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The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection
Abstract
ABSTRACT
Svante Fischer 2020. Th e Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the
Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection.
Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History. 2020, No. 28 pp 1–26. http://urn.
kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-426054
Th is is a study of 33 Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidi from the period
394-565 that are kept in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Th e solidi
were acquired in the late nineteenth century by the co-founding president of
the Swedish Numismatic Society, August Wilhelm Stiernstedt. After his death,
the solidi along with 2,434 other coins were published as a coherent assembly,
the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection (Heilborn 1882). Th e entire collection
was acquired at a sale from the Bukowski auction house in Stockholm
by the Swedish-Texan antebellum cattle baron and gilded age banker Swante
Magnus Swenson the same year. Together with many other coins and various
prehistoric objects acquired in Sweden, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection
was donated by Swenson in 1891 to the State of Texas under the name of
the Swenson Collection. Th e Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection is currently
kept at the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History at the University of
Texas at Austin. Th e study concludes with a catalogue of the 33 solidi. In the
commentary, I have tried to identify and recontextualize the solidi by comparing
them to recorded hoards from Scandinavia and the European Continent as
well as unprovenanced solidi in Swedish and European collections.
KEYWORDS
Late Roman Empire; Scandinavian Migration Period; Roman Solidus;
Wilhelm August Stiernstedt; Coin collection; 19th century antiquarianism;
Scandinavian Archaeology; Late Roman and Early Byzantine Numismatics
... As a result of the division, there is no coherent publication of the Fjärestad hoard. The same holds true for the other solidi reported from Scania, most of which are either lost or have been decontextualized in the systematic coin collections of the LUHM in Lund, and possibly in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, too (Fischer 2020a). The American numismatist Joan M. Fagerlie (1967) seems not to have understood what had happened to the Fjärestad solidus when she came to Sweden in 1958-1961. ...
... It is very difficult to pinpoint a specific origin without a corresponding find material of preserved die-linked coins concentrated to one area or a reliable record of a find or hoard that has later been dispersed, see the discussion of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection in Fischer (2020a), where die-linked coins for Valentinian III and Anastasius I can be attributed to specific areas on Öland and Gotland with a reasonable degree of certainty. A major obstacle to a recontextualization of the solidi in the LUHM where one would be able to match a lost but well-described coin with a decontextualized coin is that one has to first ascertain what the frequency of a given coin type with a specific officina happens to be before one can draw any further conclusions. ...
... At least one of the lost coins could be a match to the coin in the LUHM, but it is impossible to tell which one. In addition, there is one die-linked specimen in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, which is most certainly a Scandinavian find coin (Fischer 2020a(Fischer , no. 2400(Fischer -2216 -it could also be one of the lost coins from Scania. But there are eight more issues for Julius Nepos recorded from Scandinavia (Fagerlie 1967:27-28, nos. ...
This paper is a study of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidi from the province of Scania in southern Sweden and the solidi kept in the coin cabinet of the Lund University History Museum. The catalogue lists 34 solidi and classifies the recorded issues according to modern numismatic standards using the current DOC, MIBE and RIC typologies. It is argued that most of the preserved coins from Scania are probably of different types than those originally imported during the solidus influx to Scandinavia. It is more probable than not that the vast majority of solidi imported to Scania in the fifth century came as war booty with returning veterans. As Scania may have had a more hierarchical structure than other parts of Scandinavia, it seems likely that most solidi were recast as ring gold or jewelry in an effort to concentrate wealth and power to inland central places. The few solidi that remain are mainly found along the shorelines of Scania, many of which are looped and have been worn as pendants. As symbolic manifestations of political alliances, these solidi have served a different function than most solidi preserved elsewhere in Scandinavia, notably on neighboring Bornholm, and Öland.
... As a result of the division, there is no coherent publication of the Fjärestad hoard. The same holds true for the other solidi reported from Scania, most of which are either lost or have been decontextualized in the systematic coin collections of the LUHM in Lund, and possibly in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, too (Fischer 2020a). The American numismatist Joan M. Fagerlie (1967) seems not to have understood what had happened to the Fjärestad solidus when she came to Sweden in 1958-1961. ...
... It is very difficult to pinpoint a specific origin without a corresponding find material of preserved die-linked coins concentrated to one area or a reliable record of a find or hoard that has later been dispersed, see the discussion of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection in Fischer (2020a), where die-linked coins for Valentinian III and Anastasius I can be attributed to specific areas on Öland and Gotland with a reasonable degree of certainty. A major obstacle to a recontextualization of the solidi in the LUHM where one would be able to match a lost but well-described coin with a decontextualized coin is that one has to first ascertain what the frequency of a given coin type with a specific officina happens to be before one can draw any further conclusions. ...
... At least one of the lost coins could be a match to the coin in the LUHM, but it is impossible to tell which one. In addition, there is one die-linked specimen in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, which is most certainly a Scandinavian find coin (Fischer 2020a(Fischer , no. 2400(Fischer -2216 -it could also be one of the lost coins from Scania. But there are eight more issues for Julius Nepos recorded from Scandinavia (Fagerlie 1967:27-28, nos. ...
This paper is a study of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidi from the province of Scania in southern Sweden and the solidi kept in the coin cabinet of the Lund University History Museum. The catalogue lists 34 solidi and classifies the recorded issues according to modern numismatic standards using the current DOC, MIBE and RIC typologies. It is argued that most of the preserved coins from Scania are probably of different types than those originally imported during the solidus influx to Scandinavia. It is more probable than not that the vast majority of solidi imported to Scania in the fifth century came as war booty with returning veterans. As Scania may have had a more hierarchical structure than other parts of Scandinavia, it seems likely that most solidi were recast as ring gold or jewelry in an effort to concentrate wealth and power to inland central places. The few solidi that remain are mainly found along the shorelines of Scania. Several solidi are looped and have been worn as pendants. As symbolic manifestations of political alliances, these solidi have served a different function than most solidi preserved elsewhere in Scandinavia, notably on neighboring Bornholm, and Öland.
... The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection are published by Fischer (84), while a number of later Roman pieces are included in the catalogue of the collection of São Paulo university by Attention is also drawn to digital resources of relevance to Late Antiquity included in the relevant section of the Survey. ...
The contribution deals with the imitative solidi, which were produced in the second half of the 5 th century on Gotland and found in today's Poland. Their distribution on Gotland, Bornholm, in southern Sweden, and Pomerania points to the directions of long-distance, mutual contacts among the Germanic elites as well as the exchange of goods of a political character. Abstrakt: Praca dotyczy naśladownictw solidów znalezionych na terenie dzisiejszej Polski, które wyprodukowano w 2. połowie V wieku na Gotlandii. Ich rozprzestrzenienie na obszarze Gotlandii, Bornholmu, południowej Szwecji i Pomorza wskazuje na kierunki długodystansowych wzajemnych kontaktów pośród germańskich elit oraz na polityczny wymiar wymiany dóbr. Słowa kluczowe: solidy późnorzymskie, złote naśladownictwa, germańskie elity, wymiana dóbr, basen Morza Bałtyckiego, okres wędrówek ludów 1
Sammendrag: Denne avhandlingen drøfter romerske og kontinentale aspekter ved Ågedalbrakteatene fra folkevandringstidens siste fase. Selv om brakteater ofte blir karakterisert som et særegent skandinavisk og insulært fenomen, peker en rekke spor videre utover. Ved å se brakteatene i kontekst med resten av godset fra kvinnegraven i Ægrehauen i Ytre Ågedal i Vestagder, i tillegg til funn gjort i området fra samme tidsperiode, sannsynliggjør jeg nedleggelsestidspunktet til nærmere midten av 500-tallet. Gjennomgangen og drøftingen rundt symbolikken bak ikonografien, peker mot at brakteatene representerte en del av et større bilde under romersk og kontinental innflytelse, og skygger etter allianseforhold rundt Nordsjøbassenget. Identifiseringen av menneskehodet og det firbente dyret på C-brakteatene, peker mot en synkretisering av romerske, heruliske og huniske forbilder. Således vil denne avhandingen være et bidrag til en forlengst etablert fagdebatt.
The recorded Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidus material in Scandinavia is rich and diverse. Much of the material comes from well documented hoards and the various segments of the Scandinavian solidus corpus can be connected to important political events and related specific payments within the Late Roman Empire, as evident from late 5th century hoards in Italy. Still, there are a few solidus finds in the Scandinavian periphery that appear to be more complicated even in relation to corresponding or at least contemporary finds within the Empire. One of the more puzzling finds of Late Roman gold coinage on the Swedish mainland is a solidus struck in Constantinople in the name of the East Roman emperor Arcadius (395–408). The coin was discovered in 1909 in Viggeby, Norrsunda parish, Uppland. It was reported as a single find, near the Rosersberg train station on the railroad connecting Stockholm and Uppsala. The only recorded find of a proper East Roman issue for Arcadius is indeed the Viggeby solidus. Fagerlie (1967) made no major effort to connect the coin to finds outside Scandinavia although it is obvious that it cannot be interpreted in isolation. Such a rare oddity from the barbarian periphery must by all means be matched with comparative material from the European continent and in the Mediterranean.
This paper discusses the presence of solidi struck in Constantinople found in 5th and early to mid-6th century solidus hoards in the Western Empire, Italy in particular. Some 112 different solidus hoards in eleven regions are compared and evaluated. It is suggested that solidi from Con-stantinople in most of these hoards may be interpreted as the evidence of subsidies for the Western Empire. A possible cause for the uneven but lengthy supply of gold from Constantinople to the Western emperor could have been the fear of Western insolvency and ultimately a state bankruptcy.
The Udovice solidus pendants : late 5th century evidence of South Scandinavian mercenaries in the Balkans Fischer, Svante Fornvännen 2008(103):2, s. [81]-88 : ill.
The Stora Brunneby hoard of 17 solidi with a terminus post quem of 451 is presented and analysed. The hoard's type composition and the coins' average weight are quite unusual, and the hoard was therefore selected for publication in order to present some preliminary results of the interdisciplinary LEO Project at the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History of Uppsala University. LEO is an acronym for Liber excelsis obryzacusque, "the elevated book of pure gold". We have primarily used the tenth volume of The Roman Imperial Coinage in the assessment of Scandinavian solidus hoards, which has led to an improved chronology and enabled renewed study of die identities within solidus hoards across Europe and the Mediterranean. This publication of the Stora Brunneby hoard should be regarded as a first step towards the evaluation of the LEO databases, now that the relationship between Scandinavian solidus hoards and political events in the Late Roman Empire has been firmly established. Our study of the Stora Brunneby hoard revealed that it is the third largest solidus hoard from Öland, and the tenth largest solidus hoard from Scandinavia. Its accumulation period chronology, from tpq 394 to 451, is unusually early. The coins are comparatively heavy, giving the hoard one of the greatest average weights in Scandinavia. Our interpretation of the hoard is that it is the earliest numismatic evidence of Scandinavian mercenaries receiving solidus payments from the West Roman emperor on specific occasions.
In this paper, I discuss the context of a Late Roman solidus hoard found in the Casa delle Vestali on the Forum Romanum in Rome. The hoard consists of 397 solidi, Late Roman gold coins. Most of the hoard consists of uncirculated solidi struck in the name of the Western Roman emperor Procopius Anthemius (AD 467-472). By means of situating the hoard within the context of the reign of Anthemius and the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, the aim of this paper is to determine if the coins in the Vestal hoard can be related to other contemporary coin hoards by means of numismatic typology; this information could add to our understanding of why Anthemius' reign is considered such an unmitigated failure and why the Empire collapsed soon after his murder. In this article, the composition of the hoard is examined, and the contents are compared to other contemporary solidus hoards in the Mediterranean, Gaul, Poland and Scandinavia'. I argue that this comparison shows that the Vestal hoard is not part of a larger network but that the hoard constitutes the remains of an isolated occurrence as initially suggested by its unusual composition and location.
Discovered in 1992, the Hoxne Treasure is perhaps the richest cache of gold and silver coins, jewellery and tableware from the entire Roman world. The core of this volume is the catalogue of the 15,000 late 4th- and early 5th-century gold and silver coins, together with an in-depth discussion of the production and supply of late Roman coinage. Hoxne's silver coins are particularly interesting, and the book also contains ground-breaking discussions of the silver content of Roman currency as well as of the peculiarly British phenomena of coin clipping and copying. The value of the Hoxne Treasure in shedding light on an otherwise dark period of British history also calls for a broader, non-numismatic perspective, and the volume includes an important chapter dealing with the social significance of precious metals in the later Roman empire, particularly their role in the gift-exchange networks that defined and maintained late Roman imperial society. Contains 30 b/w
Svante Fischer
“From Italy to Scandinavia – The Numismatic Record of the Fall of the Western Empire”
Abstract
In the study of an era of purported mass migration such as Late Antiquity, one ought to verify to what extent people or objects actually moved from one place to another. One must also ascertain if this migration can be shown to have had a major impact on a given society, or whether it was simply a byproduct of a different society, be it in the center or out on the peripheral rim of the Roman Empire. The evidence discussed in this paper are Late Roman solidi, 24 carat gold coins, ideally meant to weigh 4.54 g each. These were struck by the Roman emperors in the urban centers of the Mediterranean but have been recovered in Scandinavia, the distant northern periphery of Europe. The solidi and their owners have moved across the entire European Continent precisely at the time when the Roman Empire went down in flames.
The corpus of recorded solidus hoards is invaluable empirical evidence because a seriation of particular characteristics of the material allows for important conclusions about human movement and material exchange during Late Antiquity without recourse to undue racializiation, that is, the idea that it is important to match different types of objects or sets of behavior to specific human genetic profiles. Rather, the universal nature of minted Roman gold emphasizes the importance of monetary capital and state finances in the course of history, especially in the study of crumbling imperialist economies. The exploration of the underlying network of Late Roman solidi group in die-linked or mutilated clusters shows how parasitical networks of warlords, kleptocracies, could feed of the spoils in such systems by using the migratory patterns in a time of crisis even from the very distant periphery.
The Late Roman Background –
To rule over late 5th century Italy one needed solidi. More importantly, one needed to strike new solidi and distribute these as a sign of political legitimacy – real or feigned. The solidi were struck in the imperial mints. These workshops were operated inside closely guarded compounds in a few major cities. This exclusive privilege usually only extended to Constantinople and Thessalonica in the East, and Arles, Milan, Ravenna and Rome in the West. Many scholars have attempted to order coin types and die-links chronologically and attribute these to various mints, often in sharp disagreement. Some scholars have worked from decontextualized coins in collections while others emphasize the importance of archaeological context and distribution networks in order to understand circulation patterns. While one can map and order most of the die-types and die-links of the Late Roman coins struck in Italy, it is still not possible to provide a finite chronology for them.
The article provides a preliminary publication of the important finds of two hoards of combined Late Roman solidi and bracteates in the central place settlement at Sorte Muld, Bornholm. One of the hoards contained one coin and five bracteates, while the other one contained five bracteates, eight gold foil beads and six solidi, among which four are die linked examples of the rare type RIC 2036.
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