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Geopolitics

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Introducing the special issue on the ‘New Geopolitics of Higher Education’, this article promotes a renewed understanding of geopolitics as it pertains to higher education. To frame the special issue, which explores how higher education practices and policies are being shaped by shifting geopolitical dynamics, a state of the art review of the literature links geopolitics to higher education, identifying its current edges and delineating key categories into which these studies tend to fall. A new conceptual framework to investigate how higher education is affected by prevailing geopolitical currents is then introduced. The Scales, Agents, Interests and Opportunity Structures (SAIOS) framework accounts for the multifaceted ways in which the new geopolitics interact with higher education policy decisions and actions, offering a flexible tool applicable to current and future inquiries. Finally, the article calls for different and more critical approaches to study the new geopolitics of higher education that engage with the critical geopolitics literature. By making more explicit connections between higher education studies and critical geopolitics, this article elevates the dialogue between these two bodies of scholarship and advances the prospect for a subfield of higher education studies, one concerned with geopolitics as an underlying theme.
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Bu bildirinin amacı, eleştirel jeopolitik yaklaşımların hangi hususlarda geleneksel çalışmalardan farklılıklar içerdiğini ortaya koymak suretiyle her iki yaklaşımın mukayeseli analizini yapmaktır. Geleneksel ve eleştirel jeopolitik yaklaşımların her biri coğrafya-politika etkileşimini incelese de ana temaları, araştırma soruları, problem sahaları ve tartışma konuları bakımında farklılıklar içerir. Bu farklılıklara ilâve olarak her iki jeopolitik yaklaşım arasında; anlama-yorumlama, çözümleme ekseni ile inceleme ölçeği, birimi ve seviyesi ile bulguları değerlendirme yöntemlerindeki ayrışmaları da eklemek gerekir. Bu farklılaşmanın temelinde geleneksel jeopolitiğin paradigmasının pozitivist, eleştirel jeopolitiğin ise post-pozitivist bilim felsefesinin oluşturması yatmaktadır. Geleneksel jeopolitiğin dünyaya nasıl bakılması gerektiği, coğrafya üzerinden nasıl güç devşirilebileceği, siyasetin nasıl şekillendireceğini ve gücün nasıl kullanılacağını araştırma iddiasının aksine, eleştirel jeopolitik, dünyanın ne olduğunu anlamaya çalışan yönüyle radikal bir bakış açısına sahiptir. Sorun çözücü ve strateji yapıcı geleneksel jeopolitik kuramlardan farklı olarak eleştirel jeopolitik dünyaya bir noktadan bakmaz ve mekânı ülkelerin siyasi hudutları ile sınırlı tutmaz, bütünü kapsar, özeli kendine özgün niteliği ile tarihsel, kültürel ve süreçsel bağlamı ile ele alır.
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Islamophobia is not just a fear of people ascribing to the religion of Islam, if that was the case simple religious conversions would erase hatred. In the world of surging Alt-Right movements, Islamophobia embodies racism, anti-migrant xenophobia, and orientalism. This article explores Alt-Right groups in the US and Europe, traces their ideological gurus, deconstructs political speeches, reports of rightwing think tanks to understand how Islamophobia is a process of disembodiment. Inspired by Bourdieu’s habitus, and feminist work on embodiment/disembodiment, this article argues that the Muslim narrative thoroughly disembodies the Muslim body. Disembodiment is annihilation before corporeal death ensues, the Muslim does not get to mark her corporeal and intellectual existence. Disembodiment nullifies the Muslim’s life, she is only valuable in death, because disembodiment reclaims her death as a vanquished terrorist, as a murdered jihadi, or a bombed city where weapons of mass destruction or uranium may have existed.
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This chapter considers the academic field of critical geopolitics and how it developed as a counter-reaction to realist-inspired classical geopolitics. Over the last 30 years, critical geopolitical scholarship has diversified, embracing new conceptual and empirical agendas ranging from feminist and indigenous epistemologies to assemblage theory and debates in new materialism. Within that diversity, there are shared preoccupations with the power of language, the importance of material forces and the necessity to think about multiple geopolitical contexts and futures. Critical geopolitical approaches are undeniably dominant in Anglophone scholarship, but there is a vibrant tradition of other geopolitical work including political economy and neo-classical variants. Studies of Arctic geopolitics reflect that wider diversity, with scholars tackling a range of themes from great power rivalries to the geopolitical insecurities faced by indigenous communities. China’s engagement with the Arctic has triggered a multitude of geopolitical analyses adopting perspectives ranging from the “Polar Silk Road” to the county’s participation in regional bodies and conferences such as the Arctic Council and Arctic Assembly, respectively. Uniting this highly diverse field, however, is a shared concern with what we term the performances, imaginaries and practices of geopolitics.
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This scholarly attempt seeks to understand the evolution of discourses, practices, and representations of the “geopolitical facts” about Turkey’s place in the (West-centric) world order over time. It traces the issue back to the late Ottoman era, elaborating on the transformation of geopolitical codes from a civilisational/imperial discourse to a national one. At the same time, it analyses the rival and alternative geopolitical visions in the era of the modern Turkish Republic as manifestations of deeply rooted contestations about Turkey’s (geo)political identity. With its historical outlook, this chapter will contribute to the analysis and understanding of the intellectual context and political atmosphere that has fermented the discourses on Turkey’s true place in the modern system of states in the period between early Republican era and the end of Cold War bipolarity. By shedding light on the historically rooted rival geopolitical imaginations of Turkey’s geographical character, this chapter introduces the initial forms, early experimentations of, ruptures, and continuities in geopolitical imaginations of Turkey up until the end of Cold War.
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Two feature films from the early years of this century—Lilya 4-Ever (2002) and In this World (2002)—address two of the core issues in forced mobility: sex trafficking and people smuggling. Although both films are fictions they were used widely in a number of political and social forums as part of discussions of the problems they engaged with. On a more positive note, two films from the last decade, and related to the civil conflict in Syria, are the subjects of analysis: one young woman’s account of her flight from ISIS-held territory, Escape from Syria: Rania’s Odyssey (2017), and a radical collaboration between filmmakers and refugees, On the Bride’s Side (2014) a work which combines activism and resistance to the coloniality of Europe’s border practices.
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Capital cities are symbols of bothNational identitynational identityIdentity and historical cognisance. They are “not only workplaces but stages for the visualisation of powerPower” (Wise, Capital Dilemma: Germany’s Search for a New Architecture of Democracy, Princeton Architectural Press, New York, NY, 1998, p. 15)Wise.
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La cooperación Sur-Sur se ha consolidado como una modalidad complementaria a la tradicional cooperación Norte-Sur que, en la práctica, se ha materializado como un instrumento para el intercambio de ideas, políticas y experiencias, que se ejecuta entre países en desarrollo que tienen, o creen tener, elementos políticos, históricos y socioeconómicos afines. Sus orígenes se remontan a la década de los cincuenta, y desde entonces, la estructura ideológica que le ha dado forma ha estado influenciada por ideas y hechos que se interrelacionan a partir de distintas narrativas construidas por los estados, subrayando intereses comunes sobre el lugar que ocupan dentro de la arquitectura de la cooperación al desarrollo. A lo largo del siglo XXI, dicha modalidad ha ido ganando mayores espacios de concertación y negociación como un instrumento político de los países en desarrollo que se sustenta en los principios de horizontalidad, solidaridad, reciprocidad e independencia. Desde un enfoque regional, América Latina, por ejemplo, ha favorecido la creación de instrumentos técnicos que, desde la conceptualización hasta el registro de datos, han llevado a la creación de estructuras normativas para la ejecución de la cooperación Sur-Sur. En esa línea argumentativa, desde un enfoque social constructivista de difusión de ideas, normas y prácticas, este artículo analiza de manera descriptiva y explicativa cómo la región ha fortalecido la práctica de la cooperación Sur-Sur a partir de la identificación de problemáticas comunes y discursos encaminados a definirla desde las estructuras ideacionales. El objetivo de este artículo es entender el proceso de formación de la gobernanza regional de la cooperación Sur-Sur en América Latina, para lo cual, se analiza el rol de la Secretaria General Iberoamericana desde cuya institucionalidad, los países de la región fortalecen la difusión de prácticas e ideas que podrían significar avances para la construcción de una gobernanza global de la cooperación Sur-Sur.
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China’s borderlands have received increased investment and policy attention since Beijing formally launched the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. This special issue, comprised of four research articles and a photo essay, is designed to provide a timely intervention into the growing literature seeking to situate and assess this important policy campaign. Drawing on extended ethnographic fieldwork in China’s southwestern, northwestern, and northern borderlands, the contributing authors analyze recent borderland transformations against the backdrop of the BRI. However, by shifting the analytical focus to prioritize voices and events in borderlands, the papers de-center Beijing-centric discourse on the BRI, and provide urgent reminders of region-specific geographies and histories. Taken together, the papers underscore the persistent social complexity of borderland situations, revealing intricate processes of resistance, adaptation, and muddling through, while highlighting continuities and ruptures associated with the present moment.
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For years, there has been debate as to whether or not the Middle East experiences more armed conflict – and for different reasons – than other regions in the world. Absent is any consideration of the grounds upon which such regional comparisons are possible. Rather than providing a general account of regions, this article instead provides a theory of the Middle East based on the violent practices that have made and reproduced the Middle East as a region, both materially and ideationally. Though critical of comparative approaches to the study of armed conflicts, this argument models a different way to understand them.
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The chapter aims to examine the reasons why those energy discoveries have failed to help bring peace to Cyprus. Drawing on Regional Security Complex Theory and Securitization Theory , it argues that the Eastern Mediterranean's peculiar regional characteristics, particularly those of Turkey, have created the political conditions for the securitization of these energy discoveries and their proposed export routes.
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While the scientific community readily collaborates across international borders, the boundaries of administrative units—particularly the nation-state—can be critical in defining the availability of scientific resources, the management of crises and the use of land. Managing border eruptions can be particularly challenging when international relations between the relevant nation-states are strained or complex or when political agendas become involved. Given that over 700 volcanoes lie within 100 km of an international border, and over 1300 are within 250 km, the potential for cross-border eruption impacts is significant. This paper aims to provide an overview of the topic. It presents results from a global study of volcanoes on or near borders and uses five case studies to highlight key issues that arise in the management of risk at such volcanoes. While volcano monitoring provides critical support for hazard assessment and decision-making, its availability depends on the policies of particular governments and institutions. Furthermore, the complexity and diversity of volcanic hazards, activity and impacts can exacerbate existing cross-border inequalities in vulnerabilities, in scientific resources, in disaster management and mitigation capacity and indeed public awareness. We suggest that pre-crisis planning and communication, resource sharing and international agreements can help to mitigate the challenges of cross-border eruptions.
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Mattheis, Raineri and Russo interrogate the main international studies approaches to borderlands and regionalisms. In this chapter, they argue that the field suffers from a theoretical and empirical bias that prevents scholars from explaining the role that borderlands are playing in terms of region-building. Their chapter identifies the relevant theoretical shortcomings in concepts of borders, space and regions in the main currents of international studies literature. These shortcomings have led to a preoccupation with regionalism, characterised by states as its main driver, by regional organisations as its main locus, and by formal projects as its embodiment.
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The article problematises the role of real estate in geopolitical circulations. The internationalisation of real estate increases mutual dependencies and vulnerabilities between nation states and, therefore, calls for a better appreciation of the geopolitical externalities and exteriorities of real estate. The article brings together disjoint bodies of literature on real estate globalisation, assemblage theory, and international relations to show how real estate is a case of the geopolitics of the multiple – geopolitics that is being assembled by diverse and distributed actors, discourses, and materialities representing the contingent and emergent formation of connections and considerations, which affect the ways how foreign relations are negotiated today. The argument is substantiated by considering several dimensions of the real estate/geopolitics nexus: (1) external influences over domestic real estate markets; (2) the implications of outward real estate investment; and (3) state-led mega-projects conveying externally the power of the state. These dimensions are considered empirically in the context of the renewed geopolitical tensions between a resurgent Russia and the West. Overall, the article calls for a better positioning of real estate in the conceptualisations of soft power, state power, and geopolitics.
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This article analyses geographical and geopolitical ideas of the Czech public. Geographical ideas have become one of the basic conceptual instruments of contemporary human geography for the research into the influence of “spatial discourse” on political decision-making processes. The analysis is based on public opinion surveys and original research. It is its objective to identify basic geopolitical ideas of the Czech public in the context of Czech membership in NATO, to find the links between the perception of various types of geopolitical threats and to try to explain them on the basis of socio-demographic and geographic characteristics of the respondents. A particular emphasis is placed on NATO as a key reference point and a mediator of geographical and geopolitical ideas. Statistically significant differences in the perception and localization of threats and the role of NATO were found in relation to gender, age, residence, education and political orientation.
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The changing political and social meanings of space under conditions of advanced globalization point to the need to analyze security—or the deployment and management of violence—as a socio-spatial practice. This article draws attention to the “methodological nationalist’ bias that has traditionally characterized mainstream security studies, and discusses its effect on how security issues are studied and conceptualized. Building on insights from political geography and sociology, the article makes the case for a “spatial turn” in the field. It demonstrates how a socio-spatial approach can help make sense of evolving state security practices, and presents examples of non-national spaces of security—including cities, cyberspace, and the global polity. Such spaces are increasingly objects of security practices, although the implications of this remain largely under-theorized in security studies.
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Spanish Abstract: Los seres humanos, singular o colectivamente, son al mismo tiempo víctimas y protagonistas del proceso continuo de caging (enjaulamiento, más iconográfico y conectado al poder) y de selfcaging (autoenjaulamiento, más subjetivo e individual, factor iconográfico o de movimiento). La acción independiente y difícilmente controlable de los memes desarrolla la función de circulación y favorece la composición, descomposición, recomposición de los grupos humanos en la sociedad, constituyendo quizás el carburante principal de los mecanismos “imaginarios” que “trans”forman las islas y las derivas culturales.Esta dinámica continua se muestra y cristaliza en el espacio físico y es allí a donde debe dirigirse la observación atenta del geógrafo. En particular del geopolítico, que analiza las mismas dinámicas también bajo la forma de aquellas pirámides socio-económicas que son los estados o cualquier otra estructura de poder declarada formalmente y/o reconocida socialmente.Quizás con la aspiración subjetiva de contribuir a los procesos de resolución/gestión de la conflictualidad humana.English Abstract: Human beings, both individually and collectively, are simultaneously victims and perpetrators of the ongoing process of caging (more related to iconographies and power) and self-caging (which is more subjective and individual, related to both iconographies and movement). The independent and difficult-to-control action of memes has the function of circulation, and flavors the composition, decomposition and re-composition of human groups in societies, perhaps constituting the primary fuel for the 'imagination' mechanisms that (trans)form cultural islands and cultural drift. This ongoing dynamic shows itself and crystallizes in physical space, which is what geographers must carefully observe. This is particularly true for political geographers, who also analyze the same dynamics from the perspective of those socio-economic pyramids that are states or whatever other power structure that has been formally declared and/or socially recognized – and perhaps with some subjective aspiration to contribute to the processes of resolution/management of human conflict.
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Emerging research on comparative neoliberalism at the urban scale seeks to trace its diffusions and document its contours and trajectories in regions beyond the trans-Atlantic corridor. Discovering geographical variation in neoliberal policy should produce more incisive understandings of neoliberalism's creative transformations, yet the emergent research on comparative urban policy may route uncomfortably close to the world of world and global cites. This brief discussion considers expanding places of inquiry to non-growth economic contexts and complex urban conditions in the world of cities. It introduces contemporary conditions of urban political economy in the People's Republic of China, where neoliberalization works in the interests of the party-state and resists critical analysis in association with debates over strains of neoconservatism (neoauthoritarism, neosocialism, and statism) in the Chinese academy and their mutual imbrication in an array of complex issues.
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Two American geographers examine the evolution of Germany's geopolitical orientation in the aftermath of World War II, through the Cold War era, the war on terrorism, 9/ 11, and the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003. Drawing on public statements by German officials, government documents, opinion polls, and media accounts, the authors analyze the country's increasing post-Cold War assertiveness in foreign policy and much greater autonomy from the United States. They also evaluate the plausibility of two proposed geopolitical scenarios: that Germany will become part of a Paris-Berlin-Moscow-Beijing axis and that Germany will adopt a Europeanist, rather than Atlanticist, orientation. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: B30, H56, N40. 2 figures, 47 references.
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This working document offers a conceptual framework for understanding the processes underpinning the external dimension of EU Justice and Home Affairs (ED-JHA). Practically, it defines how the export of JHA principles and norms inform the geopolitical ambitions of the EU, i.e. the use of space for political purposes, or the control and management of people, objects and movement. The author begins by investigating how the ENP reconfigures the ED-JHA, and then goes on to discuss various conceptual stances on governance, specifically institutionalism, constructivism, and policy instruments. To conclude he traces the evolution of this external dimension, emphasising, whenever possible, its continuities and bifurcations. Overall, the aim is to ascertain the extent to which conceptual designs clarify or advance our knowledge of the contents and rationales of the ED-JHA.
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