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The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation
... Religion can play a catalytic role (negatively or positively) in believers' attitudes towards reconciliation. Religion can play a positive role in reconciliation by fostering community and social support (Appleby 2003), providing religious leaders who act as mediators (Little and Appleby 2004), and promoting a moral and ethical framework (Gopin 2000). Under some circumstances, religiosity can prevent the collapse of peace agreements and the recurrence of violence (Appleby 2003;Haynes 2016;Philpott 2012). ...
... Religion can play a positive role in reconciliation by fostering community and social support (Appleby 2003), providing religious leaders who act as mediators (Little and Appleby 2004), and promoting a moral and ethical framework (Gopin 2000). Under some circumstances, religiosity can prevent the collapse of peace agreements and the recurrence of violence (Appleby 2003;Haynes 2016;Philpott 2012). Negative aspects of religion are linked to religious extremism (Juergensmeyer 2000), historical grievances highlighted by religion (Marty and Appleby, 1993), the radicalization of religious values (Pretus et al. 2018), and the reinforcement of exclusive group identities (Gopin 2002;Gurses and Ozturk 2020). ...
... Scholars who have studied the connection between religion and post-conflict behaviour (Parsons et al. 2020) tend to focus on ideas and beliefs related to forgiveness (Brock and Parker 2008;Philpott 2012;Shriver 1995). Other scholars have investigated how churches' historical development and relationship with conflict actors influence building trust or distrust in peace processes (Gusnet et al. 2017;Richardson and Rammal 2018) and post-conflict processes (Appleby 2003;Haynes 2020;Philpott 2012). It has also been explored how religious leaders can support or oppose the peace process (Silberman et al. 2005). ...
This article examines the role of religiosity in shaping people’s willingness to reconcile with ex-combatants in post-conflict societies, using Colombia as a case study. Drawing on LAPOP survey data from 2014 to 2018, the study employs linear and logistic regression models to reveal that individuals tend to be less willing to reconcile when they have high levels of religiosity (LAPOP 2004–2021). However, this relation can be mitigated by an individual’s level of political tolerance, which fosters greater openness to support reconciliation despite strong religious convictions.
... Many historical and contemporary conflicts have been framed in religious terms, from the Crusades to modern-day sectarian violence in the Middle East and South Asia. However, scholars argue that religion is rarely the sole cause of conflict; rather, political, economic, and social factors often exploit religious differences to advance specific agendas (Appleby, 2000). This underscores the importance of interfaith dialogue in addressing misconceptions and fostering peaceful resolutions. ...
... However, this global religious exchange has also facilitated the spread of misinformation, leading to the rise of religious radicalization and sectarianism. The internet has been instrumental in fostering both inclusive interfaith collaborations and exclusive, extremist ideologies (Appleby, 2000). ...
... However, pluralism is not without its critics. Some scholars argue that it downplays the genuine doctrinal differences that define religious traditions, thereby risking theological relativism (Appleby, 2000). Others contend that pluralism, while promoting inclusivity, does not always address power imbalances that may exist between dominant and marginalized religious groups (Fox, 2019). ...
Interfaith dialogue has evolved from informal religious exchanges in ancient civilizations to structured initiatives aimed at fostering religious tolerance and peace in the modern world. This paper explores the historical and contemporary perspectives of interfaith dialogue, analyzing key global initiatives such as the Parliament of the World's Religions, KAICIID, and the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC). Using case studies from Nigeria, Europe, Southeast Asia, and the Balkans, the study examines successful interfaith engagements and their impact on social cohesion and conflict resolution. The study employs a qualitative research methodology, utilizing documentary analysis and case study approaches to explore historical records, scholarly articles, and official reports on interfaith dialogue. The documentary analysis method provides a systematic review of secondary sources, while the case study method allows for an in-depth investigation of interfaith initiatives in different geopolitical contexts. A thematic analysis framework is applied to categorize key challenges and opportunities in interfaith dialogue, ensuring a comprehensive understanding of its dynamics. The theoretical framework of this study is anchored in Pluralism Theory, Religious Tolerance Theory, and Dialogue Theory. Pluralism Theory, as proposed by John Hick, suggests that different religious traditions represent diverse cultural responses to a shared transcendent reality, emphasizing mutual respect and coexistence. Religious Tolerance Theory explores the ethical and sociopolitical dimensions of interfaith relations, advocating for inclusive policies that protect religious freedom. Dialogue Theory, influenced by Hans-Georg Gadamer and David Bohm, highlights the transformative power of interfaith engagement, emphasizing active listening and the "fusion of horizons" between religious traditions. Findings suggest that sustained interfaith dialogue contributes to religious tolerance, policy-making, and conflict prevention. However, challenges such as political interference, theological differences, and fundamentalist resistance persist. The paper concludes that interfaith dialogue remains an essential tool for global peacebuilding, requiring continued investment and adaptation in a rapidly globalizing world.
... However, in the second half of the 20th century, the Second Vatican Council (1962)(1963)(1964)(1965)) marked a decisive shift toward global engagement, increasing the Church's autonomy from state structures and expanding its diplomatic and humanitarian roles beyond Europe (O'Malley 2008;Casanova 1994). This transformation accelerated in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, as the Church actively engaged in transnational governance initiatives, from its role in the Solidarity movement in Poland during the Cold War to its mediation in conflicts in Latin America and Africa (Philpott 2004;Appleby 2000). In particular, the Catholic Sant'Egidio Community-founded in 1968 as a small lay group-has grown into a global peacebroker, mediating negotiations in Mozambique, the Central African Republic, and South Sudan, often succeeding where state diplomacy has failed (Riccardi 2011). ...
... While historically the Vatican's influence was largely exercised through diplomatic concordats with European states, the late 20th and early 21st centuries marked a decisive expansion of its role in transnational governance. Under John Paul II , the Vatican positioned itself as a moral authority in global human rights discourse, notably influencing the collapse of communism through support for the Solidarity movement in Poland (Philpott 2004;Appleby 2000). This marked the beginning of a broader shift from ecclesiastical diplomacy to active engagement in secular global issues. ...
The contemporary restructuring of religion and secularism demands a departure from conventional post-secular analyses that remain confined within the epistemic and institutional frameworks of the nation-state. This paper develops the concept of post-secular cosmopolitanization to theorize the dissolution of the secular–religious binary as a regulatory mechanism of power, revealing how religion and secularism are co-constituted through global entanglements that transcend national boundaries. Unlike dominant conceptions of post-secularism, which assumes the continued dominance of secular and national institutions despite religious resurgence, post-secular cosmopolitanization captures the ways in which transnational religious movements, digital religious networks, and global governance structures are reshaping religious authority, secular regulation, and political sovereignty. It is shown that this transformation leads to three major consequences: (1) the erosion of the nation-state’s regulatory monopoly over religious life as alternative religious and transnational actors emerge as influential governance entities; (2) the deterritorialization and fragmentation of religious authority, undermining traditional clerical and institutional hierarchies; and (3) the blurring of religious and secular domains, where global economic, legal, and political structures increasingly integrate religious actors, norms, and ethical frameworks. These developments signal a paradigmatic shift beyond the secularization thesis and dominant conceptions of post-secularism, necessitating a reconsideration of how power, governance, and religious authority function in a world no longer structured by the nation-state’s exclusive claim to sovereignty. By analyzing these entanglements, this paper provides a theoretical framework to understand the reconfiguration of global secular and religious orders, challenging entrenched assumptions about the trajectory of modernity.
... In conflict studies, religion is identified as a factor that can exacerbate conflicts by framing them in zerosum terms and demonizing opponents. It is also a potential force for peace through its promotion of empathy, forgiveness, and social justice (Gopin 2002;Tarusarira 2016;Appleby 2003). Conversely, religion's value-based perspective is highlighted in climate adaptation literature for its significant role in shaping human-environment interactions and mobilizing communities for climate resilience and adaptation efforts (O'Brien 2017; Mamati and Maseno 2021;Awuah-Nyamekye 2015;Chitando, Conradie, and Kilonzo 2022). ...
... The conflict factor has been seen as dominant, and the study of religion, climate, and conflict built on this foundation. The discourse of religious peacebuilding emerged with studies that argued that religious traditions possessed resources that could be deployed and that religious actors had Worldviews (2024) 1-28 | 10.1163/15685357-02803006 the proclivity to facilitate peace and reconciliation (Appleby 2003;Omer and Tarusarira 2023). The focus on conflict thus explains the low percentage of engagement with religion and human security (8 %). ...
This study explored the significance of religion in the climate security discussion. Despite being extensively explored in conflict studies, the role of religion in climate security discourse is still largely overlooked. This is surprising, given that it significantly impacts decision-making during crises. The intersection of climate change and religious beliefs and diversity exacerbates conflicts across Africa. Recent studies have highlighted the pivotal role of religion in shaping responses to climate-induced security risks, yet it is often sidelined in climate security discourse. Through a systematic literature review, this study identifies gaps and proposes future research directions. The findings underscore the peripheral role of religion in climate security literature and the lack of interdisciplinary coherence. By recognizing the multifaceted role of religion in crises, this study aims to provide crucial insights into the complex dynamics of the religion-climate-climate security nexus.
... To counter this, religious leaders and faith communities are increasingly called upon to act as "angels of peace" rather than "warmongers". According to Appleby (2000), the ambivalence of the sacred is intimately linked to the fact that the relationship of world religions to violence is itself ambivalent. Holenstein (2005, p. 10) reminds us that "All great God-narratives are familiar with traditions that legitimise force in certain circumstances, claim victims in the battle for their own beliefs and demonise people of other religions. ...
... Religious individuals and faith-based organisations from a variety of religious traditions are actively involved in attempts to end conflicts and foster post-conflict reconciliation between warring parties in the developing world. "Religious peacemakers" are religious individuals or representatives of faith-based organisations who attempt to help resolve intergroup conflicts and build peace (Appleby 2000(Appleby , 2006Gopin 2000Gopin , 2005ter Haar and Busutill 2005). According to Appleby (2006), religious peacemakers are most likely to be successful, when they (1) have international or transnational reach, (2) consistently emphasise peace and the avoidance of the use of force in resolving conflict and (3) have good relations between different religions in conflict situations, as this is the key to a positive input from them. ...
In recent years, a burgeoning body of literature on the relationship between peace, politics and religion has emerged [...]
... These arise from different and even contradictory sources and commandments and the existence of a flexible space for interpretation, thus allowing a religious grounding for almost any view. These religious ambiguities can foster reconciliation and lend legitimacy to activities for and figures engaged in peacemaking between conflicting societies (Appleby 2000;Eisen 2011;Nardin 1996). ...
... Given all of this, religious values and beliefs, whether genuinely expressed or exploited for propaganda purposes, can be a formidable barrier to any negotiation, a "religious barrier to peace" as it is termed in the literature (Abu-Nimer 2004, pp. 491-511;Appleby 2000;Ashmore et al. 2001, pp. 17-41, 187-212;Frisch 2005, pp. ...
The Declaration of Principles (Oslo I Accord, September 1993) was the inaugural groundbreaking agreement in the Israeli‒Palestinian Identity conflict, which revolves around consecrated territory as well as identity components on both sides. This historic accord elicited myriad responses, yet the stances of religious figures are particularly consequential given the profound and intricate religious underpinnings of the conflict. This paper presents the attitudes toward the Declaration of Principles (DOP) held by six religious personages: Rabbi Yehuda Amital, an Israeli Jew supporter of the DOP; Rabbi Shlomo Goren, an Israeli Jew who opposed it; Sheikh Abdullah Nimer Darwish, an Israeli Arab who endorses the DOP; Sheikh Raed Salah, an Israeli Arab who rejects it; Sheikh ʿImad al-Falouji, a Palestinian proponent; and Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, a Palestinian opponent. Based on rulings, statements, and press publications, this paper analyzes their rationales and utilization of religion’s social influencing mechanisms, seeking to understand religion’s capacity to confer legitimacy upon alternative religious values enabling conflict resolution through political means, thereby impacting the conflict toward reconciliation or, conversely, escalation. This paper aims to characterize the discourse and reasoning to propose more efficacious means of attaining broad religious legitimacy for future, sustainable peace accords.
... Despite the calls for the secularization of the state in modern times, religion has not left the public space. Instead, it remains an immense influence in the political development of most states, even in countries that are highly considered secular (Appleby 2000;Bruce 2009;Haynes 2009). Religion was a major factor in the political dynamics and outcomes of the United States of America and Trump's victory in the 2016 elections. ...
... Notwithstanding, religion has become the basis for violence, repression, prejudice, abuse, and violation of the rights of people especially women in some societies (Appleby 2000;Witte and Green 2012). Consequently, it is posited that in the era of globalization and the political interconnectedness across the globe, coupled with political uncertainties between the West and the Islamic world, religion has become a major force to reckon with (Huntington 1996;Bayes and Tohidi 2001;Gentry 2016). ...
Religion is an instrument of peace, justice, and development. It can also serve as a perpetuator and catalyst of conflicts and violent extremism in the world. This Janus face of religion has made inter-religious dialogue an attractive pathway to promoting co-existence between people of different religious faiths. This paper examines the strategies that facilitate inter-religious dialogue and peaceful co-existence in Ghana. The study relied largely on secondary data which were analysed thematically. The analysis revealed that Ghana has instituted strategies that facilitate inter-religious dialogue. These include the provision of general fundamental freedoms of faith and worship, the creation of spaces of engagement between and among religious bodies, the institutionalization of religious tolerance, among others. Notwithstanding, religious discrimination and persistent inequalities are potential threats to the gains of inter-religious dialogue. The paper calls for deeper engagement between religious leaders as a way of harnessing the potential of inter-religious dialogue for peacebuilding.
... However, it is important to acknowledge that both Judaism and Islam share common ethical principles-such as justice, compassion, and peace-that could serve as a foundation for mutual understanding. Religious leaders with influence over public opinion can play a constructive role by promoting messages of respect, reconciliation, and tolerance [39,40]. ...
This article argues that sustained external involvement—especially by the United States—has often undermined peace efforts through geopolitical bias and inconsistent diplomacy. Regional actors, too, have failed to maintain a unified stance on Palestinian self-determination, as demonstrated by shifting alliances and the sidelining of the Palestinian issue in agreements like the Abraham Accords. In light of these failures, a recalibrated regional approach rooted in justice and human rights is essential. The international community must shift toward mediation frameworks grounded in international law, ensuring symmetrical recognition of Israeli and Palestinian rights, and empowering local civil society—particularly on the Palestinian side. The European Union, given its relative neutrality and economic influence, is well-positioned to facilitate this shift. Most critically, the peace process must undergo structural transformation: instead of persisting with failed bilateral talks, a multilateral, inclusive framework should be adopted, involving regional and neutral international actors alongside representatives from both communities. This includes seriously considering a federal model that enables shared sovereignty, mutual recognition, and lasting security. Only through such a comprehensive rethinking can a just and enduring peace be achieved—one that halts the cycle of violence and contributes to regional and global stability.
... Extremist violence committed in the name of religion has received substantial academic attention due to its extensive impact (de Graaf & van den Bos, 2021;Juergensmeyer et al., 2013;Silberman et al., 2005). From the Crusades to modern movements, religiously motivated violence is particularly intense and lethal compared to secular forms of terrorism (Appleby, 2003). ...
... The paradoxes associated with religion are well documented in scholarship with the conclusion that it is ambivalent (see for example , Davie 1990;Beckford 1998;Diener et al., 2011). Appleby (2000) neatly captures this sense of paradox as "the ambivalence of the sacred". The ambivalent effects of religion in the social, economic, political and human rights arenas have resulted in complex contextual realities and variations in society (Carrette 2014). ...
Since many years, Professor Ezra Chitando is an excellent scholar and dedicated activist, whose personal experiences, cultural and religious influences, and commitment to justice and partnership, shape his work on religion, gender, and African masculinities. Chitando has made meaningful contributions to social justice and academic scholarship in various disciplines. His scholarship transcends the confines of academia, bringing about positive change and lasting impact in Church and society. In this Festschrift, more than forty authors (family members, friends, and colleagues) from Zimbabwe, Zambia, South Africa, Malawi, Germany, and Botswana honour Chitando’s academic and societal achievements, and carry on his struggle for redemptive gender roles and justice for all.
... In Europe, churches provide the social structure to support ethnic communities, promoting the structural assimilation of immigrants and their children, showing a broad competence in interreligious dialogue, and easing the religious and cultural tensions surrounding immigrants in Europe (see Permoser et al. 2010). However, the debate continues as to whether religion is a source of intolerance and exclusion (Brewer et al. 2010), a means to achieving peace and unity (Little 2007) or a two-sided Janus (Appleby 1999). How does religious belief affect anti-immigrant sentiment in Italy? ...
How do Italians perceive immigrants? Over the last twenty years, the issue of immigration has become increasingly relevant. With the intensification of landings, the issue connected to immigration has become an element of conflict and confrontation both in civil society and in politics. Among the various determinants that explain the attitude towards immigration, religion appears to play a very important role in orienting public opinion. Using some information collected by the European Values survey in the last five years (2016-2018) it emerges that after the 2015 migration peak, Catholics tend to be less positive about immigrants and perceive them as a problem for their culture in general. Over time, the action of the Catholic Church and the effects it has produced on those who participate in religious life have attenuated this negative attitude.
... Whether Maoism instigates revolutions, the revolutionary appropriates Maoism, or both, is debated. In the case of Pol Pot, there is arguably a thread of Buddhist nationalism (Appleby 2000;Salter 2000). Matthew Galway (2010: Abstract) further spots a 'racialist agenda' and 'ultranationalist inspiration', which, in his final analysis, was nevertheless Maoist (Galway 2022). ...
Liberal political science misconceives socialist autocracy in China as the opposite, reinforcing its incapacity to explain the worldwide democratic recession in the 21st century and the failure of any democracy to recover. A fatal flaw of liberal scholarship lies in the conceptualization of politics as influencing the choices of independent individuals in aggregate. Practical consequences include a desire to avoid or convert allegedly illiberal systems according to a self-image of being participatory. Confucianism instead provides a governmentality clue to how all human gatherings evolve upon leadership struggling to balance dominance and belonging. Through Confucian enlightenment, leaders are convinced that all bad autocrats fall. So, leadership cannot survive without the willing following of the population. A derivative, tightly in line with the thrust of socialism, is that the population must be well-fed and protected. Such a relational lens considers people in their entirety while, epistemologically, desensitizing individual differences. However, political science tends to consult individual preferences, with the ironic consequence of a leadership losing sight of the entirety. A political science reconfigured through Confucianism reveals the false binary of democracy versus autocracy. It interrogates how leadership everywhere rebalances dominance and belonging to restore its relational sensibilities.
... These organisations use the respect and trust they have earned over the years to further discourse, healing, and reconciliation via a variety of programs and projects (Haynes, 2009). For example, faith-based strategies highlight moral values like peace, fairness, and forgiveness-values that are sometimes overlooked in political peace talks (Appleby, 2000). ...
The article focuses on a theological approach to peacebuilding and the nature of governance in a community amidst violence, addressing various gender and faith issues. Activities related to political conflicts entail an increase in the gender gap in various types of conflict, such as community-based ones where women and other marginalized groups are always subjected to violence and economic difficulties. Throughout the world, committed religious groups have been driving discourses related to the said matters by means of disseminating a doctrine of equality, justice, and peace. These institutions are faith-based institutions. This study critically examines theology’s influence on governance structures and to what extent they are related to gender-sensitive peacebuilding ways of work. The study reveals faith-based proposals which might provide better ways of inclusive development by joining the contemporary governance methods with religious teachings. Illustrated using cases in Africa, the research article advocates improving not only the immediate but also the long-term peace and development in the area focusing on gender-sensitive theological governance. The study ends with suggestions about the kind of collaborations that organizations and the church might use to encourage post-conflict countries to be more inclusive and gender-equitable in development plans. [Abstract] Full Text: PDF, PHP, HTML, EPUB, MP3 pp.
... Growing symptoms of irrationality in society pose a challenge for contemporary culture and the modern world in terms of reason. It is essential that we prioritize preventing violence and promoting peaceful coexistence among peoples, nations, cultures, and religions (Appleby 2003) worldwide. ...
This article examines the concepts of violence and religion as social phenomena of modernity. Religion and the church are presented not as specific organizations or denominations, but as important social institutions and are reflected in philosophical and anthropological terms. I carry out the idea that religion as a modern social institute in cooperation with other social communities can resist violence, especially its aggressive forms. Based on some philosophical theories, the causes of the emergence of the different forms of social violence, as well as definitions of violence, are explored. In this context, the article presents the ideas of Hanna Arendt, Carl von Clausewitz, Bertrand de Jouvenel, James Mill, and Max Weber. Special attention is paid to the conception of the mimetic origin of aggression and violence in “primitive” or “archaic religions” elaborated by the French philosopher René Girard. He compares the social roots of aggression and violence in these religions with the Biblical ones and prefers the latter for their potential in preventing and overcoming the imitation types of violence. Girard’s anthropological justification of the mentioned historical religious traditions is presented. A significant part of the paper is devoted to the views of the Eastern Church Fathers of Early Christianity, considered in the concurrence of their humanistic ideas with those of noted contemporary philosophers. I see meaningful ideas for preventing extreme forms of violence and aggression in the contemporary world in the doctrines of the Early Eastern and Byzantine Fathers, especially those of the classical patristic period. In this regard, this article presents the anthropological and humanistic teachings of Athanasius the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Maximus the Confessor, and John of Damascus. The Early Church Fathers’ ideas are analyzed from a philosophical point of view, as having rational and anthropological grounds which are relevant for the present day’s human existence.
... In the present landscape of evolving global politics, growing cultural divides can escalate and Juergensmeyer (1993), Laitin (2000), and Letamendia (2017) claim that religious differences drive internal conflict more than ethnic ones. Many countries have chosen a religion or sect to unify, avoid internal conflict, and ward off external enemies (Appleby, 2000;Huntington, 1993Huntington, , 1996. Furthermore, The Clash of Civilizations highlights how religious differences create intra-state and inter-state fault lines (Huntington, 1993(Huntington, , 1996. ...
This study analyzes how cultural tensions (i.e., ethnic and religious) affect various internal conflicts (e.g., civil war to civil disorder) across different regions. The study also examines the role of governance in mitigating the effects of cultural tensions on the emergence and escalation of conflict. The comprehensive study has 136 countries from 1990 to 2021, and panels are separated by region and OECD status. The study uses two-way fixed effects with Driscoll and Kraay standard errors to account for heteroscedasticity, autocorrelation, and cross-sectional dependence. Although there are some regional variations and nuances, the results indicate cultural tensions are significant determinants of (1) the broad measure of internal conflict, (2) civil wars/coups d’état, and (3) political violence/terrorism. Therefore, one implication is that cultural tension continues to drive internal conflict. A second implication is that even in OECD countries, where institutions and governance structures are robust, cultural tensions can still significantly contribute to the emergence and risks of internal conflict. However, ethnic and religious tensions are less influential in smaller-scale conflicts, such as civil disorders, where government stability is a more important determinant. Furthermore, the study finds that government strength is vital in moderating all forms of internal conflict, indicating that even moderate cultural tensions can escalate into significant conflicts in the presence of weak governance. The study underscores the ongoing importance of addressing ethnic and religious tensions. Policy recommendations to reduce cultural tensions include (1) promoting cultural inclusiveness within societal/political dimensions, (2) promoting tolerance, (3) allowing some autonomy to cultural enclaves, and (4) actively monitoring cultural tensions and policy initiatives.
... Compared to other works, such as The Ambivalence of the Sacred by R. Scott Appleby (2000) or Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy by Nader Hashemi (2009), Odak's contribution is more specific with its geographic focus. Unlike these broader works, Odak provides a concentrated analysis, allowing readers to grasp the nuances of the role of religion in a specific conflict context. ...
The book Religion, Conflict, and Peacebuilding by Stipe Odak examines the role of religion in conflicts and peacebuilding efforts, focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina. This book emerges amidst the rise of religiously motivated violence, such as the events of 2014, and addresses a critical question: Can religion be part of the solution when it is often perceived as part of the problem? In terms of substance, Odak explores how religious leaders can either exacerbate or mitigate conflicts and how they serve as agents of change in the peace process. The book is based on interviews with religious leaders and in-depth case studies, discussing strategies for interfaith dialogue and faith-based peace initiatives. Odak highlights two contrasting realities: violence fueled by religious beliefs and the substantial efforts by religious individuals and institutions to foster peace. Criticism of the book centers on its narrow geographic focus, which may lead readers to feel that its findings are confined to the Balkan context. Additionally, the book lacks a deeper critical analysis of the potential biases of religious leaders in their approaches. Nevertheless, it makes a significant contribution to the literature on religion, conflict, and peacebuilding, particularly for those interested in the dynamics of religion-based conflicts. Buku Religion, Conflict, and Peacebuilding karya Stipe Odak mengkaji peran agama dalam konflik dan upaya perdamaian, dengan fokus pada Bosnia dan Herzegovina. Buku ini muncul di tengah meningkatnya kekerasan bermotif agama, seperti yang terjadi pada tahun 2014, dan menyoroti pertanyaan penting: Dapatkah agama menjadi bagian dari solusi ketika sering kali dianggap sebagai penyebab masalah? Secara substansi, Odak mengeksplorasi bagaimana pemimpin agama dapat memperburuk atau mengurangi konflik dan bagaimana mereka berperan sebagai agen perubahan dalam proses perdamaian. Buku ini didasarkan pada wawancara dengan pemimpin agama dan studi kasus yang mendalam, serta membahas strategi dialog antar iman dan inisiatif perdamaian berbasis agama. Odak menunjukkan dua realitas yang bertentangan: kekerasan yang didorong oleh keyakinan agama dan upaya besar dari individu dan lembaga agama dalam membangun perdamaian. Kritik terhadap buku ini berfokus pada pendekatannya yang sempit secara geografis, sehingga pembaca mungkin merasa bahwa temuan buku ini terbatas untuk konteks Balkan saja. Selain itu, analisis kritis terhadap bias yang mungkin dimiliki oleh para pemimpin agama dalam pendekatan mereka belum digali secara mendalam. Meskipun demikian, buku ini memberikan kontribusi yang signifikan dalam literatur tentang agama, konflik, dan resolusi perdamaian, terutama bagi mereka yang tertarik pada dinamika konflik berbasis agama.
Religious education (RE) occupies a pivotal role in shaping societal values, moral frameworks, and cultural identities. In increasingly pluralistic societies, the challenge lies in balancing secularism, faith, and pluralism within educational frameworks. Secularism advocates for the separation of religion from state affairs, ensuring neutrality in public institutions. Faith, on the other hand, represents the personal and communal beliefs that individuals hold, often rooted in religious traditions. Pluralism acknowledges and celebrates the coexistence of diverse religious and non-religious perspectives within a society. This paper explores the intricate dynamics between these three elements, emphasizing the necessity of a nuanced approach in RE that respects secular principles while accommodating diverse faith expressions. It examines global educational policies, pedagogical strategies, and the role of educators in fostering an environment that promotes understanding, tolerance, and critical engagement with religious diversity. The discussion extends to the implications of integrating or segregating religious content in curricula and the impact on students' worldviews. By analyzing case studies and theoretical frameworks, the paper aims to provide insights into creating an inclusive RE model that navigates the complexities of secularism, faith, and pluralism, ultimately contributing to the development of informed, empathetic, and socially cohesive individuals.
In multicultural and pluralistic societies, the teaching of religious beliefs in educational contexts presents a unique challenge: how to foster empathy, respect, and understanding for diverse faiths without promoting one religion over another. This paper explores the critical role of religious education in cultivating empathy and mutual respect, while maintaining neutrality and inclusivity. It delves into the ethical and pedagogical considerations of teaching about religious beliefs in ways that do not proselytize or endorse a particular faith. The research emphasizes the importance of using inclusive, comparative, and objective approaches that allow students to understand and appreciate the diversity of religious beliefs, practices, and traditions. Furthermore, it discusses strategies for creating an environment where religious education contributes to the development of empathetic individuals who respect religious diversity while preserving their own beliefs. By providing concrete pedagogical methods, case studies, and ethical guidelines, this paper aims to help educators navigate the complexities of teaching religious beliefs without imposing any particular worldview. Ultimately, the paper advocates for a model of religious education that fosters empathy, intellectual curiosity, and interfaith dialogue, contributing to a more peaceful and harmonious multicultural society.
The author reviews and analyzes organizing experiences in peace campaigns from more than 50 years of personal organizing. The article identifies examples of conflicts within movements about strategies and tactics for attention and influence, arguing that there is no single best approach for affecting policy. Crucial to sustained activism is cooperation within a broad coalition that includes participation of religious communities. The article explains how activism on peace issues works, when it works, by influencing conduct within political institutions, generating reforms that are, at best, a fraction of what activists demand, but still extremely significant.
The monograph Threats to Democracy: Nationalism, Populism, Extremism and Christianity’s Response to Them, edited by Patryk Zając and Maciej Ostrowski, presents an interdisciplinary approach to the current crisis of democracy, emphasizing the religious context of socio-political tensions. Inspired by an international academic project, the book brings together contributions from young scholars and professors across Europe. It is divided into four parts: discussion framework (including an interview with Tomáš Halík), socio-political perspective (e.g., populism, nationalism, extremism), philosophical perspective, and theological perspective. A central concern shared by all chapters is whether Christianity—especially Catholicism—can not only respond to threats to democracy but also provide resources for its renewal. The volume also introduces the innovative “Herdorf Method,” a seminar-based pedagogical practice that models democratic dialogue within a Christian framework.
In his now famous teachings on the Mount of Olives called 'the beatitude' among many things Jesus said, 'Blessed are peacemakers, for they will be called sons of God' (Matthew 5:9). In Isaiah 2:4, the Bible says, 'they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nations shall not lift up sword against nations, neither shall they learn war anymore.' In Matthew 18:21-22, the bible says, 'then Peter came to Jesus and asked, 'Lord, how many times shall I forgive my brother who sins against me? Up to seven times?' Jesus answered, 'I tell you, not just seven times, but seventy-seven times. The need for a suitable lexical, morphological, and syntactical context for the reading of Romans 12:18 and Micah 6:8 that informs a correct hermeneutical theory is critical and urgent. An engaging contextual exegetical study of Romans 12:18 and Micah 6:8 divine justice, forgiveness and reconciliation and people responsibility towards peace building decrypt a framework that outlines both the urgency and imperativeness of a hermeneutics of peace and peaceful coexistence and people responsibility towards peace building. This article attempts an exegetical comparative study of Romans 12:18 and Micah 6:8, divine justice, forgiveness and reconciliation and people responsibility towards peace building. It demonstrates how Romans 12:18 and Micah 6:8 commands responsibility of Edward Agboada 2 people towards justice, forgiveness, reconciliation, and peace building
The noticeable absence of women in formal peacemaking settings reflects both prejudices and institutional structures that are changing, albeit too slowly. There are positive examples of women’s roles both in negotiations and, notably, in the wide gamut of “peacebuilding” activities, which include identifying the causes of conflict and preventing violence, as well as the crucial work of reconciliation and moving toward harmonious societies. Key issues involve the lack of recognition of women's innovative work across diverse sectors and effective strategies to overcome barriers to both understanding and action. By recognizing the multifaceted roles of women and integrating this understanding and appreciation into the broader conflict transformation field, we can enhance our understanding of the underlying causes of conflict and strengthen efforts toward peaceful and prosperous societies.
Personal narratives of genocide and intractable war can provide valuable insights around notions of collective identity, perceptions of the 'enemy,' intergenerational coping with massive social trauma, and sustainable peace and reconciliation. Written in an accessible and narrative style, this book demonstrates how the sharing of and listening to personal experiences deepens understandings of the long-term psychosocial impacts of genocide and war on direct victims and their descendants in general, and of the Holocaust and the Jewish–Arab/Palestinian–Israeli context, in particular. It provides a new theoretical model concerning the relationship between different kinds of personal narratives of genocide and war and peacebuilding or peace obstruction. Through its presentation and analysis of personal narratives connected to the Holocaust and the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, it provides a deep exploration into how such narratives have the potential to promote peace and offers concrete ideas for further research of the topic and for peacebuilding on the ground.
This book published by Routledge uncovers a new dimension in the study of sustainability, offering balanced development from a spiritual and cultural values perspective. The authors of this edited volume investigate the role of religion in the debate concerning the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and offer an Islamic perspective to environment, social and governance (ESG) issues.
يتناول البحث البعد الديني في فكر صانع القرار في الكيان الاسرائيلي و يستكشف البحث دور العوامل الدينية في تشكيل وتأثير صناعة القرار في الكيان الاسرائيلي يتناول البحث العلاقة بين الدين والسياسة وكيف يؤثر العامل الديني في اتخاذ القرارات السياسية والأمنية. يتم تحليل العوامل الدينية المختلفة التي تؤثر في صناعة القرار في الكيان الاسرائيلي بما في ذلك الدين اليهودي والتأثيرات المتعلقة بالتوراة والصهيونية الدينية. يتم استعراض القضايا المتعلقة بالأراضي المقدسة والمعتقدات الدينية والتأثير الديني على النزاعات السياسية وعمليات السلام. يتضمن البحث أيضاً دراسة الجماعات الدينية المؤثرة في الكيان الاسرائيلي ودورها في صنع القرار وتشكيل السياسة. تخلص الدراسة إلى أن البعد الديني يلعب دوراً هاماً في فكر صانع القرار. الكلمات المفتاحية: المؤسسة الدينية، صانع القرار، الانتماء الديني، النظام السياسي.
The Republic of Biafra was created out of Nigeria on May 30, 1967. Consisting mainly of Igbo Christians, Biafra officially ceased to exist on January 15, 1970, following a 30-month war. Most studies of the contemporary demand among some Igbo people for Biafra’s restoration do not examine its religious dimension, and the minimal research on its religious drivers has paid less attention to the Igbo Christian identity, despite the significant position of Christianity in Igboland and Eastern Nigeria more broadly. Data obtained from July to October 2020 through 21 key informant interviews and 229 questionnaire respondents from Nigeria indicates that the present-day support for Biafra’s restoration is partially motivated by Christian identity, perceived realistic and symbolic threats from Islam and northern Nigerian Muslims, and a notion that Christianity and Islam are incompatible. To address separatism in Nigeria, a strategic response should take its religious drivers into account.
Moderasi beragama merupakan kebijakan pemerintah untuk menyikapi ekstrem beragama baik kiri maupun kanan di Indonesia. Kebijakan tersebut adalah baik karena berguna untuk menghadirkan kedamaian di tengah kemajemukan agama. Namun harus disadari bahwa hal itu juga dapat menyebabkan berkurangnya peran agama secara sosial. Agama yang seharusnya menjadi sumber bagi pembaharuan sosial, bisa ditumpulkan daya kritisnya dengan menjadikan moderasi beragama sebagai alasan. Artikel ini secara khusus bertujuan untuk mengungkap kontribusi orang Kristen dalam mewujudkan moderasi beragama di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini menganalisis konsep moderasi Kristen berdasarkan Alkitab dan mengkaitkannya dengan praktik keberagamaan di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa nilai-nilai Alkitab tentang moderasi Kristen terletak pada kesederhanaan, jalan tengah dan keseimbangan. Konsep ini dapat diimplementasikan dalam bentuk toleransi, inklusivitas, dan pengembangan dialog antaragama. Penelitian ini memberikan kontribusi baru dengan menunjukkan relevansi iman Kristen dalam mendukung program moderasi beragama dan dapat menjadi referensi bagi umat Kristen dalam berkontribusi dalam keragaman agama di Indonesia, secara khusus Kristen Protestan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa moderasi beragama memiliki implementasi dalam menguatkan nasionalisme di Indonesia, melalui militansi dan keimanan yang moderat.
This book offers a commentary on the Arusha Call to Discipleship, unpacking the meaning of its 12-part summons. It provides an up-to-date theological and missiological view on a major ecumenical mission document with a personal reflection on the state of the world desperately in need of change and transformation. It intends to be a key resource for discovering what it means to become what Pope Francis described as “missionary disciples”. Primarily meant for individuals and study groups in churches, mission agencies and theological institutions, it is a useful tool for anyone interested in the ecumenical mission movement and World Christianity.
One of the most dominant features of Africa’s religious landscape is Pentecostalism. African Pentecostalism is influential in socio-economic and political discourses in Africa as a whole, and so cannot be ignored in Nigeria. Most studies have focused on the theological and denominational allegiance of Pentecostal churches which emphasize beliefs, history, background, and differences, while neglecting the structural and organizational dynamics that characterize them. Nigeria’s Pentecostal megachurches are popular, rich, thriving, business-like entities, with congregations of several thousands of people, reflecting major current forms of complex structural and organizational arrangements. The Nigerian state suffers from inept leadership marked by unaccountability and mismanagement of public resources, but the public outcry and demand for accountability is growing louder by the day. As a fallout, the searchlight has also been on the Pentecostal megachurches that have often been accused of financially exploiting the masses through the ‘prosperity gospel’. These churches have also been accused of having inadequate structures that should guarantee good governance, measured in terms of accountability, transparency, and the rule of law due to the emphasis on the charismatic leadership of one individual. This chapter explores how African Pentecostalism has contributed to these challenges and how it has or has not shaped the leadership structures of Nigeria’s Pentecostal megachurches and their ability to model accountability, transparency, and the rule of law.
Observers of Indian politics have noted rising acts of violence against Muslims in an atmosphere of increasing Hindu nationalism during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tenure. Hinduism, however, like all religions, also contains many resources for peace. Looking to both theory and practice, this piece examines how we can theorize Hinduism and religion in general as a source of protection for peace and human rights. It also looks for peaceful practices that may be of use in the contemporary climate of violence. I conclude that we can only get to peace through the acknowledgement of religious motivations within politics and a renewed commitment to the truth.
This chapter delves into the social-scientific debates surrounding the complex relationship between state governance of religious diversity and the implementation of freedom of/from religion. Relying on a comparative perspective, this chapter reviews the three central topics addressed in this volume: democracy and religious freedoms, state governance of religious diversity, and changing religious configurations and religious freedom. First, the chapter highlights the significance of ongoing transformations in democratic societies worldwide and the challenging conditions these transformations pose for religious freedom internationally. Second, it considers how national policies on religious diversity and religious freedom are influenced by political culture, ethnic conflicts, and the nationalist and secularist movements in a country. Finally, the chapter discusses changes within the religious sphere, focusing on governance of religion in diaspora, the rise of new religious movements, post-communist religiosity, and urban religious encounters, indicating the implications these developments present for the implementation of religious freedom.
With roughly equal Christian and Muslim populations, Nigeria has experienced various degrees of Christian–Muslim conflict. However, numerous Nigerian Christians and Muslims coexist peacefully. With Scopus and Web of Science, this study finds that recent studies which explored concrete cases of peaceful Christian–Muslim relations in Nigeria are minimal. Previous research has examined the collaborative de‐escalation of tensions in violence‐prone communities; partnerships among the informally employed; positive interfaith encounters amid crises; peaceful relations in Yorubaland; and cooperation between Christian and Shia Muslim minorities in the north. The studies show that civilian agency, political power‐sharing, and inclusive governance have enabled peace.
This research article explores the way in which the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) has brought to life the interreligious principles of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), as articulated in its Magna Carta Nostra Aetate (NA), which served as the Church’s official doctrine and stance on its relationship with non-Christian religions and world cultures. The article also delves into the RCC’s interpretation of postconciliar exhortations, including the Papal encyclicals and magisterium, in its religious and social activities to foster community cohesion and peaceful co-existence in Kenya. It explores the theological outcomes of interreligious dialogue and its pastoral practice in the Coastal Kenya. It scrutinizes the RCC’s contribution to religious moderation and social cohesion through its multifaceted dialogue initiatives with the civil society, religious, and corporate communities. It empirically analyzes the numerous initiatives and ambitious development programs, i.e., education and charity, empowerment through conferences, training, and theological exchanges with the religious other. It utilises qualitative and quantitative approaches to gather empirical data from 140 respondents through interviews, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and questionnaires. From the empirical data it evaluated the impact and outcome of RCC’s interreligious programs and how dialogue can reshape prevailing stereotypes about other religions in a pluralistic context.
FAITH-BASED DIPLOMACY NON-STATE ACTORS IN THE PEACE PROCESS – THE EXAMPLE OF THE ACHOLI RELIGIOUS LEADERS PEACE INITIATIVE Parallel to the actors of classical diplomacy, non-state actors are engaged in efforts to restore peace. A particular category among them comprises actors of faith-based diplomacy, whose participation in peace processes incorporates their unique tools of mediation and reconciliation. An illustrative example of the specificity of non-state actors practicing faith-based diplomacy is the activity of a group of religious leaders associated with the Acholi community in promoting the peaceful resolution of the rebellion in Northern Uganda that began in 1986. To understand the operational capacity of non-state actors engaged in faith-based diplomacy, this article will analyse the means employed by members of the Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative at both the domestic and international levels, as well as the reception of their actions by the conflict parties and the international community.
This article explores the legal implications of religious preachers' torts, including defamation, emotional distress, negligence, and incitement. It provides a historical overview and reviews relevant legal frameworks. The article also examines the role of intent and religious freedom in legal proceedings. Mitigation strategies include developing codes of conduct, implementing legal education, and promoting mediation. The article also offers policy recommendations for religious organizations and legal bodies. It concludes by addressing future research opportunities and suggesting areas for further exploration. This comprehensive study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of religious freedom, free speech, and legal obligations.
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