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Geçiş Dönemi Sürecinde Kırım’da Güç Yapılarının ve Politikaların Oluşturulması: 2014 – 2016
Abstract
In March 2014 following the military intervention of the Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the latter announced its independence and, through the illegal referendum, declared its entrance into the Russian Federation. The period between 2014 and 2016 this article concentrates on is considered as transitional period insofar as the most important issues were to be solved. Among them, one can name the formation of the institutions and legal framework, new appointments and political elites. This article argues that the main objective of Kremlin during the mentioned period was rapid and unobstructed inclusion of Crimea into the Russian Federation after the military invasion and annexation. While Moscow aimed at accelerated creation of the institutions and legislative base in Crimea, it filled Crimea with the Russian elites removing all local professionals. At the same time, Moscow not only neglected the issues of the human rights and rights of minorities but tried to prevent the emergence of the opposition voices. Author employs analysis of the legislation related to the transition period as well as the media coverage of the issues.
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Throughout history, the Crimean Tatars have challenged Russian aggression by utilizing two main strategies: engaging and confronting. Since its annexation of Crimea in March 2014, Russia has left no room for engagement and has demanded the complete submission of the Crimean Tatar population. This article argues that the Crimean Tatars should not yield to Russian demands, but rather pursue an integrated policy aimed at rallying potential allies such as Turkey, Ukraine, and the EU around their cause, lobbying through their diaspora organizations, and advocating for their human rights through non-violent means. In addressing Turkey's conflicting allegiances to the EU and the Crimean Tatars on the one hand and a burgeoning strategic and economic partnership with Russia on the other, the author argues that Turkey has the capacity to address this challenge creatively, rather than reacting to involved actors.
The article deals with the transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ institutions and discourses after the 2014 conflict around Crimea. It shows the change in the balance of power of traditional institutions such as Mejlis and Muftiyat , which for many years represented secular and religious components of Crimean Tatars’ ethnic identity. It tells how the Mejlis was dismissed from the political stage in Crimea, while the Muftiyat has enjoyed a great support by new authorities. This transformation and threats to societal security inevitably led to reassessment of previous views and goals of the main actors in the Crimean Tatar community and the formation of new institutions with hybrid composition and discourse. The article focuses on organization such as ‘Crimean solidarity,’ which was formed in 2016 as a reaction to authorities’ pressure over the Crimean Tatars. Using discourse analysis of statements of activists of this organization and content analysis of social media, the author presents the main topics of its discourse and types of activity. She shows how the traditional Islamic discourse of activists of this organization has been transformed by the incorporation of the main concepts of secular discourse developed by the Mejlis . The author argues that the appearance of ‘Crimean solidarity’ indicates the blurring of lines between secular and religious, and ethnic and Islamic in the Crimean Tatar society. It shows how people with different backgrounds and agendas manage to leave their differences aside to support each other in the face of a common threat.
Abstract: This article analyses the relations between Crimean Tatars and Ukraine after the occupation and the illegal annexation of the Russian Federation in the Crimean Peninsula. Euromaidan protests, which took place between November 2013 and February 2014, started a revolutionary process in Ukraine and gave way the changes in the domestic and foreign policies of Ukraine. Besides, Russian assistance to the separatists in the Eastern Ukraine and illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula bred a regional crisis. Support of Crimean Tatars, the indigenous people of the Crimean Peninsula, to the Ukrainian territorial integrity and their solid resistance against the Russian occupation is one of the most remarkable issues in this crisis. By the end of 2018, Crimean Tatars and Ukraine, who are rewriting their history on the basis of common sufferings and happiness, in a situation of alliance against the Moscow administration. This article, relies on the qualitative data gathered during the field researches held in Ukraine and Turkey and secondary sources in the literature, analyzes the change in the relations between Crimean Tatars and Ukraine, while discussing how an alliance became possible between these two.
Öz: Bu makale, 2014 yılında Rusya Federasyonu’nun Kırım Yarımadası’nı işgal ve yasadışı ilhakını takip eden süreç içerisinde, Kırım Tatarları ve Ukrayna arasında gelişen ilişkileri incelemektedir. Kasım 2013 ve Şubat 2014 tarihleri arasında gerçekleşen Euromeydan (Euromaidan) olayları, devrimsel bir süreç başlatmış ve Ukrayna’nın iç ve dış siyasetini yeni baştan kurmasının önünü açmıştır. Diğer yandan Rusya Federasyonu’nun, Kırım’ı yasadışı ilhakı ve Doğu Ukrayna’da başlayan ayrılıkçı hareketlere destek vermesi bölgeyi bir krize sürüklemiştir. Bu krizin tam ortasında Kırım’ın yerli halkı (indigenous people) Kırım Tatarlarının kitlesel olarak Ukrayna’nın toprak bütünlüğünü desteklemeleri ve Rus işgaline karşı gerek Kırım Yarımadası’nın içerisinde gerekse uluslararası alanda sert bir direniş göstermeleri bu krizin en dikkate değer noktalarından bir tanesidir. 2018 yılı sonu itibariyle Ukrayna ve Kırım Tatarları, tarihlerini ortak acılar ve ortak mutluluklar temelinde yeniden gözden geçirirken; Moskova’ya karşı bir ittifak kurmuş durumdadırlar. Ukrayna’da ve Türkiye’de yürütülen saha çalışmalarında elde edilen nitel verilere ve literatürdeki ikinci el kaynaklara dayanılarak hazırlanan bu makale, Ukrayna ve Kırım Tatarları arasında ilişkilerin nasıl değiştiğini ve bu ittifakın ortaya çıkışının nasıl mümkün olduğunu irdelemektedir.
This chapter focuses on contemporary strategies of ethnic consolidation during a crisis. The ethnic discourse reflected in accumulated collective memories, helped to overcome the past traumatic event and to provide ethnic group with vital sense of identity. Based on the trauma of Sürgün (forceful deportation of Crimean Tatars from Crimea in 1944), I will research the practices of remembering of the Event (deportation). By using theories of political victimization, I will establish a new framework for analysis of mechanisms for political mobilization during the crisis. The empirical part will be devoted to current interpretations of the traumatic Soviet past in Crimean Tatar community’s relation to the ongoing political changes in both mainland Ukraine and the annexed Crimea since 2014.
The author examines the role of Crimea in the Russian state, beginning with a justification of the legality of the region's annexation as both a reflection of the historical connection between Crimea and Russia and the result of the illegitimacy of the post-coup government in Ukraine. He then turns to the potential role of the integration of Crimea as a national project that could revive Russia while allowing its leaders to root out traitors and other undesirables from among the Russian elites.
Following Nabers’ seminal work that establishes a “missing link” between crises and transformations, this study focuses on the changes in the Crimean Tatar discourses about Crimean Tatar identity, crises, and Russian and Ukrainian “Others” with a special emphasis on the question of national self-determination. It suggests that a discursive shift of emphasis from the “Deportation crisis” to “Annexation crisis” among Crimean Tatars operates as a “myth” to deal with the inherent divide within the Tatar political movement and conceals the ongoing “hegemonic struggles” over the Crimean Tatar identity and its political representation. Exploring the multiplicity of discourses about Crimean Tatar self-determination, the study emphasizes the need to trace the universalizing and particularizing processes through which Crimean Tatar subjectivities are reconstructed.
This article discusses the ongoing debates about Crimean Tatar identity, and the ways in which the Crimean Tatar question has been crucial to processes of reshaping Ukrainian identity during and after the Euromaidan. The Crimean Tatar question, it is argued, is a key test in the struggle between civic and ethnic nationalism in the new Ukraine. The article also looks at the manner in which the proponents of different versions of “Eurasianism”—Russian, Volga Tatar, and Crimean Tatar—have approached the Crimean Tatar question, and how this affects the attitudes of all these ethnic groups to the Russian annexation of Crimea.
The accelerated integration of Crimea into Russia's state system illuminates the overall sociopolitical process in Russia. The process was largely improved, with various agencies each pursuing its own course of action. Some were formed on the basis of existing Ukrainian institutions, while others were created de novo. In some cases, locals were given senior positions, while in others the top posts were assigned to appointees from other regions who had no previous ties to Crimea. Overall, Moscow was careful to take into account local factors, such as the role of the Crimean Tatar population. The situation remains fluid, with many state institutions still subject to modification.
The author examines the role of Crimea in the Russian state, beginning with a justification of the legality of the region's annexation as both a reflection of the historical connection between Crimea and Russia and the result of the illegitimacy of the post-coup government in Ukraine. He then turns to the potential role of the integration of Crimea as a national project that could revive Russia while allowing its leaders to root out traitors and other undesirables from among the Russian elites.
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