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Ελλάδα, διακύβευμα μνήμης και λήθης: περηφάνιας, τραύματος και ντροπής
Abstract
The present study aims at exploring the role of age, gender, intra-national identification and political positioning in the recollection of the representational voluntary (=memory) and involuntary (=oblivion) historical-national past of Greece in conditions of pride, trauma and shame. In this experimental field study participated 254 men and women of different ages, who, after having read a text of a concise presentation of the Greek past -cutting off events either of pride, or of trauma and shame- noted three events that they wish to remember and three events that they wish to forget for ever from the Greek history. The interesting finding of the present study is associated with the emergence of four voluntary and involuntary organizing principles of thought about the historical past of Greece: a) a powerful and ruling memory, b) a regal memory of pride, c) a traumatical oblivion and, d) ashameful oblivion. The above ways of thinking are consensus and independent of the age, gender, political positioning and participants’ intra-national identification, as well. Any possible differences in perceiving the historical past concern individual variations rather than national collective concepts. This result is in line with the idea of a superior, urgent or regal national identity, which is constructed against other national identities and strategically «select» -institutionally and communicatively- to remember a positive, glorious, ruling and regal past, which makes ingroup members feel proud, while it decides not to communicate its traumatical (remedy oblivion) and, mainly, the shameful past (wormwood oblivion).
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Memostrategies versus Lethostrategies and the content of wanted and unwanted memory
Two studies are presented in this article. First, the topic of strategies that individuals use in order to remember or forget facts that they experienced. Secondly, it concerns with the content of wanted and unwanted memory. The first research, rather qualitative, was conducted on 150 individuals and shows that people use internal memostrategies and external lethostrategies. The second research that was conducted on a sample of 690 individuals of both sexes and of different ages shows that the content of memory and oblivion are (the) two sides of the same coin. Individuals remember the facts that ensure them an integrated identity, while they get rid of the facts that threaten their identity. The choice of these facts depends on the individuals’ generation.
This psychosocial study attempts to shed light on the essential distinction between memory and recollection, and suggests a view of forgetfulness in terms of its intrinsic links with transmission. We study the effects and manifestations of collective forgetfulness, which still remain under-explored in psychology. The relatively recent case of a rumour that offered an explanation for and asserted the unprecedented character of a natural disaster-a symptom of forgetfulness-will serve as the basis for our investigation. The qualitative methodological design (documentary research, focus groups) used in this research reveals that the group has not transmitted its own painful past and that the rumour that continues to be promulgated offers an explanation which suits the residents, demonstrating much about their identity and history in the process. This paper will attempt therefore to investigate the ways in which this forgetfulness is transmitted, as well as the evident paradox of its coexistence with the recollection of history within the collective memory of the very same group.
Internal and external representational strategies of the memory and forgetfulness
The objective of this study relates to mnemotechnics and lethotechnics that individuals use to help them remember or forget something. In all, 1,210 men and women of different ages answered open questions dealing with financial strategies and oblivion within one’s own self-framework (“You personally...”) or social self (“An individual...”). The most important result refers to the universal force of mnemostrategies and lethostrategies: the first being extrovert the latter are introvert. These strategies depend neither on age nor sex, but a social thought of memories and oblivions, linking us with the past, present and future.
A national sample of adult Americans was asked to report "the national or world events or changes over the past 50 years" that seemed to them especially important, and then to explain the reasons for their choices. The resulting data are used both quantitatively and qualitatively to explore hypotheses related to generational effects, life course, and collective memory. Broadly speaking, different cohorts recall different events or changes, and these memories come especially from adolescence and early adulthood. The reasons for mentioning various events and changes also differ across cohorts in ways that indicate that generational effects are the result of the intersection of personal and national history.
Nicolas Roussiau et Elise Renard Des représentations sociales à l'institutionnalisation de la mémoire sociale Quel est le rôle de la mémoire sociale dans l'évolution des repré-sentations sociales ? Quelle est la nature de son implication dans le pro-cessus représentationnel ? C'est-à-dire sous quelles formes peut-on la saisir ? Et quel est son « poids » ou son impact dans nos représentations quotidiennes ? Il est bien évidemment difficile de répondre de manière exhaustive à l'ensemble de ces questions, mais les poser revient à faire intervenir dans l'espace des représentations, dans leur formation et leur devenir, une perspective intéressante pour comprendre certains de leurs aspects qui jusque-là n'ont été que partiellement abordés (Jodelet La place occupée par la mémoire sociale dans le champ des repré-sentations peut au moins se définir de deux manières. On peut tout d'abord la trouver comme produit, nous verrons qu'il existe des spéci-ficités structurales pouvant rendre compte d'une inscription historique. Ainsi la « mémoire collective » serait une des caractéristiques du sys-tème central des représentations (Abric, 1994, p. 80). Mais la mémoire sociale est aussi analysable comme variable au sein même du processus représentationnel, c'est-à-dire comme un élément pouvant modeler, au fil du temps, le filtre que constitue une réalité sociale représentée. Ces deux facettes sont complémentaires et interdépendantes. Ce filtre est d'ailleurs assimilable, dans certains cas, au système institutionnel lui-même garant de la bonne fonctionnalité de la mémoire groupale (Dou-glas, 1999). Il peut ainsi s'inscrire en complémentarité avec l'histoire du CONNEXIONS 80/2003-2 Nicole Roussiau, professeur en psychologie sociale, Laboratoire de psychologie sociale, uni-versité de Nantes. Élise Renard, doctorante en psychologie sociale, laboratoire de psychologie sociale RESCO – REprésentation Sociales et COmmunication, université de Rennes II Haute Bretagne. Rennes.
Impressive similarities and telling differences characterize the
representations of national identity among adolescents from four
neighboring countries that are geographically interwoven and also
have in common bilateral, long-dated histories of conflictual
relationships--Greece, Turkey, Israel, and the Palestinian Authority. (The
Israeli sample includes a separate subsample of Palestinians living in
Israel.) Ethnocentrism, European integration, and attitudes towards
immigration, as measured by student reponses to the Youth and
History survey, are the components of national identification
examined. All five groups are highly ethnocentric in relation to the
rest of the students completing the survey. Greek students incorporate
European cooperation in their ethnocentric conception; for Turkish,
Palestinian, and Israeli-Palestinian youths, European cooperation is
associated with democracy, while for Israelis it has strong humanitarian
connotations. Finally, Turkish youths seem to have the most stringent
criteria for conditional immigration. These results are placed within
a wider theoretical context of the socio-psychological dimensions of
national identity.
This article focuses on two interrelated, but relatively ignored, factors in the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–78): first, the most important political mobilizations of the period in which the people demanded an amnesty for the political prisoners of the dictatorship; second, the presence of a collective memory of the Spanish civil war (1936–39), whose repetition was now to be avoided at all costs. It argues that the many collective actions that took place in Spain in favour of an amnesty were, to a great extent, inspired by a widespread desire for reconciliation among Spaniards. Spanish society had suffered a deep split as a consequence of the civil war and, because of the presence of the Francoist regime, no symbolic measures to reach national reconciliation had taken place. The climate generated by the often violent confrontations between police and demonstrators (and not only during demonstrations in favour of the amnesty), and the number of resulting deaths and injuries, made the people remember the serious problems of public order that had confronted the Second Republic (1931–36), whose collapse marked the beginning of the Spanish civil war. These factors help explain why the main political parties of the left felt the need to contain the very mobilization process that they had helped to create. The generous amnesty of October 1977, passed by a democratically elected parliament, was interpreted as the symbolic overcoming of the division among Spaniards that resulted from the dramatic civil confrontation of the 1930s.
Η ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ ΒΡΙΣΚΕΤΑΙ ΜΕΣΑ ΣΤΟ ΑΡΧΕΙΟ PDF
Jodelet, D. & Haas, V. (1999). Pensée et mémoire sociales. In J.P. Pétard (Ed.), Psychologie sociale. Paris, Bréal, pp. 111-160
Moscovici, S. (2001). Why a theory of social representations? In K. Deaux & G. Philogène (Eds.), Representations of the Social: Bridging Theoretical Traditions (pp. 18-61). Oxford: Blackwell.
What is collective about collective memory? Two different concepts of collective memory compete—one refers to the aggregation of socially framed individual memories and one refers to collective phenomena sui generis—though the difference is rarely articulated in the literature. This article theorizes the differences and relations between individualist and collectivist understandings of collective memory. The former are open to psychological considerations, including neurological and cognitive factors, but neglect technologies of memory other than the brain and the ways in which cognitive and even neurological patterns are constituted in part by genuinely social processes. The latter emphasize the social and cultural patternings of public and personal memory, but neglect the ways in which those processes are constituted in part by psychological dynamics. This article advocates, through the example of traumatic events, a strategy of multidimensional rapprochement between individualist and collectivist approaches.
Reconstructing the past is a crucial part of intergroup reconciliation processes because, after a conflict, collective memory undermines a great part of animosity, hatred, and distrust between groups. The di ficulty of managing memories rests on the triple challenge it has to face: allowing the recognition and healing of individual su ferings; preserving social identities of both groups; while allowing them to live together in peace. Hence, an improper management of collective memory could lead to the resurgence of conflict, or even to a cycle of revenge wherein past wounds justify present violence. In this paper, which will draw both from social psychology and from philosophy, we start by delineating the concept of collective memory and its relationships with social identity. Then we identify the processes through which collective memory of past conflicts is likely to impede reconciliation. Finally, we attempt to envision solutions through processes of transmission of memories both within and between social groups.
In treating memory as a cultural rather than an individual faculty, this book provides an account of how bodily practices are transmitted in, and as, traditions. Most studies of memory as a cultural faculty focus on written, or inscribed transmissions of memories. Paul Connerton, on the other hand, concentrates on bodily (or incorporated) practices, and so questions the currently dominant idea that literary texts may be taken as a metaphor for social practices generally. The author argues that images of the past and recollected knowledge of the past are conveyed and sustained by ritual performances and that performative memory is bodily. Bodily social memory is an essential aspect of social memory, but it is an aspect which has until now been badly neglected. An innovative study, this work should be of interest to researchers into social, political and anthropological thought as well as to graduate and undergraduate students.
focuses on the intergroup relations between East and West Germans after the unification of Germany in 1990 / a [3 yr] study is planned to find out in which way the unification process changes the social identity of [17–72 yr old] East Germans / our main interests focus on (1) the differential conditions for the choice of strategies to cope with negative social identity; and (2) testing social psychological theories of intergroup processes—such as social identity theory, relative deprivation theory and social comparison theory—in a process of social historical change / concentrate on the main assumptions of social identity theory (SIT) concerning strategies to cope with negative social identity (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
After an initial consideration of psychological experimentation, the author describes a long series of experiments in the fields of perception, imagination, and remembering, using material which approximated that found in everyday life. The work on perceiving utilized chiefly geometrical diagrams; and that on imagination, ink-blots. The results in these two cases revealed the influence of the subjects' attitudes and indicated their tendency to introduce previously learned material. In the experiments on remembering two methods were used, one the method of repeated reproduction by a given subject and the other the method of serial reproduction where the material reproduced by one subject became the learning material for a second subject whose recall constituted the learning material for a third subject, etc. This latter series of experiments showed that proper names and titles are very unstable in recall, that there is a bias toward the concrete, that individualizing aspects of the material (stories) tend to be lost, and that abbreviations and rationalizations occur. Throughout the book emphasis is placed on the social determinants of the manner and matter of recall, a point of view which is supported in the anthropological material cited. "Remembering is not the re-excitation of innumerable fixed, lifeless and fragmentary traces. It is an imaginative reconstruction, or construction, built out of the relation of our attitude towards a whole active mass of organized past reactions or experience, and to a little outstanding detail which commonly appears in image or in language form." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The theory of social representations occupies a place apart in social psychology both by the problems it raises and the scale of the phenomena with which it deals. This provokes many a criticism and misunderstanding. Such a theory may not correspond with the model of social psychology as it is defined at present. One attempts however to show that it answers important social and scientific questions, in what it differs from the classical conception of collective representations and, from the very beginning, adopts a constructivist perspective which has spread in social psychology since. Several trends of research have confirmed its vision of the relations between social and cognitive phenomena, communication and thought. More detailed remarks aim at outlining the nature of social representations, their capacity to create information, their function which is to familiarize us with the strange, according to the categories of our culture. Going farther, one insists on the diversity of methodological approaches. If the experimental method is useful to understand how people should think, higher mental and social processes must be approached by different methods, including linguistic analysis and observation of how people think. No doubt, social representations have a relation with the more recent field of social cognition. But inasmuch as the former depend on content and context, i.e. subjectivity and sociability of people, they approach the phenomena differently from the latter. Referring to child psychology and anthropology, one can contend, despite appearances, that it is also a more scientific approach. There is however much to be learned from criticisms and there is still a long way to go before we arrive at a satisfactory theory of social thinking and communication.
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