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“Opening the door to somebody who has a chance.” – The experiences and perceptions of public safety personnel towards a public restroom overdose prevention alarm system

Authors:

Abstract

Background Opioid overdose deaths have surged due to fentanyl in the illicit opioid supply, which causes overdose more rapidly than other opioids. Public restrooms are venues where fentanyl overdoses commonly occur. In response, some organizations have implemented anti-motion alarm systems as a prevention approach. We aimed to describe the experiences and perceptions of public safety personnel after the installation of an anti-motion alarm system in public restrooms at an urban medical center. Methods From February to June 2019, we conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the experiences and perceptions of hospital public safety personnel who responded to overdoses in public restrooms with and without an anti-motion alarm system. We interviewed 11 personnel, with interviews lasting an average of twenty-six minutes. We conducted inductive thematic analysis to synthesize and identify salient themes. Results Ten participants were male; the average age was 40 with an average time employed by the hospital of 12 years. Four themes were identified: Public safety personnel 1) believe responding to overdoses is an appropriate responsibility; 2) focus on their training rather than individual emotions when responding to an overdose; 3) view the anti-motion alarm system as an acceptable tool for preventing overdoses, despite technological challenges; and 4) report concern for potential unintended consequences of the anti-motion alarm system. Conclusions Overdose response in public restrooms has been incorporated into the daily duties of public safety personnel at an academic medical center. Anti-motion alarm systems are an innovation with potential to improve overdose response and safety, though the technology warrants ongoing development and unintended consequences should be assessed. To optimize restroom safety in the midst of fentanyl use, more research is needed among first responders, people who use drugs in restrooms, and other restroom patrons.
International Journal of Drug Policy 88 (2021) 103038
Available online 21 November 2020
0955-3959/© 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
Short Report
“Opening the door to somebody who has a chance. The experiences and
perceptions of public safety personnel towards a public restroom overdose
prevention alarm system
Bradley M. Buchheit
a
,
b
,
*
, Erika L. Crable
c
,
d
, Sarah K. Lipson
c
, Mari-Lynn Drainoni
c
,
d
,
e
,
f
,
Alexander Y. Walley
g
a
Department of Medicine, Division of General Internal Medicine and Geriatrics, Section of Addiction Medicine, Oregon Health & Science University, 3181 SW Sam
Jackson Park Rd, Mail Code: L475, Portland, OR, 97239, USA
b
Department of Family Medicine, Oregon Health & Science University, 3303 S Bond Avenue, Mail Code: CH9F, Portland, OR, 97239, USA
c
Department of Health Law, Policy and Management, Boston University School of Public Health, 715 Albany Street, Talbot Building, T2W, Boston, MA, 02118, USA
d
Evans Center for Implementation and Improvement Sciences, Boston University School of Medicine, 801 Massachusetts Ave, 2nd Floor, Boston, MA, 02118, USA
e
Section of Infectious Diseases, Department of Medicine, Boston University School of Medicine, Boston, MA, USA
f
Center for Healthcare Organization and Implementation Research, Edith Nourse Rogers Memorial Veterans Hospital, Bedford, MA, USA
g
Grayken Center for Addiction, Clinical Addiction Research and Education Unit, Section of General Internal Medicine, Boston Medical Center and Boston University
School of Medicine, 801 Massachusetts Ave, 2nd Floor, Boston, MA, 02118, USA
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Fatal overdose
Opioids
Restroom drug use
Public drug use
Overdose prevention
Harm reduction
ABSTRACT
Background: Opioid overdose deaths have surged due to fentanyl in the illicit opioid supply, which causes
overdose more rapidly than other opioids. Public restrooms are venues where fentanyl overdoses commonly
occur. In response, some organizations have implemented anti-motion alarm systems as a prevention approach.
We aimed to describe the experiences and perceptions of public safety personnel after the installation of an anti-
motion alarm system in public restrooms at an urban medical center.
Methods: From February to June 2019, we conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the ex-
periences and perceptions of hospital public safety personnel who responded to overdoses in public restrooms
with and without an anti-motion alarm system. We interviewed 11 personnel, with interviews lasting an average
of twenty-six minutes. We conducted inductive thematic analysis to synthesize and identify salient themes.
Results: Ten participants were male; the average age was 40 with an average time employed by the hospital of 12
years. Four themes were identied: Public safety personnel 1) believe responding to overdoses is an appropriate
responsibility; 2) focus on their training rather than individual emotions when responding to an overdose; 3)
view the anti-motion alarm system as an acceptable tool for preventing overdoses, despite technological chal-
lenges; and 4) report concern for potential unintended consequences of the anti-motion alarm system.
Conclusions: Overdose response in public restrooms has been incorporated into the daily duties of public safety
personnel at an academic medical center. Anti-motion alarm systems are an innovation with potential to improve
overdose response and safety, though the technology warrants ongoing development and unintended conse-
quences should be assessed. To optimize restroom safety in the midst of fentanyl use, more research is needed
among rst responders, people who use drugs in restrooms, and other restroom patrons.
Introduction
Since 2000, the rate of US drug overdose deaths involving opioids
has increased 200% (Rudd, Aleshire, Zibbell & Gladden, 2016). Surges
in overdose deaths since 2013 have been driven by widespread
inltration of fentanyl into the illicit opioid supply (McKnight & Des
Jarlais, 2018). Fentanyl is rapid-acting compared to other illicit opioids,
such as heroin, so that the time window for responding and rescuing
someone overdosing is less than 5 min.
As supervised injection facilities are currently illegal in the US, there
* Corresponding author at: Oregon Health & Science University, 3181 SW Sam Jackson Park Rd, Mail Code: L475, Portland, OR 97239 USA.
E-mail addresses: buchheit@ohsu.edu (B.M. Buchheit), ecrable@bu.edu (E.L. Crable), sklipson@bu.edu (S.K. Lipson), drainoni@bu.edu (M.-L. Drainoni),
awalley@bu.edu (A.Y. Walley).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
International Journal of Drug Policy
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/drugpo
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2020.103038
International Journal of Drug Policy 88 (2021) 103038
2
are no safe places to use illicit opioids. Many who illicitly use opioids opt
to use in a restroom (Gaeta, 2019; Parkin, 2014). Restrooms typically
provide privacy, access to water to dissolve drugs, and good lighting for
injection preparation (Bebinger, 2017; Bever, 2016; Parkin, 2014;
Wolfson-Stofko, Bennett, Elliott & Curtis, 2017). Prior research suggests
that individuals who inject drugs frequently do so in public restrooms
(Bohnert, Hafezi & Pollak, 2001; Fozouni, Buchheit, Walley, Testa &
Chatterjee, 2019; Injection Drug Users Health Alliance, 2015; Sutter,
Curtis & Frost, 2019). Strategies to improve restroom safety or prevent
fatal drug overdoses in restrooms are urgently needed.
In 2018, a large urban academic medical center located in an area
with high rates of fentanyl use and overdose implemented an anti-
motion alarm system designed to prevent fatal overdoses in the hospi-
tals public restrooms. First responders, who serve as hospital public
safety personnel, do not carry rearms, and are trained in CPR, AED,
rst aid, naloxone administration, customer service and de-escalation
techniques. There is no research describing either the effectiveness of
anti-motion alarms or their impact on public safety personnel. This
study aimed to understand experiences and attitudes of public safety
personnel who responded to potential overdose alarms triggered by the
anti-motion alarm system by describing their perceptions of the instal-
lation and impact of the system on their daily workow.
Methods
Setting and context
The study took place at an urban academic medical center in the US
that primarily serves a safety-net population. Overdoses in public rest-
rooms at the medical center were common and increasing in the years
before the study. The medical center recorded 68 overdoses in 2016, 120
in 2017, and 169 in 2018, of which just over half occurred in single-
occupancy restrooms. The medical center reported one fatality related
to drug overdose in 2016, four in 2017, and two in 2018, all but one
occurring in single-occupancy restrooms, demonstrating the need for
improved restroom safety and overdose response. With the increase in
both public drug use and overdoses on the medical center campus,
public safety personnel began routine training in overdose response and
naloxone administration, serving as front-line staff in responding to
overdoses in the public restrooms.
The anti-motion alarm system
In 2018, in order to improve restroom overdose response and spare
public safety personnel from constantly monitoring the restrooms, the
hospital installed an anti-motion alarm system in three single-occupancy
restrooms where overdose fatalities had previously occurred. The sys-
tem detects lack of motion and is automatically activated when a rest-
room door is closed and locked. The alarm is triggered after four minutes
of motionlessness within a restroom. The system utilizes both visual and
audio alerts locally at the restrooms and at the building security desk,
with a remote electronic alert sent to mobile public safety personnel
(Fig. 1). A false alarm was dened as when the alarm sounded with a
patron in the bathroom that did not require medical attention, but for
whatever reason was not moving enough to trigger the device.
Sample
The study sample included English-speaking, public safety personnel
over age 18 who were employed at the hospital, had responded to an
overdose at the hospital within the previous year, and had responded to
at least one of the anti-motion alarms during the prior three months.
Participants were recruited via email and in person. Interviews began
three months after the anti-motion alarm system was installed.
Interview guide
The interview guide was developed through an iterative process with
input from experts in addiction medicine and qualitative methods. Semi-
structured questions asked public safety personnel to recall their expe-
riences responding to the anti-motion alarm, thoughts and emotions
during and after the response, and appropriateness of including over-
dose response and naloxone administration as a required task for public
safety personnel (see Supplemental Material).
Data collection, coding, and analytic methods
Interviews were conducted in-person. Participants also completed a
Fig. 1. Anti-Motion Alarm System.
B.M. Buchheit et al.
International Journal of Drug Policy 88 (2021) 103038
3
brief survey to obtain demographic information, including age, sex,
length of hospital employment, and history of overdose responses. The
study was determined to be exempt by the medical campus IRB (#H-
37686).
Interviews took place in a private space; each lasted approximately
30 min (mean =26 min). Interviews were audiotaped, professionally
transcribed with all identiers removed, and reviewed for quality.
Consistent with grounded theory methods (Glaser & Strauss, 1967),
thematic analyses were performed in multiple rounds of coding and data
analysis. The primary coder independently reviewed transcripts and
drafted qualitative memos to elucidate preliminary codes and develop
an initial codebook. Two trained qualitative researchers then indepen-
dently applied the initial codebook to ve transcripts and met to discuss
codebook revisions. Double-coding transcripts enabled the coders to
identify discrepancies and agreement in coding, and establish consensus
interpretations of the codes, thus enhancing study rigor. All discrep-
ancies were discussed with clarifying notes documented in the code-
book. The primary coder coded the remaining transcripts using NVivo
version 12 (QSR International Pty Ltd, 2019). Analysis was performed
on codes to synthesize and identify themes and form connections be-
tween data. Identication of nal themes was determined through team
consensus. Thematic saturation was reached after conducting 11
interviews.
Results
Participant demographics are presented in Table 1. Ten participants
were male and the average age was 40 years. Participants had been
employed at the hospital for a mean of 12 years. Two-thirds reported
having responded to a fatal overdose while employed by the hospital,
and 80% reported responding to at least ten anti-motion alarms over the
prior three months.
Four themes emerged: 1) public safety personnel believe responding
to overdoses is an appropriate responsibility; 2) public safety personnel
focus on their training rather than individual emotions when responding
to an overdose; 3) public safety personnel view the anti-motion alarm
system as an acceptable tool for preventing overdoses, despite techno-
logical challenges; and 4) public safety personnel report concern for
potential unintended consequences of the anti-motion alarm system.
Themes are described in detail below with illustrative quotes.
Theme 1: Public safety personnel believe responding to overdoses is an
appropriate responsibility
All participants agreed that responding to overdose was an accept-
able part of the duties of public safety personnel. Participants recognized
that they are often rst on the scene and the time it would take for
medical staff to respond could be the difference between the patron
living or dying. Personnel commented that the hospitals location within
a high drug use and overdose area necessitated their being trained in
naloxone administration and overdose response. When asked how they
felt about responding to overdoses as part of their job description, one
participant stated: Oh, 100 percent. Its completely part of the job. Theres
no ifs, ands or buts. Another ofcer commented on the importance of
being rst on the scene:
“I think its huge, cause youre the rstyoure probably
going to be the rst one there, so you have the best chance of
hopin-in saving somebody, and soI think its huge. Cause we
get there so quick. I mean, by the time a call is made to [alert
medical staff] in this building or that building, it takes time,
thatsprecious time.
the more medical training we have and things that were
allowed to dois excellentI think its a real need for us to be
able to do thatRather than stay on the sidelines. I mean,
were here at a hospital, so obviously theres amazing medical
staff here, but if were rst on the scene, you know, we gotta do
what we gotta do until somebody higher trained than us can
kind of get on the sceneand help us out.
Theme 2: Public safety personnel focus on their training rather than
individual emotions when responding to an overdose
When asked about emotions felt during an overdose response, many
personnel reported they were focused on adhering to their training and
not personal emotions. It was not until after the overdose and trans-
ferring care of the patron to the medical team, that personnel described
feeling a tension between feeling accomplished and frustrated. Several
reported experiencing a sense of satisfaction, reward, and accomplish-
ment after being instrumental in saving a life. However, personnel re-
ported that when they responded to repeat overdose victims that they
felt frustrated,” “angry, annoyed,” “disappointed, and unappreciated
because [those experiencing repeat overdoses] are putting themselves in
danger again and again and againover and over and over
“I feel I have a duty to act. And not only that, but I want to help
this person. I want tosave that person. You know, I genuinely
want to do the job that Imtrained to doI alwaysI try to
stay calm. For the most part I feel calm because I feel condent. I
know what Im doing.
“It made me feel rewarded that Im able to save somebody
‘cause itsits a human being.
One participant described feeling frustrated after responding to the
same individual overdosing multiple times, sometimes even on the same
Table 1
Participant Demographics (N =11)
Average age (years) 40
Sex, n (%)
Male 10 (0.91)
Female 1 (0.09)
Average length of employment (years) 11.7
Lifetime number of overdose responses, n (%)
1-10 3 (0.27)
11-20 3 (0.27)
>20 5 (0.46)
Lifetime number of naloxone administrations, n (%)
1-10 7 (0.64)
11-20 1 (0.09)
>20 3 (0.27)
History of responding to fatal overdose, n (%)
Yes 7 (0.64)
No 4 (0.36)
Total number of responses to anti-motion alarm, n (%)
1-10 3 (0.27)
11-20 4 (0.36)
>20 4 (0.36)
B.M. Buchheit et al.
International Journal of Drug Policy 88 (2021) 103038
4
day.
“You get frustrated. You denitely get frustrated because th-
there have been times that weve Narcan someone rst thing
in the morning, theyve left, and by the afternoon, weve Narcan
them again in a different building.
Theme 3: Public safety personnel view the anti-motion alarm system as an
acceptable tool for preventing overdoses, despite technological challenges
Public safety personnel did not perceive the alerts to be a burden,
despite reporting multiple occasions when no medical attention was
needed or the patron was not experiencing an overdose (e.g. false
alarms). They viewed responding to the anti-motion alarm system as just
another daily task - its not a hassle its not a convenience. Its just a
different something to add on to the to do list.
The increase in calls related to the anti-motion alarm system, most of
which were false alarms, were described as an acceptable alternative to
nding a dead body without warning. As one participant stated: false
alarms is much better than going up to a cold body. For sure.The preva-
lence of false alarms changed their expectations when they received a
potential overdose-related dispatch, but the expectation of high rates of
false alarms did not change response time or adherence to the response
protocol. Personnel said the alarm system provided some peace of mind
knowing that even if a patron overdosed immediately after entering the
restroom, only four minutes had elapsed by the time public safety
responded, which offered a much better chance of survival.
“And I shouldnt think-I should treat every alarm like- I mean
treat everything like its the real thing. I actually feel better
about the situation knowing that its in the second oor, and its
the alarms going off in [building name], and then [the anti-
motion alarm system] quickly resets. [It] tells me that some-
bodys moving. Which means its-its probably gonna be okay,
but were gonna go up and check anyway.
“I know that even if they overdosedtheres still a very good
chance when I get up there, if I have to pop the door because
theyre overdosed, I have the Narcan on my hip. Im hopefully
going to be breathing for them very quickly. I know if its only
been a max of four minutes, Im not gonna open the door to
somebody in rigor or somebodyin dependent lividity. Im
opening the door to somebody who has a chance.
Although participants agreed with the installation of the anti-motion
alarm system, a major shortcoming was that the alarm was often trig-
gered by someone performing normal restroom activities within the
restroom and not someone who was sedated from drug use or overdosed
requiring medical attention. Recommendations to improve the systems
accuracy varied. Potential solutions for improving the sensor included
not linking the timer to locking the door but to door closure, extending
the time before the alarm is triggered, and adding a warning alert before
the alarm is triggered to let the occupant know that if they do not move
an alarm would sound.
“I 100 percent understand why theyre there. I 100 percent
agree with why theyre there. I think the technology isneeds
some tweaking.
“I would like to have aa lesser margin of error, I guess? or
know that itll work just as well asthe [motion sensors] that
sense-sense you in there and the lights turn on, you know?
Theme 4: Public safety personnel report concern for potential unintended
consequences of the anti-motion alarm system
Although unintended consequences were not directly inquired about
in the interview, multiple participants raised concerns for unanticipated
outcomes related to the anti-motion alarm system. Potential conse-
quences focused on displacing drug use to other locations on campus and
the reduction in patrolling restrooms without the anti-motion alarm
system installed for fear of straying too far away from these restrooms
and missing an alarm.
“Im also afraid that if Im right, at least the cop side of me, the
overdoses in the area are gonna spike through the roof and not
be survivable ones, because were gonnadisplace people to
tucking in where theyre not seen.
“We tend to be more stationary at the desk more, because if
youre in the building, it take you even longer to go downstairs
to get to those restrooms, andbecause of the frequency of the
alarms, you want to be closer to that-that oor. So we nd
ourselves more isolated towards the desk in the lobby, antici-
pating an alarm going off.
Discussion
We found that the role of public safety personnel as rst responders
to drug overdoses was supported by an anti-motion alarm system in
single-occupancy restrooms at a large urban medical center. Public
safety personnel reported this role was acceptable and appropriate.
Public safety personnel said they were well-trained to respond to over-
doses and felt both condent and calm during overdose response events.
These ndings build on prior research concerning overdose response
roles of law enforcement ofcers trained to administer naloxone. This
study is the rst to describe the role of an anti-motion alarm system in
supporting rst responders charged with public restroom safety. Previ-
ous studies showed that training community law enforcement ofcers in
naloxone administration resulted in increased condence to recognize
an overdose and administer naloxone (Purviance, Ray, Tracy, &
Southard, 2017; Wagner, Bovet, Haynes, Joshua, & Davidson, 2016). A
survey of police chiefs in Pennsylvania found most ofcers felt the
benets of carrying and administering naloxone outweighed the cost of
the medication, the administrative burden associated with equipping
ofcers with naloxone, and the risk of agitation of a victim after over-
dose reversal (Smyser & Lubin, 2018).
The anti-motion alarm system was perceived to have benets that
outweighed the cost of false alarms. In the US, many efforts have focused
on discouraging public restroom drug use through potentially harmful
strategies including: locking restrooms so that they are inaccessible to
the public, removing privacy doors from toilet stalls, and installing blue
lighting to make it more challenging for people who inject drugs to nd a
vein (Parkin & Coomber, 2010). Other strategies focused on supporting
safety include the posting of staff monitors to regularly check on people
(New York State Department of Health AIDS Institute Syringe Exchange
Policies & Procedures, 2016; Wallace et al., 2016). However, this
approach may not be feasible for many settings given that it requires
substantial stafng and training resources (Des Jarlais, 1995). The
anti-motion alarm system promotes privacy and respect of patrons by
maintaining access to public restrooms, while reducing fatality risk via
an alarm and a human response, which may be the difference between
life and death. Research is needed to assess the acceptability and
effectiveness of these devices in other settings, including syringe service
programs, homeless shelters, public libraries, and other public rest-
rooms. Additional details that warrant further research include the false
alarm rate and the impact of anti-motion alarm systems on the behavior
and perceptions of restroom patrons who do not use drugs.
We uncovered concerns about potential unintended consequences of
the alarms that warrant further study. Future research should assess
whether or not the alarm system results in displacing drug use, thereby
increasing overdose risk in other locations.
B.M. Buchheit et al.
International Journal of Drug Policy 88 (2021) 103038
5
Limitations
The study was conducted at a single academic medical center located
in an urban area with high rates of fentanyl use and overdose rates;
therefore, the results may not be transferable to other locations or set-
tings. Public safety personnel in this study may have more experience
and exposure to drug overdose than personnel at other hospitals. Those
individuals who agreed to participate in the study may have different
experiences or opinions than non-participants. Additionally, social
desirability is a factor; participants may have responded to questions
with answers that they perceived others would view favorably.
Conclusions
These accounts of public safety personnel responding to overdose
and their experiences with an anti-motion alarm system reveal that they
welcome their role as rst responders to drug overdose and perceive the
anti-motion alarm system as an effective tool to reduce overdose fatal-
ities. This has implications for reducing fatal overdoses in restrooms in
medical centers and other settings, as well as for training rst responders
at other institutions as the prevalence of opioid overdose increases. Anti-
motion alarm systems are promising tools for rst responders charged
with optimizing restroom safety in the midst of surging overdose deaths
from fentanyl use.
Declarations and Ethics
The authors have no competing interests. This study was determined
to be exempt by the medical campus institutional review board (IRB #H-
37,686).
Funding
HRSA grant #HP29243 Preventive Medicine Residencies
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Bradley M. Buchheit: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investiga-
tion, Formal analysis, Validation, Writing - original draft, Writing - re-
view & editing. Erika L. Crable: Conceptualization, Methodology,
Formal analysis, Validation, Writing - review & editing. Sarah K. Lip-
son: Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing. Mari-Lynn
Drainoni: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Writing -
review & editing. Alexander Y. Walley: Conceptualization, Methodol-
ogy, Formal analysis, Writing - review & editing.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing nancial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to inuence
the work reported in this paper.
Acknowledgements
All of the medical center public safety personnel, specically Connie
Packard and William Gibbons. James Moses and the medical center
quality and patient safety team who helped advocate for installation of
the anti-motion alarm systems.
Supplementary materials
Supplementary material associated with this article can be found, in
the online version, at doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2020.103038.
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bathrooms: An exploratory study of manager encounters in New York City.
International Journal of Drug Policy, 39, 6977. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
drugpo.2016.08.014.
B.M. Buchheit et al.
... There are several reasons why public bathrooms function as consumption spaces, the main ones being privacy, urgency, and safety (Buchheit et al., 2021;Crabtree et al., 2013;Davidson et al., 2018;Fozouni et al., 2020;Park and Coomber, 2010;Van Draanen et al., 2022;Wolfson-Stofko et al., 2017). These reasons also explain why public bathrooms can pose a significant risk amid a drug toxicity crisis. ...
... It also includes studies that focus on making bathrooms safer by using emerging overdose detection technologies, which fall under three categories: fixed-location devices, smartphone applications and hotlines, and wearable technology (Lombardi et al., 2023). Hospitals, health centres, housing facilities, and communitybased organizations have been early adopters of fixed-location devices to increase bathroom safety (for an illustrated example, see Buchheit et al., 2021). These devices, which signal that a person in the bathroom is not moving, have been shown to facilitate rapid overdose response and support frontline staff (Buchheit et al., 2021;Lombardi et al., 2023;Schreyer et al., 2020). ...
... Hospitals, health centres, housing facilities, and communitybased organizations have been early adopters of fixed-location devices to increase bathroom safety (for an illustrated example, see Buchheit et al., 2021). These devices, which signal that a person in the bathroom is not moving, have been shown to facilitate rapid overdose response and support frontline staff (Buchheit et al., 2021;Lombardi et al., 2023;Schreyer et al., 2020). Still, as pointed out by Tsang et al. (2021) and Van Draanen et al. (2022), there remains a need for further research on the acceptability, ethics, and implementation of this and other bathroom safety interventions. ...
Article
Setting: In British Columbia (BC), over 11,000 people have died of an overdose since 2016. Recently, an all-party standing committee on health tabled a report identifying several gaps in BC's overdose response. Chief among these is the inequitable distribution of supervised consumption and overdose prevention services across BC and barriers to accessing services that are currently available. In this context, public bathrooms continue to act as consumption spaces and contribute to overdose-related risks and fatalities. Intervention: The Safer Bathroom project sought to address long-standing policy and practice gaps by developing a toolkit to improve bathroom overdose prevention and response. Activities included a literature review and cross-sectoral, province-wide consultation (Fall 2021), the creation and launch of the Safer Bathroom Toolkit (Fall 2022), and knowledge transfer activities (ongoing). Outcomes: The toolkit meets four objectives. First, it provides a bathroom safety checklist that helps identify and, most importantly, mitigate safety risks. Second, it offers organizational guidance on developing a bathroom safety policy and procedure. Third, it includes practical resources such as staff training material and signs that communicate bathroom safety messages in a non-stigmatizing manner. Finally, it identifies bathroom architecture and design features that can increase or decrease overdose-related risks. Implications: The Safer Bathroom Toolkit is a highly comprehensive resource developed in response to the overdose crisis. However, significant reporting, research, policy, and practice gaps remain. This paper concludes with an overview of recommendations for advancing overdose prevention and response efforts within and beyond the bathroom context.
... While the efficacy of these services continues to be evaluated, other solutions should be examined to mitigate the harms associated with illicit substance use in acute care settings, particularly in low-resource healthcare systems. A recent study in the United States recorded 357 opioid overdoses in the bathrooms of a single medical center over a three-year period (2016-2018), resulting in seven fatalities [17]. Similarly, over the course of a one-year period (2020-2021) in the United Kingdom, 42 patients died using substances during hospital admission, according to the coroner reports database [18]. ...
... One significant barrier highlighted by study participants would be the coordination of emergency responses within acute care settings. Previous studies have described the implementation of bathroom sensors [17] in these spaces, however, these are not seen with other types of ODTs. Careful planning for integrating technologies should allow for appropriate connections between responding healthcare staff. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background People who use drugs (PWUD) face disproportionately high rates of hospitalizations and patient-initiated discharge (leaving against medical advice), explained by a combination of stigma, withdrawal, judgment, blame, and improper pain management. In addition, evidence has shown that despite abstinence-based policies within healthcare settings, PWUD continue to use their substances in healthcare environments often hidden away from hospital staff, resulting in fatalities. Various novel overdose detection technologies (ODTs) have been developed with early adoption in a few settings to reduce the morbidity and mortality from risky substance use patterns within healthcare environments. Our study aimed to gain the perspectives of healthcare workers across Canada on implementing ODTs within these settings. Method We used purposive and snowball sampling to recruit 16 healthcare professionals to participate in semi-structured interviews completed by two evaluators. Interview transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis to identify key themes and subthemes. Results Participants recognized ODTs as a potentially feasible solution for increasing the safety of PWUD in healthcare settings. Our results suggest the mixed ability of these services to decrease stigma and build rapport with PWUD. Participants further highlighted barriers to implementing these services, including pre-established policies, legal recourse, and coordination of emergency responses to suspected overdoses. Lastly, participants highlight that ODTs should only be one part of a multifaceted approach to reducing harm in healthcare settings and could currently be integrated into discharge planning. Conclusion Healthcare professionals from across Canada found ODTs to be an acceptable intervention, but only as part of a larger suite of harm reduction interventions to reduce the harms associated with illicit drug use in healthcare settings. In contrast, participants noted institutional policies, stigma on behalf of healthcare workers and leadership would present significant challenges to their uptake and dissemination.
... We compiled built environment measures based on the literature and our previous research [20,48,49]. Specifically, we selected gas stations and fast-food restaurant locations as a proxy for access to public restrooms, locations where overdoses often occur [18,19,43,50,51]. We used pharmacy addresses to analyze the spatial distribution of access to sources of over-the-counter naloxone [22]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background Fatal opioid-involved overdose rates increased precipitously from 5.0 per 100,000 population to 33.5 in Massachusetts between 1999 and 2022. Methods We used spatial rate smoothing techniques to identify persistent opioid overdose-involved fatality clusters at the ZIP Code Tabulation Area (ZCTA) level. Rate smoothing techniques were employed to identify locations of high fatal opioid overdose rates where population counts were low. In Massachusetts, this included areas with both sparse data and low population density. We used Local Indicators of Spatial Association (LISA) cluster analyses with the raw incidence rates, and the Empirical Bayes smoothed rates to identify clusters from 2011 to 2021. We also estimated Empirical Bayes LISA cluster estimates to identify clusters during the same period. We constructed measures of the socio-built environment and potentially inappropriate prescribing using principal components analysis. The resulting measures were used as covariates in Conditional Autoregressive Bayesian models that acknowledge spatial autocorrelation to predict both, if a ZCTA was part of an opioid-involved cluster for fatal overdose rates, as well as the number of times that it was part of a cluster of high incidence rates. Results LISA clusters for smoothed data were able to identify whether a ZCTA was part of a opioid involved fatality incidence cluster earlier in the study period, when compared to LISA clusters based on raw rates. PCA helped in identifying unique socio-environmental factors, such as minoritized populations and poverty, potentially inappropriate prescribing, access to amenities, and rurality by combining socioeconomic, built environment and prescription variables that were highly correlated with each other. In all models except for those that used raw rates to estimate whether a ZCTA was part of a high fatality cluster, opioid overdose fatality clusters in Massachusetts had high percentages of Black and Hispanic residents, and households experiencing poverty. The models that were fitted on Empirical Bayes LISA identified this phenomenon earlier in the study period than the raw rate LISA. However, all the models identified minoritized populations and poverty as significant factors in predicting the persistence of a ZCTA being part of a high opioid overdose cluster during this time period. Conclusion Conducting spatially robust analyses may help inform policies to identify community-level risks for opioid-involved overdose deaths sooner than depending on raw incidence rates alone. The results can help inform policy makers and planners about locations of persistent risk.
... For the masses, the professional identity of the grid clerk is improved, which accordingly brings about enhanced satisfaction, increased work motivation, and ultimately improved public service motivation and a substantial increase in efficiency [9][10]. For the government, when the core problem is solved, individuals have a high degree of consistency for the group, the policy is communicated more smoothly, the people's needs are more easily solved, the government's image and the government's executive power will be improved so that an efficient and clean service-oriented government can be established. ...
Article
Full-text available
The professional identity of grid workers is a significant expression of social service consciousness, and this paper utilizes statistical analysis methods to study its related factors. Under the framework of SPSS 22.0, the non-robust paradigm square of traditional PCA is replaced by a robust measure, and the AWL-RPCA model is constructed by combining the introduced data adaptive learning. Meanwhile, to address the data smoothness problem of quantile regression, the PDQR model was proposed by using the method of constructing panel data to optimize the control of individual heterogeneity. Taking the gridmen in L street of a city as the research object, the related factors of occupational identity were mined based on the AWL-RPCA model, and then the regression equation was obtained by the PDQR model. The degree of influence of the independent variables on the occupational identity of the gridmen from the highest to the lowest is the working status, the level of education, the pressure of helping and teaching, the appraisal satisfaction, the support and coordination satisfaction, and the propaganda satisfaction, and the regression coefficients are 8.36, 3.14, 5.08, 3.60, -4.35, and 3.32, respectively. Under the guidance of the statistical analysis of the SPSS, the construction of the gridmen team can be optimized in a better way.
... These types of sensors, also called reverse motion detectors [15,16], enhance the ability of organizations to provide higher-quality overdose monitoring and, in the event of a potential overdose, automatically alert staff. Text-message alerts are easily integrated into the organization's workplace environment without altering the staff's day-to-day responsibilities [17], and the more abrupt alarm is acceptable among staff in the South End Clinic. The Brave Button system is a non-invasive and discreet way for residents of supportive housing facilities to contact support in the event of a potential emergency, including drug overdoses. ...
Article
Full-text available
Drug overdoses were a leading cause of injury and death in the United States in 2021. Solitary drug use and solitary overdose deaths have remained persistent challenges warranting additional attention throughout the overdose epidemic. The goal of this narrative review is to describe recent global innovations in overdose detection technologies (ODT) enabling rapid responses to overdose events, especially for people who use drugs alone. We found that only a small number of technologies designed to assist in overdose detection and response are currently commercially available, though several are in the early stages of development. Research, development, and scale-up of practical, cost-effective ODTs remains a public health imperative. Equipping places where people live, learn, work, worship, and play with the necessary tools to detect and prevent overdose deaths could complement ongoing overdose prevention efforts.
... Public bathrooms offer privacy, running water and good lightingcritical for safer injections, especially in the absence of safe consumption sites [4]. A recent study in the United States recorded 84 opioid overdoses in the bathrooms of a single medical center, resulting in two fatalities [5]. Safe consumption sites are currently illegal in many countries, leaving people who use drugs (PWUD) with no safe place to use drugs, and as such, some opt to use in a bathroom [6,7]. ...
Article
Passive surveillance technology has the potential to increase safety through monitoring spaces where people are at risk of overdose. One key opportunity for the use of passive surveillance technology to prevent overdose fatality is in bathrooms where people may be using drugs. However, uncertainty remains with regards to how to attain informed consent, implications for data storage and privacy and potential negative socio-legal ramifications for people who use drugs. In addition, there are issues regarding responsibility and liability for the devices. Transparency with regards to data privacy and security may also be needed before bathroom users will feel comfortable with such solutions. In this article, we discuss these issues and offer recommendations to provide a foundation for future research and policy development.
... Although efficacy data on fatal overdose prevention are not yet available, reverse motion detectors have been implemented in several types of outpatient settings and are viewed as an acceptable tool by public safety. 37,38 Structured debriefing with staff after an overdose event is another best practice supported by expert opinion, and sample post-overdose debriefing forms exist that may be adapted to the needs of specific practices. 34 ...
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Opioid use disorder (OUD) is increasingly recognized as a chronic, relapsing brain disease whose treatment should be integrated into primary care settings alongside other chronic conditions. However, abstinence from all non-prescribed substance use continues to be prioritized as the only desired goal in many outpatient, primary care–based treatment programs. This presents a barrier to engagement for patients who continue to use substances and who may be at high risk for complications of ongoing substance use such as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), hepatitis C virus (HCV), superficial and deep tissue infections, and overdose. Harm reduction aims to reduce the negative consequences of substance use and offers an alternative to abstinence as a singular goal. Incorporating harm reduction principles into primary care treatment settings can support programs in engaging patients with ongoing substance use and facilitate the delivery of evidence-based screening and prevention services. The objective of this narrative review is to describe strategies for the integration of evidence-based harm reduction principles and interventions into outpatient, primary care–based OUD treatment settings. We will offer specific tools for providers and programs including strategies to support safer injection practices, assess the risks and benefits of continuing medications for opioid use disorder in the setting of ongoing substance use, promote a non-stigmatizing program culture, and address the needs of special populations with ongoing substance use including adolescents, parents, and families.
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The opioid overdose epidemic has caused over 600,000 deaths in the U.S. since 1999. Public access naloxone programs show great potential as a strategy for reducing opioid overdose-related deaths. However, their implementation within public transit stations, often characterized as opioid overdose hotspots, has been limited, partly because of a lack of understanding in how to structure such programs. Here, we propose a comprehensive framework for implementing public access naloxone programs at public transit stations to curb opioid overdose-related deaths. The framework, tailored to local contexts, relies on coordination between local public health organizations to provide naloxone at public access points and bystander training, local academic institutions to oversee program evaluation, and public transit organizations to manage naloxone maintenance. We use the city of Cambridge, Massachusetts as a case study to demonstrate how it and other municipalities may implement such an initiative.
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I never anticipated spending so much of my clinical time in bathrooms. But drug overdose is the leading cause of death among the homeless individuals I take care of at a health center in Boston—and without homes or access to supervised consumption sites, people who are homeless frequently inject drugs behind the closed doors of public bathrooms, including ours.
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Illicitly manufactured fentanyl (IMF), a category of synthetic opioids 50-100 times more potent than morphine, is increasingly being added to heroin and other drugs in the United States (US). Persons who use drugs (PWUD) are frequently unaware of the presence of fentanyl in drugs. Use of heroin and other drugs containing fentanyl has been linked to sharp increases in opioid mortality. In New York City (NYC), opioid-related mortality increased from 8.2 per 100,000 residents in 2010 to 19.9 per 100,000 residents in 2016; and, in 2016, fentanyl accounted for 44% of NYC overdose deaths. Little is known about how PWUD are adapting to the increase in fentanyl and overdose mortality. This study explores PWUDs' adaptations to drug using practices due to fentanyl. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with 55 PWUD at three NYC syringe services programs (SSP) about perceptions of fentanyl, overdose experiences and adaptations of drug using practices. PWUD utilized test shots, a consistent drug dealer, fentanyl test strips, naloxone, getting high with or near others and reducing drug use to protect from overdose. Consistent application of these methods was often negated by structural level factors such as stigma, poverty and homelessness. To address these, multi-level overdose prevention approaches should be implemented in order to reduce the continuing increase in opioid mortality.
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Background: Recent legislation in Pennsylvania allows police officers to administer naloxone to individuals in an opioid overdose. Pressure has subsequently been placed on police departments to adopt naloxone programs. Objective: To survey Pennsylvania Chiefs of Police regarding potential obstacles to officer-administered naloxone, and their overall opinion toward such programs. Methods: A confidential survey was administered at the Annual Conference for the Pennsylvania Chiefs of Police Association and online over the organization's listserv. Respondents rated their level of concern toward four potential obstacles on a Likert scale from 1 to 5. A fifth question asked the degree to which they agree that the benefits of naloxone programs outweigh the risks. Results: Of 180 attendees, 36 Chiefs of Police responded at the conference and 48 to the online survey. The potential agitation of revived victims was their largest reported concern, with 60% responding either a 4 or 5; this was followed by officers correctly identifying situations to use naloxone (42%), the cost of the medication (38%), and the additional administrative duties of the department (32%). Overall 60% responded they "Strongly Agree" or "Agree" the benefits of naloxone programs outweigh the risks, while 23% responded "Strongly Disagree" or "Disagree." No significant differences were seen when separating participants from rural and urban counties or from counties with high, medium, and low rates of overdose fatalities. Conclusions: The results suggest that although a significant subset shows concern for the above obstacles, the majority of Chiefs of Police believe that the benefits of equipping officers with naloxone outweigh the risks.
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Background: Opioid intoxication and overdoses are life-threatening emergencies requiring rapid treatment. One response to this has been to train law enforcement to detect the signs of an opioid overdose and train them to administer naloxone to reverse the effects. While not a new concept, few studies have attempted to examine this policy. Methods: At four different locations in Indiana law enforcement were trained to detect the signs of an opioid related overdose and how to administer naloxone to reverse the effects of the overdose. Pre and post surveys were administered at each location (N = 97). To examine changes in attitudes following training we included items from the Opioid Overdose Attitude Scales (OOAS) which measures respondents' competency, concerns and readiness to administer naloxone. Results: Among the full sample naloxone training resulted in significant increases in competency, concerns and readiness. Examining changes in attitudes by each location revealed that the training had the greatest effect on competency to administer naloxone and in easing concerns that law enforcement personal might have in administering naloxone. Conclusions: Our study adds to others in showing that law enforcement are receptive to naloxone training and that the OOAS is able to capture these attitudes. This study advances this literature by examining pre-post changes across multiple locations. As the distribution of naloxone continues to proliferate this study and the OOAS may be valuable towards the development of an evidence-based training model for law enforcement.
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Background: Training law enforcement officers (LEOs) to administer naloxone to opioid overdose victims is increasingly part of comprehensive efforts to reduce opioid overdose deaths. Such efforts could yield positive interactions between LEOs and community members and might ultimately help lower overdose death rates. Methods: We evaluated a pilot LEO naloxone program by (1) assessing opioid overdose knowledge and attitudes (competency in responding, concerns about naloxone administration, and attitudes towards overdose victims) before and after a 30min training on overdose and naloxone administration, and (2) conducting qualitative interviews with LEOs who used naloxone to respond to overdose emergencies after the training. Results: Eighty-one LEOs provided pre- and post-training data. Nearly all (89%) had responded to an overdose while serving as an LEO. Statistically significant increases were observed in nearly all items measuring opioid overdose knowledge (p's=0.04 to <0.0001). Opioid overdose competencies (p<0.001) and concerns about naloxone administration (p<0.001) significantly improved after the training, while there was no change in attitudes towards overdose victims (p=0.90). LEOs administered naloxone 11 times; nine victims survived and three of the nine surviving victims made at least one visit to substance abuse treatment as a result of a LEO-provided referral. Qualitative data suggest that LEOs had generally positive experiences when they employed the skills from the training. Conclusions: Training LEOs in naloxone administration can increase knowledge and confidence in managing opioid overdose emergencies. Perhaps most importantly, training LEOs to respond to opioid overdose emergencies may have positive effects for LEOs and overdose victims.