to sustain its revived hegemony.
On 3 May 2010, a ‘Call to reason’ (Appel à la raison) was presented to the European Parliament in Brussels by a number of prominent figures from European Jewish political and intellectual classes, launching JCall, which is supposedly the European version of the US J Street. JCall explicitly positions itself as pro-Israel on one hand but against the Israeli state's occupation and increased settlement of Palestine, including East Jerusalem, on the other hand. The ‘reason’ it calls for is thus a negotiated two-state settlement to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the organisation urges EU governments to apply pressure on both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to this end. This article looks at JCall within the French context, first in distinction to J Street in the USA, with which JCall shares a political position but not organisational links, and second in relation to the broader French political debate about Jewishness, Muslimness and the Middle East. Criticised by the right for its supposed disloyalty to Israel and even ‘anti-Semitism’, and by the left for its non-support of boycott, divestment and sanctions and its ongoing support of the Israeli state, JCall at first appears as somewhat middle-of-the-road in the French context. It also, from this writer's point of view, regrettably lacks a strong female presence or gendered perspective. It has, however, emerged as a serious political voice in the debate over the Middle East and could be less of a lightweight in the French political battles over Israel and Palestine than it may have first appeared.
This book shows that many ordinary people today are highly susceptible to hate literature and are psychologically disposed to embrace antidemocratic, facist policies. Many of our biggest problems, seemingly unrelated, are found to have common authoritarian roots. This book gives insight into how authoritarian minds are created and how they operate, and how their failings and vulnerabilities produce submission and aggression. A search for authoritarians on the left finds very few. Instead, studies reveal a strong concentration of authoritarians among religious fundamentalists and conservative politicians. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)(jacket)