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23
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
Introduction
For more than 400 years in the Caribbean, people have been
primarily and immediately responsible for their safety and recovery
after a crisis. Developed over time, networks of reciprocal social
relationships span neighborhoods, communities, and even across small
islands. People engaged in
multiple sources of income,
kind and places of agricultural
production to assure that there
would be ways to get food,
repair homes, and nurse the
wounded or infirmed. Over
time a migration of Caribbean
people to other countries
would be make individuals
responsible for sending back
remittances and supplies. How-
ever one of the most common
sources of sustenance and
recovery utilized by Caribbe-
an people was and still is to-
day products born from the
sea.
In times of crisis people of
the Caribbean turn to the sea.
In doing so, they rely on those
individuals and natural re-
sources that are tied to each
other based on a long history
of use, adaptation, and con-
servation (Stoffle et al. 1994;
Stoffle et al. 2020). This pat-
tern is especially apparent in
the United States Virgin Islands (USVI), where people are socially,
culturally, and economically interdependent with marine resources
and fishing as a way of life (Stoffle et al. 2009; Stoffle et al. 2011).
For people of the USVI, many types of perturbations can disrupt
everyday life. The majority of these tend to be environmental, such
Vol. 40
No. 2
2020
ABSTRACT
Hurricanes are common in the United States Virgin Islands (USVI). For generations, the USVI fishermen and residents have adapted to
hurricane impacts and grown accustomed to the process of rebuilding. In September of 2017, however, hurricanes Irma and Maria
passed over the islands leaving an unprecedented massive destruction of property and disruption of services. Losses included boats,
homes, power, and basic infrastructure access. The economic impacts included a consequential loss of tourism and tourism-related infra-
structure. Fishermen experienced all of these impacts.
This NOAA sponsored research focuses on the impact of these two hurricanes on the St. Croix, St. Thomas, and St. John fishermen and
residents. It examines how these people adapted and recovered. More than 165 interviews were conducted in July of 2019. Residents
and fishermen described how they rebuilt and started anew, sharing a story of resiliency, struggle, and a love for the sea and family. An
issue discovered in this research effort was the relationship between local use of external assistance programs in comparison to their own
methods of recovery.
KEY WORDS: Hurricanes, USVI, Fishermen, Recovery
Disclaimer: It should be noted that the findings presented here represent those of the authors and do not reflect any position taken by
NOAA Fisheries. All assertions and assessments are those of the researchers, only.
IN THE WAKE OF TWO STORMS: AN IMPACT ASSESSMENT
OF HURRICANES IRMA AND MARIA ON THE ST. CROIX
AND ST. THOMAS FISHERIES, USVI
BRENT STOFFLE, AMANDA STOLTZ, SCOTT
CROSSON, AND JENNIFER SWEENEY TOOKES
Figure 1: Map of Caribbean and USVI
24
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
as hurricanes and earthquakes. These
disruptions force people to respond
and be resilient (Stoffle and Minnis
2008). They cause people to adapt
and sometimes change their behavior
to persist and rebuild. Social networks
are tasked and put to the test. Pertur-
bations can be short-lived or have long
-standing impacts on individuals and
communities.
The National Oceanic and Atmos-
pheric Administration Headquarters
and Southeast Fisheries Science Center
(NOAA and SEFSC, respectively) fo-
cused on the effects of hurricanes Irma
and Maria that passed over the USVI in
September of 2017 causing massive
destruction of property and disruption
of services. Because the people of
these islands are heavily dependent on
the local fisheries and fishing, it was
essential to examine which fishermen
were impacted and their subsequent
strategies for recovery and rebuilding
in the wake of the disasters.
In September of 2017, the USVI were hit first by hurricane Irma on
the 6th, and then by Maria on the 20th. Both passed over the USVI as
Category 5 storms with sustained winds of 185 miles per hour (mph)
and gusts over 220 mph. There were widespread power outages, in-
frastructure destruction, and a massive disruption of local life patterns
on land and sea (USVI Hurricane Taskforce 2018).
After Irma moved across the USVI and on to Cuba and Florida, St.
Croix was used as a recovery center for St. Thomas and St. John. Be-
fore the recovery process made much headway, however, Maria fol-
lowed and further damaged St. Croix. The two storms crippled the
social, economic, and environmental resources of all three Islands.
This analysis contributes to the
growing academic and technical litera-
ture on how increasingly violent weath-
er and sea level rise impact coastal
communities and small islands in the
Caribbean (Leatherman and Beller-
Simms 1997; Schleupner 2007). This is
especially relevant for fishing depend-
ent communities (Colburn et al. 2016),
which are defined by Magnuson Ste-
vens Fishery Conservation and Man-
agement Act, 16 US C. ch. 36, 1801,
April 13, 1976. The Act's definition of
a fishing-dependent community is
a community which is substan-
tially dependent on or sub-
stantially engaged in the
harvest or processing of fish-
ery resources to meet social
and economic needs, and
includes fishing vessel owners,
operators, and crew and
United States fish processors
that are based in such a
community.
St. Croix and St. Thomas fit this definition and are communities
based on their contemporary local dependency on and engagement in
fishing and harvesting marine resources and a historic cultural connec-
tion between the people of the island and fishing (Stoffle et al. 2009;
Stoffle et al. 2011). One key component of meeting this definition is
that fact that almost 100% of the marine resources harvested are land-
ed, purchased, and consumed in the USVI.
Extreme weather events include stronger hurricanes, frequent trop-
ical downpours and flooding, and extensive drought (Taylor et al.
2012). While drought may seem a minor event in areas of extreme
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
Figure 2: Category 5 Maria hitting the USVI
Figure 3: Damaged Hillside Homes in St. Thomas, USVI. Source NBCnews.com
25
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
rainfall, it was historically recognized as a significant issue (Mulcahy
2020) and has become a vital concern for the high island small nations
of the Lesser Antilles that have bolstered their economies by selling
billions of gallons of freshwater to commercial bottling companies
(Pickering 2014, 2015). Sea level rise directly impacts near-shore fish-
eries and coral reefs, causes shore erosion, and multiplies the effects of
storm-related surges and king tides (Darsan, Asmath, and Jehu 2013;
Durand, Vernette and Augris 1997). It is common for fishing infrastruc-
ture to be vulnerable to the impact of hurricanes, whether in the Carib-
bean or the continental US. In 2017, Hurricanes Irma and Maria se-
verely impacted fishing infrastructure in both the US and throughout the
Caribbean with their high winds and extereme storm surge. In Red
Hook, St. Thomas and Salt River, St. Croix both places experienced
massive damage to their fishing facilities such as docks and storage
facility as well as to the boats that were unable to be hauled out and
were left tied off to the docks.
Methods: Storm Impact Data Collection
In 2018 a prelimirary impact assessment was conducted by the
USVI Hurricane Recovery and Resilience Task Force (USVI Task Force
2018). This initial assessment was derived from a Task Force composed
of 21 principal partners and 36 additional contributors. Most were
local officials and heads of businesses. They conducted an initial on-site
assessment of storm impacts from December 2017 until February 2018
(USVI Task Force 2018). Their findings were presented later in August
2018 and these helped form the foundation of the 2019 NOAA study.
Around the same time, in October and November of 2017, NOAA
initiated its 60 day impact assessment relying on local DFW employees
to partner in the collection and analysis of NOAA’s baseline research
(NOAA 2018). Two data collection instruments were used. Implementa-
tion of the survey was advertised through several different formats:
distributed flyers, social media, radio announcements, and government
press conferences. Department of Fish and Wildlife (DFW) staff also
spread word of the survey via personal contact with fishers and visits to
businesses. No phones were utilized in the process, as phone service
had not yet been restored to the Territory. DFW staff surveyed 92
commercial fishers and 18 charter captains. The latter group includes
five charter captains who also commercially fish. For this analysis, re-
spondents who categorized themselves as both charter and commercial
fishers were placed into the charter category. Total damages were
projected to have been $7,793,555 and 39 jobs were lost in the short
term. An additional $242,392 in damages were reported by the six
tackle and marine supply shops interviewed, with another seven jobs
lost and over one million dollars in lost business.
In July 2019, the second NOAA sponsored field-based research
effort was designed to provide additional descriptions and assessments
of fishing and local life. Like the previous assessment, the primary re-
search goal was to describe the impact of the two storms on the fishing
industry and where fishermen were in the recovery process. In addition,
the research identified ways in which people utilized their own means
for recovery as well as familial and other extended networks. One key
aspect of the recovery process was the prevalence of Federal assis-
tance programs and the frequency that fishermen used these programs.
The research explored the extent that fishermen were able to access
certain types of assistance programs or if they had to rely on other
means to rebuild and reengage in fishing.
At this time our research team used Rapid Ethnographic Appraisal
Procedures (REAP) to assess the state of the fishery and the fishermen in
the USVI. REAP involves a mixed methods approach involving a combi-
nation of formal surveys, informal interviews, key informant interviews,
and group interviews to triangulate findings and increase confidence
levels in the data (Beebe 1995, 2001; Tashakkori and Teddlie 1998).
The agreement of both quantitative and qualitative data strengthens
the confidence in the findings.
More than 165 people were involved in sharing information for
the study, including some tiering from the previous 60-day study. There
were 113 surveys, 35 informal interviews, 10 people in a group inter-
view, and 7 key informant in-depth interviews. The formal survey was
administered utilizing opportunistic and site-intercept sampling strate-
gies. The site sampling was done at the annual commercial fisheries
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
Figure 4: Post-Hurricane Maria in St. Croix. ABCnews.com
26
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
registration on both St. Thomas and St. Croix and has proven to be an
effective strategy for sampling a large number of fishermen in a lim-
ited time frame (Crosson and Hibbert 2017). A total of 113 surveys
were administered, with 58 completed in St. Thomas and 55 in St.
Croix. A group interview composed of 10 people was conducted with
experts from the business and fishing sectors in St. Croix. Informal inter-
views (35) were conducted on both islands with local business owners
and other community members regarding their experiences with the
storms and how they recovered and “got back to normal.” Seven key
informant in-depth interviews were conducted in both islands with peo-
ple who were identified as having years of knowledge and experience
in the local fisheries.
The Fishery Advisory Committee (FAC) held its monthly meeting on
July 10, 2019, where NOAA researchers were invited to present some
initial findings. The FAC is comprised of fishermen, scientists, Govern-
ment officials (from the Head of the Department of Planning and Natu-
ral Resources to Enforcement officers), and local business owners (with
fishery or marine-related businesses). They meet monthly to discuss
issues of local and territorial marine policies.
These meetings usually result in a position statement on a timely
issue. Afterward they deliver a policy statement to the local govern-
ment or the Caribbean Fisheries Management Council. The FAC is a
representative group selected to express the interests of those like them
professionally and ensure that these perspectives are publicly shared.
Their understanding and approval of the NOAA study was critical for
its success.
A Description of the USVI Fishery
The USVI commercial fishing industry is relatively small and arti-
sanal compared to some of the larger US continental fleets, such as the
surf clam and ocean quahog fleet in the Northeast, Gulf of Mexico
Shrimpers in the Southeast, and Alaskan Crabbers of the Northwest.
What makes the USVI fishery special are its many local community ties
due to it being an important source of sustenance, income, and employ-
ment. In contrast with much of the US mainland fisheries, there is neither
an export market nor a processing sector, meaning that seafood land-
ed is consumed locally, and revenue generated primarily benefits the
local community (Stoffle et al. 2009; Stoffle et al. 2011).
There is a limited fish-dealer network, however, most commercial
fishermen choose to harvest their catch on a single day trip and sell it
by the roadside either that same day or the next (Stoffle et al. 2009;
Stoffle et al. 2011). This eliminates the “middle man” (dealer), thus
keeping prices low while retaining a viable profit. This pattern of sell-
ing fresh fish provides an opportunity for other family members and
friends to sell the fish at specific locations where they can make a little
bit of money for themselves. There is a smaller number of fishermen
who have connections that allow them to sell directly to restaurants and
resorts (Fleming, Armentrout, and Crosson 2017). As noted by a Fisher-
ies Advisory Committee member, the notion of sea-to-door distribution
is becoming an increasingly attractive strategy for efficiently harvest-
ing and selling catch.
The commercial and recreational fleets (including for-hire) are
primarily located in St. Thomas and St. Croix, with a few fishermen still
working from the much less populated St. John. The islands of the USVI
are small and, in a sense, entirely consist of coastal communities where
the ocean is never more than a short drive away. There are concentra-
tions of commercial and charter fishing fleets on St. Thomas in the
Frenchtown neighborhood on the south coast, Hull Bay on the north
coast, and the Red Hook community on the east end of the island. The
fleet is less concentrated on St. Croix, but there are many boats near
the towns of Christiansted on the northeast coast (Gallows Bay) and
Frederiksted on the west coast. It is more common for the fishermen of
St. Croix to trailer their boats rather than mooring them as they do in
St. Thomas. This is in large part due to the topography of the island.
The number of licensed commercial fishermen declined 32.1% in
the USVI since the recent census; surveys commenced in 2004, with the
largest decline between 2004 and 2011. The decline was more evi-
dent on St. Croix (-36.8%) than on St. Thomas (-25.6%). There has
been a moratorium on the issuance of new fishing licenses since 2001.
Only transfers to family members or helpers are currently officially
permitted. Mean ages for fishermen were 56.9 (St. Croix) and 55.0 (St.
Thomas) years. The mean number of years they had fished as licensed
fishermen and helpers was 26.7 and 30.8 years, respectively (Kojis et
al. 2017).
The average size of fishermen’s households is 2.7 people for St.
Croix and 2.5 people for St. Thomas (Kojis et al. 2017). St. Thomas
and St. Croix differ from one another ethnically, as the majority of the
St. Thomas population comes from French descent while the majority of
the population in St. Croix is of Hispanic descent (mostly people from
Puerto Rico and its neighboring islands of Culebra and Vieques). On
both islands, there are people of West Indian heritage and a growing
population of people from middle eastern countries. On St. Croix, there
is also a sizeable portion of people who have illegally come to the
island from the Dominican Republic. These people (called Santos) left
the Dominican Republic in search of a better life and opportunity.
Since the first census in 2004 the average age and levels of for-
mal education increased. In 2016, younger fishermen have more years
of formal education than older ones. The 2004 census also found that
fewer fishermen on St. Thomas (27.5%) derived 100% of their income
from fishing compared to St Croix (38.9%). The concept of occupation-
al multiplicity (Comitas 1964) and environmental multiplicity (Stoffle
and Minnis 2008) are common patterns of adaptation found throughout
Caribbean communities. It is a strategy used by individuals for creating
economic security and stability, and a means of offsetting certain
known and unknown crises or hardships (Comitas 1964; Stoffle et al.
2020). This idea focuses on the need to engage in multiple methods for
earning money, often straddling both formal and informal economies to
ensure that if one method is interrupted or disrupted, the others can
either makeup or offset the loss.
The boats used in the USVI are much smaller than those typically
used in the larger continental US fisheries. The average size is not much
more than 21 feet, and the boats are typically made of fiberglass or
fiberglass and wood. Most fishermen have one or two motors that
range from 90 to 110 hp. While this makes them more likely to be
damaged due to high winds and falling debris, it also means that the
fishermen’s skill in mechanics and fiberglass allows them to do much of
the repairs themselves. The 2016 fishermen’s census (Kojis et al. 2017)
notes that on average, St. Croix fishermen valued their boat in its pre-
sent condition (including all on-board gear) and fishing equipment at
$39,000, which is about one-third the value provided by St. Thomas
fishermen ($102,000).
The fisheries of St. Thomas and St. Croix are multi-species, multi-
gear fisheries with no exported product (Stoffle et al. 2009; Stoffle et
al. 2011). The reef fish fishery continues to be the most important fish-
ery in both St. Thomas and St. Croix. This is largely because it straddles
both commercial and recreational fisheries, in addition to being popu-
lar in both households and restaurants. Coastal pelagic fish are the
second (due to their popularity in restaurants and among recreational
fishermen) and spiny lobster the third most important for St. Thomas
fishermen. On St. Croix, spiny lobster was the second most important
fishery targeted and deep-water pelagic fish (dolphinfish, wahoo) the
third.
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
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The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
Kojis et al. (2017) notes that fishing with line fishing gear is the
most commonly used gear on both islands. Most fishermen (St. Thomas
– 84%, St. Croix - 92%) own handline gear (“yo-yo” gear). Rod and
reel ownership was more common on St. Thomas (52% of fishers) than
St. Croix (36%), reflecting the more frequent targeting of large pe-
lagic fish on St. Thomas (especially among those who are for-hire
fishermen with commercial licenses). Trap gear is more commonly
owned by St. Thomas fishermen. Fishermen, particularly those on St.
Croix, diversified into other gears such as multi-hook vertical set lines,
tuna reel buoy fishing, and vertical set line (single hook for pelagic
fish). Also, fishermen on St. Croix more commonly owned scuba gear
for spearing fish, hand gathering queen conch, and snaring lobster.
Scuba gear was owned by 54% of St. Croix fishermen, but only 14%
of St. Thomas fishermen, who primarily used scuba to fish for person-
al consumption (Kojis et al. 2017).
The USVI fishermen are vulnerable to the loss of both vessel and
gear during hurricanes. However, due to their ability to target multi-
ple species utilizing multiple fishing strategies, they can offset the
damage and recovery costs. This means they can “get back in the
game” more quickly than most because they are not tied to one spe-
cies or gear type. It provides them with greater flexibility and op-
portunity to offset various kinds of disruptions in their normal annual
round.
Economic data on the USVI is less extensive compared to the
economic data available for the mainland United States. As estimat-
ed by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (2014), the islands' non-farm
employment is approximately 39,000, with the domestic product
estimated to be $3.8 billion in 2013. Commercial fishing is a relative-
ly small contribution, employing a few hundred fishermen and crew
between the islands and producing $5 million worth of landings in the
same year. These landings are likely to be low estimates as there has
historically been difficultly assessing the total value and size of the
annual catch. In addition to the amount landed, sold, and recorded, a
significant portion of the catch is given away, shared, and consumed
within the fisherman’s social networks. The landings generate revenue
that stays on the island (Stoffle et al. 2009; Stoffle et al. 2011). Fish
landed is consumed by locals or tourists, and money made tends to
be spent locally.
The DFW records listed 104 licensed and currently registered
commercial fishermen on St. Thomas and 112 on St. Croix when the
hurricanes hit. However, not all of these licensed fishermen were reg-
ularly active in commercial fishing. The number of active commercial
fishermen was considerably smaller--DFW records indicate that there
were 64 active fishers on St. Thomas/St. John and 88 on St. Croix in
2016. We defined "active" as licensed and registered fishers who
fished for at least three months out of the year.
The Two-Storms Case Study
The first survey conducted was a 60-day NOAA hurricane im-
pact assessment (2017). This assessment estimated total capital losses
of $3,147,164 and lost revenue of $485,641, which produces total
losses of $3,632,806 at the time of surveying, for St. Thomas and St.
John. An estimated total capital loss of $1,473,815 combined with an
estimate of lost revenue of $674,850 or total losses of $2,148,665
by the end of November 2017 was calculated for St. Croix. As the
survey indicated in spite of all of the loss insurance (related to fish-
ing) was nearly non-existent and the initial recovery efforts were
primarily handled through the fishermen’s own ways and means.
Total unemployment in the USVI rose by an estimated 12 per-
cent (4,500 jobs) by November 2017. As of May 2018, only a small
portion of those jobs (600) had been recovered
(www.libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org 2018). It took months
before power was fully restored and transportation could access
land and sea destinations. In other economic/industrial sectors, the
recovery process was even slower. This was especially evident in the
tourism industry, the local commercial businesses and the for-hire
fisheries. Employment in the broader leisure and hospitality sector,
which includes restaurants and bars that mainly cater to visitors, fell
by 2,200 jobs, or 29 percent; in the USVI this represents nearly half
of the total job loss experienced across all sectors (libertystreeteco-
nomics.newyorkfed.org 2018). The commercial and for-hire fisheries
still had not yet fully recovered at the time of this study (2019), al-
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
Figure 5 : Business Impacts
28
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
most twenty-two months after the impact of the two hurricanes, with
some fishermen unable to either rebuild or recover at all.
2019 Research Findings
Due to the fact that the 60 day assessments take place in the re-
cent wake of a storm, NOAA typically engages in a second more de-
tailed assessment a year or more after the event when the full etent to
the damages can be better understood. For this reason, the July 2019
research developed a more complete assessment of impacts to fisher-
men 22 months after the storms’ passing and how these impacts were
manifested in the fishery and the larger community. It was recognized
that the initial impact 60 day analysis and the report from the USVI
Task Force (2018) were useful for providing a quick assessment of the
losses experienced in the fishery and community, this research ad-
dressed the need to more fully document the magnitude of the impacts
and the progress and process of recovery over time.
Impacts on Commercial Fishery Permit Holders
Even though there are three culturally distinct islands with distinct
fisheries, the fishermen's fishing enterprises were similarly impacted
(Figure 5). It should be noted that it is common for members of the for-
hire industry to purchase commercial licenses in order to sell their catch
and on days when they have no booking are able to commercially fish.
By 2019, 80% of the fishermen still had not returned to their normal
schedule since before the storms and almost 80% had not yet recov-
ered from the physical damages to their fishing businesses. Because of
this, fishermen experienced more than a 50% decrease in revenue from
the year before the hurricanes and operated at about 50% of capaci-
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
Figure 6: Fishermen’s Revenue Loss by Island
Figure 7: Adaptation Strategies
29
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
ty compared to the previous year. St. John has a small fishing communi-
ty and is not directly included in analysis but as a sister island, informal
reports indicate that the impacts were generally similar.
For many fishermen what happened on land was what prevented
them from getting back to the water. In St. Croix there was so much
damage to roadways and homes that people spent months fixing their
houses and cleaning their yards and neighborhoods. Massive trees
were knocked down all over the island, preventing travel along some
of the most commonly used thoroughfares. For the first three months,
there was very little fishing on St. Croix and St. Thomas due to the fact
that fishermen could not trailer their boats to launching sites and for
many even if they could have their boats were in no condition to be
fishing. Fishermen experienced terrible damage to their boats even
though for many they had taken measures to secure them, some even
filling them with water to combat the winds blowing them over. Even in
these instances the amount of debris and the strength of the winds
caused many boats to be unseaworthy after the two storms passing.
Revenue Loss by Island: For Commercial Licensed Fishermen
The average revenue lost by fishermen in the first year after the
two hurricanes highlights a little bit about the differences in the two
island fisheries and between the fishing sectors (Figure 6). There are
more for-hire fishermen in St. Thomas than St. Croix, which means a
higher percentage of larger vessels are directly reliant on the fishery
tourism industry. Tourism was shut down for months and then slow to
recover. In St. Croix, the fishing boats and amount of fishing are smaller
and, thus, better represent the impact on the small-scale commercial
fishery.
Anecdotal information from fishermen regarding impacts associat-
ed with the loss of tourism industry suggests that the slow recovery of
tourism had a tremendous economic impact on each island and fishery.
Each island is different in its level of dependence and engagement in
tourism. For example, St. Thomas is more dependent on the cruise ship
industry than St. Croix. In a “normal” year, the total number of visitors
that come by cruise ships to St. Thomas can be over 1,750,000; this in
comparison to a total of 2.5 million visitors from all types of travel in
total to all of USVI (www.usviber.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/
Tourism-Indicator-Annual-2016-December-9-6-17.pdf). Cruise ship
tourists are likely to frequent high-end restaurants during their day-
long stay on the island and increase demand for fresh high-end pelagic
species, lobsters and conch. The cruise ship tourists are also commonly
engaging in half and full-day charter trips as a part of their vacation
experience.
The east coast businesses of St. Thomas (especially Red Hook) tend
to cater to weekly and longer-term condo rentals with individuals and
families who tend to purchase higher valued fish species, including
snappers and pelagic species, along with lobsters. There are also high-
end hotels and resorts on the island that purchase large amounts of
high-end species for their fresh catch menu items for their clientele.
Specific fishermen cater to these markets, and because of damage to
boats and equipment in conjunction with the loss of the tourism-related
markets, these fishermen experienced a most significant reduction in
revenue from the two-storms.
An example of the relationship between tourism and fishing indus-
tries is highlighted in the story of a St. Thomas fisherman. This fisherman
has one of the larger lobster enterprises in St. Thomas, which has a
special relationship with some of the larger hotels and resorts on the
island. The hurricanes had a tremendous impact on his fishing business,
initially with the loss of one of his two main lobster boats, and then in
effect a closure of the tourism industry because of the time needed to
rebuild and recover. For this fisherman, not only was the loss of the
boat a tremendous impact that changed his fishing business but so too
was the loss of the high-end tourism industry where he specifically mar-
keted his catch. This is a clear example of how these types of natural
perturbations cause negative impacts throughout the fishing industry.
People at the economic top end of the commercial fishery were as
impacted as those on the industry’s lower economic level.
Adaptation Strategies
Many fishermen have a social responsibility that is as important as
the economic opportunity to fish in the aftermath of hurricanes (Figure
7). These fishermen often changed where they fish, the method that
they use, and the fish they target in order to get back out on the water
as soon as they are able to provide for families in their social networks.
A Cruzan fisherman said,
Gas was available, my trailer and truck were OK and the
boat and motor could run. It seemed to me that I could do the
things I need to do on shore in the afternoons and after cur-
few. During the early morning I could go out and try and
catch some fish to eat. It is so much better than the other op-
tions. Fresh fish is always better.
It makes sense that more than a third of the St. Croix fishermen
changed their launching and landing sites. This was both to offset the
loss of fishing infrastructure and the damage to essential fish habitat
preferred by local fishermen. On land, certain areas were severely
impacted by the storms forcing some to alter where they launched,
landed, and marketed their catch. In many cases, this was temporary
but for some it became a permanent change. In the ocean there were
fishing areas said to be impacted by the storms due to run-off and
destruction to the inshore reefs. Wind, rain, and wave activity during
these massive storms was said to have caused a great deal of pollution
with various types of land-based materials carried out to sea and de-
posited on fishing grounds. For St. Croix, this caused over 30% of the
fishermen to relocate where they fish. And this may also be a factor as
to why over 20% of the St. Croix fishermen changed their fishing ef-
fort, either based on new locations, targeting different species, or uti-
lizing different gear strategies. For trap fishermen, whether on land or
at sea, they experienced trap loss and destruction, equating to a time
and labor cost to rebuild.
For St. Thomas, one of the hardest-hit areas was Red Hook and its
marina. Many of the docks where commercial fishermen stayed were
completely destroyed, forcing them to relocate if possible. In that area,
there are many commercial, for hire and recreational boats. These tend
to be on the higher end of the fisheries, ones that target pelagic spe-
cies and big game fish.
There was little change in terms of boat crew. Overall, fishermen
kept the same crew they had prior to the storms. In other cases, fisher-
men had not returned to fishing activities and thus had not rehired crew.
This explains why over 25% responded that there was a change in
crew. There were a number of reasons, both positive and negative, that
explain the loss of crew. One positive example is that the captain or
owner also engaged in shore-based employment or labor. Certain
types of jobs such as mechanic, landscaper, and construction worker led
to enough land-based opportunities to create a situation where there
was no immediate need or even perhaps time to return to fishing. This
meant that they either did not fix up their broken gear and vessel or
the gear and vessel were operational but the fishermen did not have
time to reengage in fishing. This means employment opportunities for
crew as well, where they may engage in a variety of other land-based
employment opportunities, potentially even more lucrative than fishing.
In other cases, some fishing crews have been temporarily or per-
manently eliminated from the fishery due to a lack of resources to re-
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
30
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
build and restart. Usually, these are the small-scale fishers who operat-
ed with one or no crew members. Because there is a moratorium on new
licenses, there is the hope that one day these commercial licenses will
equate to currency in that they can be sold to another individual who
wishes to enter the fishery. For that reason people will continue to sign
up for their commercial license even if there is no desire or opportunity
to fish. There are examples of individuals who desire to engage in
fishing but are waiting until they retire from their land-based employ-
ment to transition to fishing. Their perspective is that they will keep the
license up until that time and utilize it in retirement to provide addition-
al money to the household through fishing.
Adaptations to Rebuild
There are similarities between the rebuilding patterns of the fisher-
men of St. Croix and St. Thomas (Table 1). Most of them relied on their
savings as the primary means of recovery (St. Thomas 75% and St.
Croix 76%). The second most common adaptation was to use their own
savings and borrow from friends and family (St. Thomas 16% and St.
Croix 21%). A small number of fishermen used local bank loans and
unemployment benefits. Many people did not respond to the question
(St. Thomas 14% and St. Croix 35%). When these non-responding
fishermen were asked, most replied that (1) they were not actively
fishing before the hurricanes, (2) they may have stopped fishing in the
interim, and (3) they may have been in the midst of rebuilding process
at the time of the survey.
The majority of fishermen chose not to use the FEMA or Small Busi-
ness Loans made available to them. The few that did tended to be
larger enterprises that experienced greater financial loss.
When one St. Croix commercial fisherman was asked why he did
not take advantage of these loans, his response was:
The problem with using loans and borrowing money from
banks is that you have to have collateral and go through a
lot of time and search into your life; showing you have collat-
eral and that you will be able to pay it back. We can’t pre-
dict the future. We have just suffered massive losses and
borrowing money to fix things only puts me in a bad spot.
You see if we put up our trucks and our house as collateral
what happens if we can’t pay the loan back. It is better to
just do it on our own. So you make sure you have some mon-
ey put away for the boat. Then do your own repairs or have
someone you know help you. If you have to borrow money
do it from someone close who knows that you can pay them
back but may need a little more time. Sometimes you can
also do something for them to pay them back like help them
fix something or go fishing and make sure that they have fish
for their family.
In 2018, the USVI government requested that a fisheries disaster
be declared, resulting in the declaration of a catastrophic regional
fishery disaster by the Secretary of Congress, ultimately resulting in
approximately 10 million dollars for disaster relief. By the time this
study was conducted in July 2019, the disaster relief money for the
USVI fisheries had been approved but had not been distributed to
USVI fishermen. As of July 2020, the distribution of relief money was
still in process with fishermen having to come into the government office
to apply for funds (2020 Personal Communications with local fishermen
and Government officials).
It is important to note that Federal Fishery Disaster Relief money is
tied to a specific natural disaster. Still, the process of getting “relief” is
difficult to understand because the process from (1) disaster, to (2)
declaration, to (3) determining funding level, and eventually to (4)
disbursement can be long and arduous. These relief steps involve multi-
ple levels of assessment by multiple government actors including the US
Federal and Territorial Governments, the US Congress, the USVI De-
partment of Planning and Natural Resource, and the USVI Division of
Fish and Wildlife. Therefore, almost three years elapsed from when the
two storms occurred in September 2017, money has not been distribut-
ed to local fishermen.
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
Resources St. Thomas St. Croix Totals
Personal Savings 36 75% 26 76% 62 75%
Personal Savings and Loans
from Family/Friends
8 16% 7 21% 15 18%
Personal Savings and
SBA/FEMA
4 9% 1 3% 5 6%
Totals 48 100% 34 100% 82 100%
Table 1: Identified Resources Used for Rebuilding After Storms by Island
Figure 8: Fishermen’s Perception of Future Outlook
31
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
Future Outlook
Fishermen were asked a series of questions to determine their
vision for the future and their ability to cope with current and future
impacts of hurricanes. Their answers were coded using the Likert scale
method for analysis (Figure 8). These questions were adapted from
Marshall & Marshall 2007 and they were first used as adapted in
Seara et al. 2016 (see https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/
iss1/art1/ and https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/
pii/S0959378016300085?via%3Dihub for more on this).
When fishermen were asked if they were willing to learn new
skills, there was an almost even split between those that would and
would not. A reason for this is the fact that for many of the fishermen
that would not be willing to learn a new skill relates to their perception
that their life is in fishing and that there is no need to learn a new skill.
When asked about their ability to cope with impacts on the fishery and
their confidence that all will be well, fishermen’s responses indicate that
they are secure regarding their future in fishing. For many the idea is to
rebuild and start anew. Fishing as an occupation or as a source of re-
tirement is seen as a viable economic option, even in the face of having
to deal with disruptions from hurricanes.
Fishermen’s responses suggest they are confident in their ability to
adapt that they can find a way to cope with changes. This may be
based on their belief in their work ethic and their ability to overcome
problems. It also may relate to the fact that more than 60% of the
fishermen perceive that they have planned for their financial security.
They have their own measures for recovery and responding to impacts
that may allows them even on the face of a major crisis the ability to
overcome.
As a local Cruzan fisherman stated,
I don’t need to learn new skills like car mechanic or some-
thing. I already know the things I need to run and fix my boat
and motor when things break. So when the Hurricanes hit us,
and they hit us hard, I knew that I would soon be back up
fishing and going because the things that needed to be fixed
were things that I could handle.
The previous questions focused on perceptions of what would hap-
pen to fishermen in the future. Even though some of their responses
express concern about remaining in the fishery and their ability to cope
with another crises such as this, overall fishermen are positive about
recovery from the two storms and their future in fishing. However, it
should not be overlooked that there are those that will not be abe to
return to fishing be it an issue of age, ability or desire. For some the
idea of fishing any longer may be too much for them to conceive. And,
this is easily understood for not everyone is at the same station in life
as the fleet seems to be on average getting older.
Discussion
There are five Key Findings from the NOAA 2019 research. Some
may have policy implications and others highlight how USVI fishermen
respond to natural disasters.
Reduction in Effort: Some fishermen are not able or willing to
remain fishermen in either the short term or at all. Thus fishing
effort may decline in the wake of the storms. This can be
related to as a lack of financial resources or the fact that for
some they are reaching a point that it is not a viable activity.
This does not take away from the notion that fishermen are
resilient but it address a smaller portion of the fishing popu-
lation that aged out or in the interim went to other activities
to rebuild and reengage at a later date.
Fishery Impacts: Fishermen reported significant losses in revenue
and damage to boats and equipment. Coupled with the loss
of tourism and infrastructure, USVI fishermen on average
reported a 55% loss with 17 individual USVI fishermen ex-
periencing a 100% loss in revenue. This was especially ap-
parent in the for hire/charter fisheries who carry commercial
licenses with numbers potentially being even higher if the non
-licensed for-hire fishermen were included.
Aid and Assistance: Fishermen chose to rely on their savings and
social networks for immediate recovery rather than Federal
Assistance Programs, such as Small Business Loans and FEMA
loans. In addition, it is clear that Disaster Relief funding is not
intended to be used in the immediate aftermath of storms.
This money is to offset costs incurred in the rebuilding process.
Because of this fishermen strategically rebuild and reengage
in fishing, sometimes sharing vessels, gear and labor until the
time comes that they can return to a fully operational status.
This may take some time but by working together they assist
one another in the recovery process.
Network Food Security: Fishermen take responsibility to provide
food for their own families, friends, and neighbors. Fishermen
are among the most important individuals at a local level for
providing food within their social networks. By providing
support it strengthens bonds between individuals and assists
in the process of immediate recovery. Their ability to provide
food for island residents is a primary reason for the Gover-
nor to call the essential workers when the majority of the
island was closed. There is the continued perception that
fishing and being a fisherman is an integral part of their
identity.
Future Projection: Most fishermen maintain a positive outlook for
their future in fishing. The for-hire sector experienced major
impacts due to the loss of tourism as did those commercial
fishermen providing high-end species to hotels and restau-
rants. Many found ways to offset losses by switching to sell-
ing to local residents and changing the species they normally
targeted. Even so the revenue they generated was a small
percentage of their normal yearly income. They did this in
order to continue to operate until the time they could return
to their style of fishing and market to a certain population
that called for specific high end species.
The USVI fisheries are not yet back to where they were before the
2017 hurricanes Irma and Maria. Most are still in some part of the
recovery process. There is little doubt that recovery is tied to the tour-
ism industry, especially in the for-hire sector. Other fishermen are doing
well because there was less fishing effort after the two storms. Fish
stocks are perceived as more plentiful because of fewer active fisher-
men. Recovery is still in process and essentially is a function of the fish-
erman’s personal savings and ability to fix the damage incurred to key
parts of their fishing enterprise. While the future is uncertain, fishermen
feel their place is a certainty.
Conclusion
The NOAA 2019 study documented the pattern of mutual self-
help, as illustrated by fishermen’s post storm behavior. While the data
suggests that some fishermen have left fishing as an occupation, future
studies are likely to show many of them getting back into fishing, which
is both a component of their Occupational Multiplicity and their commit-
ment to preparing for the next crisis event. One St Croix fisherman
expressed his commitment to providing fish in a crisis:
Listen, all the stores were closed and people were
living on canned food and hurricane food brought on
island. This is not the way to live. Lucky we could get
STOFFLE, ET AL. In the Wake of Two Storms...
32
The Applied Anthropologist Vol. 40, No. 2, 2020
gas and we didn’t have too much damage to one of
the boats. We were able to find a spot to put in and
went out to dive and handline a bit. The traps were all
over the water so we tried to mark those for people to
come get later. We had to go all over the place to
find good fishing. There was trash everywhere and the
reefs were mashed up. We could fish a bit, but it was
dangerous. Each day got a little better and we were
able to bring fish home for our family and friends. It
was a total effort. We got fish and people who
stayed on land helped do what they could. It was bad
but we have been through this before.
Clearly, the two storms damaged the people and infrastructure of
three islands in the USVI, but the storms and the reconstruction after-
math reaffirm an adaptive pattern that has served these and many
other peoples of the Caribbean and West Indies for hundreds of
years.
Brent Stoffle received his Ph.D (2001) from the University of South Flori-
da’s Applied Anthropology Department. He went on to a post-doc (2001
to 2003) at Rutgers University where he worked for Dr. Bonnie McCay on
a number of issues related to community profiling and policy development
throughout the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic. In 2003 he joined NOAA’s
SEFSC in Miami, Florida. At NOAA one of his main geographic areas of
focus is the United States Virgin Islands where he has worked for 17
years on issues related to policy, natural disasters and community desig-
nation. He can be reached at brent.stoffle@noaa.gov.
Amanda Stoltz is a Ph.D. student at the University of California, Santa
Cruz. Amanda earned her B.A. in English and marine biology at Tulane
University and taught marine science at the Newfound Harbor Marine
Institute. She completed a Master of Science in Marine Ecosystems and
Society at the University of Miami, where she researched fishing industry
views on sea level rise, risk and adaptation. After graduating, Amanda
worked in the social science research group at the National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration's Southeast Fisheries Science Center. Current-
ly, she is a graduate student researcher at the U.S. Geological Survey's
Coastal Change Hazards Program. She can be reached at
adstoltz@gmail.com.
Scott Crosson has been an economist at the NOAA Southeast Fisheries
Science Center for the past decade. He has conducted field work for mul-
tiple research projects on commercial and recreational fisheries in the
USVI. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Oregon in political
science. He can be reached at scott.crosson@noaa.gov.
Jennifer Sweeney Tookes is an applied cultural anthropologist at Georgia
Southern University who has conducted anthropological research in the
South Atlantic and the Caribbean since 2003. After completing a Ph.D. in
anthropology at Emory University (2013), her post-doctoral training in
environmental sciences (2014-2016) investigated the potential for Geor-
gia seafood producers to participate in active local foods movements.
Tookes is a member of the South Atlantic Fishery Management Council
(SAFMC)'s Socio-Economic Panel, on the executive board for the Culture
& Agriculture section of the American Anthropological Association, and
active in the Society for Applied Anthropology. She can be reached at
jtookes@georgiasouthern.edu.
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