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languages
Commentary
Ideophones and Realia in a Santome/Portuguese
Bilingual Dictionary
Gabriel Antunes de Araujo 1,2
1Department of Portuguese, University of Macau, Macau, China; gabrielaraujo@um.edu.mo
2Departamento de Letras Clássicas e Vernáculas, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo 05508-220, Brazil
Received: 27 August 2020; Accepted: 1 November 2020; Published: 10 November 2020
Abstract:
In this work, we discuss how Araujo & Hagemeijer’s Santome/Portuguese bilingual
dictionary defines and describes ideophones and realia lemmata. We show that ideophones were
listed individually along with their expression counterparts. Realia lemmata (words and expressions
for culture-specific items) or specialized lexical units were presented in their Santomean forms,
followed by a description of their endemic specificities. Many realia items from Santome can also
be found in Portuguese. We conclude that the authors contribute to the lexicographic record of
ideophones, lexical items that did not exist in Portuguese, but relevant to the language and culture
of Santome. On the other hand, with the documentation of realia entries, they collaborate for the
validation of lexical units (originating in Santome) in the local vernacular variety of S
ã
o Tom
é
and
Príncipe’s Portuguese, a common historical practice in Portuguese lexicography.
Keywords: ideophones; realia; Santome; Portuguese; lexicography
1. Introduction
Santome, or Forro (cri
1
), is a Portuguese-based creole language spoken by about 35,000 people
in the Democratic Republic of S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe in the Gulf of Guinea (INE 2012). The goal
of this article is to lexicographically discuss the definition and description of two linguistic units in
Araujo and Hagemeijer’s (2013)
bilingual
2
Santome/Portuguese dictionary: the ideophone and realia
lemmata. We will show that the documentation of these lexical units in the Santome/Portuguese
dictionary may help the description of the lexicon of some vernacular varieties of S
ã
o Tom
é
and
Príncipe Portuguese.
Four Portuguese-based creole languages emerged in the Gulf of Guinea in the sixteenth
century: Santome and Angolar on the island of S
ã
o Tom
é
, Lung’Ie on Pr
í
ncipe, and Fa d’Amb
ô
on Annob
ó
n (Ferraz 1979;Hagemeijer 2009;Bandeira 2017). All four languages are descendants
of the Portuguese-based Gulf of Guinea Proto-Creole, which was created at the beginning of the
sixteenth century during contact between Portuguese colonists and the African populations brought as
slaves to the island of S
ã
o Tom
é
. Isolation, migration of certain groups from the island, and linguistic
contributions from the African languages by way of the constant renewal of the enslaved population
contributed to the proto-creole’s speciation. Santome developed in the colonial centers on the island of
S
ã
o Tom
é
, while Angolar (aoa) was the language of the descendants of runaway slaves who escaped
from the plantations and founded maroon communities. Proto-Creole speakers were taken to the
1
ISO 639-3: 2007 provides a three-letters code to identify a language. Therefore, when a language here is mentioned for the
first time, it will be identified by its unique three-letters code. See: Codes for the representation of names of languages—Part 3:
Alpha-3 code for comprehensive coverage of language (https://www.iso.org/standard/39534.html) and Eberhard et al. (2019).
2
Here, a bilingual dictionary is understood as ‘a type of dictionary which relates the vocabularies of two languages together
by means of translation equivalents’ (Hartmann and James 2001,s.v. bilingual dictionary).
Languages 2020,5, 56; doi:10.3390/languages5040056 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages
Languages 2020,5, 56 2 of 11
islands of Pr
í
ncipe and Annob
ó
n, where local conditions contributed to diversification and gave rise to
Lung’Ie (pri) and Fa d’Ambô(fab), respectively (Bandeira et al. 2019).
In recent years, these languages have undergone grammatization processes
3
thanks to the
production of dictionaries such as the Dicion
á
rio livre do santome-portugu
ê
s
(Araujo and Hagemeijer 2013)
.
Santome and its sister languages (Angolar and Lung’Ie) have autonomous linguistic structures and
are mutually unintelligible, even though they are languages with a Portuguese lexical base and share
a common origin. However, all these languages have ideophones
4
(Bartens 2000), and due to the
nature of their ecolinguistic systems, they also have realia items or specialized lexical units words
and expressions for culture-specific items related to endemic fauna and flora, culture, and technology
(Vlahov and Florin 1969, p. 432; Bergenholtz and Tarp 1995, p. 15). In general, understanding the
linguistic nature of ideophones and the realia items in any minority language allows the lexicographer
to address these phenomena in a way that encompasses linguistic facts, respecting the characteristics
of working languages and the scientific accuracy of the dictionary.
The Santome-Portuguese bilingual dictionary’s audience is formed of readers who are monolingual
in Portuguese, bilingual Portuguese/Santome, or even scholars. Furthermore, Portuguese has been
the official language of S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe since 1975 and is presently spoken by more than 98%
of the population (Araujo 2020). Although it is the smallest of all Portuguese-speaking countries,
this language is currently spoken by the majority of its 200,000 inhabitants. It has been reported that
80% of people under 20 years of age may speak only Portuguese (Bouchard 2019;
Araujo 2020, p. 193
).
In most Western languages with an alphabetic tradition, the development of dictionaries in print,
unlike digital media (software and applications), has promoted the use of access structure based on a
systematic order. For this reason, classifying each lemma is crucial in assisting a user who is looking for
lexical items in printed lexicographical works. In digital media, automated search and cross-referencing
systems make this issue less salient. There is little discussion of complex units and encyclopedic
lemmata in Portuguese dictionaries in the literature (
Bacelar do Nascimento 2006,2013
;Martins 2013;
Bacelar do Nascimento et al. 2006). However, in the history of lexicography, the recording of complex
lexical items in both monolingual and bilingual dictionaries underwent distinct phases. The items
in Portuguese lexicography are treated as main lemmata and sometimes as subentries, confined to
encyclopedic or specialized dictionaries or simply ignored. Bluteau’s (1712–1728)Vocabul
á
rio portuguez
e latino,
á
ulico, anat
ô
mico, architectonico, etc., for example, realia lemmata in Brazilian Portuguese without
equivalents in European Portuguese classified as ‘Brazilian words’ (brasileirismos), creating a new and
prolific category (see Frankenberg-Garcia 2017).
The current text is organized as follows. In Section 1, we define ideophones, exemplify their
usage in Santome, and discuss the solutions for presenting such lexical units in a bilingual dictionary.
In Section 2, we approach the realia lemmata in Santome and describe how they were documented.
The final section presents concluding remarks.
2. Ideophones
2.1. Definition
The term ideophone has been used in the literature to define a lexical unit with a high degree
of syntactic rigidity formed by a noun and a qualitative, a verb and a predicate, or an adverb
commonly related to colors, sounds, smells, actions, states, or intensity (Araujo 2009;Bartens 2000;
Costa 2017
;Doke 1935;Voeltz 1971;Westermann 1907). Bartens (2000, p. 14) argued that ideophones
3
Auroux (1992) grammatization “is the process by which all the fluxes and flows [flux] through which symbolic (that is,
also, existential) acts are linked, can be discretized, formalized and reproduced. The most well-known of this process is the
writing of a language” (Stiegler 2011, p. 172).
4
The term ‘ideophone’ here differs from sound symbolism, as used in Bantu linguistics. See Bartens (2000) for a comprehensive
analysis of ideophones in Creole languages.
Languages 2020,5, 56 3 of 11
typically present sounds and combinations of sounds not found in the phonological inventory of the
language. This may be the case with the ideophones analyzed here because they may not respect some
phonotactic characteristics of their languages. Costa (2017, p. 8), for example, mentions some special
suprasegmental features such as vowel lengthening in Santome. Nevertheless, ideophones in Santome
have been translated into Portuguese in the literature (Araujo 2009;
Araujo and Hagemeijer 2013
;
Costa 2017
;Ferraz 1979) using superlatives or the formula ‘very x’ or ‘x-ish,’ where ‘x’ is the first lexical
item of the ideophone lexical unit. In Portuguese or English translations, adverbs such as ‘genuinely’,
‘strongly’, and ‘extremely’ or lexical items indicating intensity or quality of excess or repetition have
been traditionally used.
In addition, even though there are ideophones whose origin may be onomatopoeic,
the etymological origin of this phenomenon may be related to simple lexical items in African
languages (Ferraz 1979;Costa 2017;Hagemeijer and Ogie 2011). However, due to the historical process,
speakers do not have any intuition about the historical link, and the original terms themselves have
been changed through morpho-phonological reinterpretation or loss and addition of segmental and
suprasegmental material (Ferraz 1979). Finally, ideophones should always occur in expressions or in
connection with their nouns or verbs. Therefore, speakers do not utter ideophones without a context or
without anaphoric syntactic relations in the discourse (Araujo 2009;Costa 2017). An ideophone and its
related lexical unit are called an ‘expression,’ and the second part itself is the ideophone, as proposed
by Araujo and Hagemeijer (hereinafter, A & H 2013 in the examples). In (1), we present examples of
isolated ideophones in Santome and examples of their full expression are shown in (2).5
(1)
lululu [lulu"lu] (id.) Cf. pletu lululu. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
kla ["kla] (id.) Cf. kota kla. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
(2)
pletu lululu6["plEtu lulu"lu] (expr.) 1. Pretíssimo. 2. Nigérrimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
kota kla7[kO"ta "kla] (expr.) Cortar ao meio. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
Furthermore, ideophones occur in settings restricted to only one lexical item, such as in (3),
and rarely form units with more than one word.
8
When this occurs, the lexical items related to the
ideophone are cognates or semantically related, as in (4).9
(3)
moli mogogogo10 ["mOli mO"gOmO"gO] (expr.) Molíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
(4)
a. blanku fenene11 ["bl
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present sounds and combinations of sounds not found in the phonological inventory of the language.
This may be the case with the ideophones analyzed here because they may not respect some
phonotactic characteristics of their languages. Costa (2017, p. 8), for example, mentions some special
suprasegmental features such as vowel lengthening in Santome. Nevertheless, ideophones in
Santome have been translated into Portuguese in the literature (de Araujo 2009; de Araujo and
Hagemeijer 2013; Costa 2017; Ferraz 1979) using superlatives or the formula ‘very x’ or ‘x-ish,’ where
‘x’ is the first lexical item of the ideophone lexical unit. In Portuguese or English translations, adverbs
such as ‘genuinely’, ‘strongly’, and ‘extremely’ or lexical items indicating intensity or quality of excess
or repetition have been traditionally used.
In addition, even though there are ideophones whose origin may be onomatopoeic, the
etymological origin of this phenomenon may be related to simple lexical items in African languages
(Ferraz 1979; Costa 2017; Hagemeijer and Ogie 2011). However, due to the historical process, speakers
do not have any intuition about the historical link, and the original terms themselves have been
changed through morpho-phonological reinterpretation or loss and addition of segmental and
suprasegmental material (Ferraz 1979). Finally, ideophones should always occur in expressions or in
connection with their nouns or verbs. Therefore, speakers do not utter ideophones without a context
or without anaphoric syntactic relations in the discourse (de Araujo 2009; Costa 2017). An ideophone
and its related lexical unit are called an ‘expression,’ and the second part itself is the ideophone, as
proposed by de Araujo and Hagemeijer (hereinafter, A & H 2013 in the examples). In (1), we present
examples of isolated ideophones in Santome and examples of their full expression are shown in (2).5
(1) lululu [lululu] (id.) Cf. pletu lululu. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
kla [kla] (id.) Cf. kota kla. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
(2) pletu lululu6 [pltu lululu] (expr.) 1. Pretíssimo. 2. Nigérrimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
kota kla7 [kta kla] (expr.) Cortar ao meio. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
Furthermore, ideophones occur in settings restricted to only one lexical item, such as in (3), and
rarely form units with more than one word.8 When this occurs, the lexical items related to the
ideophone are cognates or semantically related, as in (4).9
(3) moli mogogogo10 [ˈmɔli mɔˈgɔmɔˈgɔ] (expr.) Molíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
(4) a. blanku fenene11 [ˈblɐ̃ku fɛnɛˈnɛ] (expr.) Branquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. klalu fenene12 [ˈklalu fɛnɛˈnɛ] (expr.) Claríssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
Some authors (Brindle 2011; Friesen 2016; Voeltz 1971; Yakpo 2019) have stressed the
onomatopoeic character of ideophones, but in Santome, there are linguistic motivations other than
the mimetic character of a sound. Nevertheless, some ideophones, though not all, may be related to
onomatopoeia:
(5) flêbê blublublu13 [fleˈbe blubluˈblu] (expr.) Entrar em ebulição. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
tlêmê tatata14 [tleˈme tataˈta] (expr.) Tiritar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
5 All examples are from de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013). In the text, they appear exactly as in the dictionary.
English simplified equivalents are presented in the footnotes.
6 pletu lululu ‘very black’. See pletu ‘black’.
7 kota kla ‘to cut in half’. See kota ‘to cut’.
8 The present work does not aim to provide an in-depth discussion of ideophones. For this, see Bartens (2000)
for ideophones in several languages. For ideophones in Santome, see de Araujo (2009) and Costa (2017). All
examples were translated from Portuguese.
9 Although rare, it is not impossible for an ideophone to be used with semantically unrelated lexical units, as
can be seen in kulu dĩĩĩ ‘very dark, deep night’ and da son din ‘falling flat’ (Costa 2017, p. 51).
10 moli mogogogo ‘very soft’. See moli ‘soft’.
11 blanku fenene ‘very white, whitish’. See blanku ‘white’.
12 klalu fenene ‘very clear’. See klalu ‘clear’.
13 flêbê blublublu ‘to boil’. See flêbê ‘to boil/to simmer’.
14 tlêmê tatata ‘to shiver’. See tlêmê ‘to tremble’.
ku fEnE"nE] (expr.) Branquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. klalu fenene12 ["klalu fEnE"nE] (expr.) Claríssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
Some authors (Brindle 2011;Friesen 2016;Voeltz 1971;Yakpo 2019) have stressed the onomatopoeic
character of ideophones, but in Santome, there are linguistic motivations other than the mimetic
character of a sound. Nevertheless, some ideophones, though not all, may be related to onomatopoeia:
5
All examples are from Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013). In the text, they appear exactly as in the dictionary. English simplified
equivalents are presented in the footnotes.
6pletu lululu ‘very black’. See pletu ‘black’.
7kota kla ‘to cut in half’. See kota ‘to cut’.
8
The present work does not aim to provide an in-depth discussion of ideophones. For this, see Bartens (2000) for ideophones
in several languages. For ideophones in Santome, see Araujo (2009) and Costa (2017). All examples were translated
from Portuguese.
9
Although rare, it is not impossible for an ideophone to be used with semantically unrelated lexical units, as can be seen in
kulu dĩĩĩ ‘very dark, deep night’ and da son din ‘falling flat’ (Costa 2017, p. 51).
10 moli mogogogo ‘very soft’. See moli ‘soft’.
11 blanku fenene ‘very white, whitish’. See blanku ‘white’.
12 klalu fenene ‘very clear’. See klalu ‘clear’.
Languages 2020,5, 56 4 of 11
(5)
flêbêblublublu13 [fle"be blublu"blu] (expr.) Entrar em ebulição. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
tlêmêtatata14 [tle"me tata"ta] (expr.) Tiritar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
2.2. Ideophones in Santome
Ferraz (1979, pp. 75–78) was the first to address ideophones in Santome. Although the author does
not effectively offer a comprehensive description, Ferraz stated that the ideophone is an element of a
category that groups any word for which the modifying form of a verb or noun is repeated or duplicated
(Araujo 2009, p. 25). In addition, Ferraz (1979) listed ideophones as reduplicated words that do not
behave as expressions, such as
leve-leve
‘more or less’. However, in general, Ferraz’s observation
about partial or full reduplication of syllables is generally attested, with few exceptions, as shown by
the following Santome examples.
(6)
a. blanku fenene ‘very white’ >blanku ‘white’
b. pletu lululu ‘very black’ >pletu ‘black’
c. kentxi zuzuzu ‘very hot’ >kentxi ‘hot’
d. ximpli talitali ‘tasteless’ >ximpli ‘simple’
Araujo (2009) argued that not every ideophone in Santome contains a reduplicated form because
there are monosyllabic ideophones (7a), ideophones in which all syllables are different (7b), with all
syllables repeated whenever the syllables repeat (7c), with only the two initial syllables repeated
(7d), with only the two final syllables repeated (7e), and a monosyllabic word with a long vowel (7f).
Costa (2017, p. 68) stated that 54% of ideophones contain repeated or reduplicated parts.
(7)
a. kota kla [kO"ta "kla] (expr.) Cortar ao meio. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. seku klakata15 ["sEku klaka"ta] (expr.) Sequíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c.
lêdêzazaza16
[le
"
de zaza
"
za] (expr.) 1. Ardor de uma ferida. 2. Ardor provocado por pimenta.
(A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. pya babaka17 ["pja baba"ka] (expr.) Estar pasmo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
e. betu blalala18 ["bEtu blala"la] (expr.) Escancarado. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
f. kulu dĩĩĩ19 ["kulu "dĩĩĩ] (expr.) Escuríssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In the next section, we will address how Araujo and Hagemeijer’s work included lexical lemmata
with ideophones in their dictionary.
2.3. Ideophones in Araujo and Hagemeijer’s Work
Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)’s a lexicographic work that consists of a Santome-Portuguese
bilingual dictionary and a Portuguese–Santome list. In this dictionary, the lemmata, arranged in
alphabetical order, contain the lemma (presented in the official orthography for this language) followed
by the phonetic transcription, word class, and equivalents. Some lemmata, such as the functional
lexicon, are accompanied by examples. Lemmata with ideophones and dialectal variation forms are
13 flêbêblublublu ‘to boil’. See flêbê‘to boil/to simmer’.
14 tlêmêtatata ‘to shiver’. See tlêmê‘to tremble’.
15 seku klakata ‘very dry, completely dry’. See seku ‘dry’.
16 lêdêzazaza ‘burning wound, spiciness of a chili pepper’. See lêdê‘to burn’.
17 pya babaka ‘to be mesmerized’. See pya ‘to see’.
18 betu blalala ‘wide open’. See betu ‘open’.
19 kulu dĩĩĩ ["kulu "dĩĩĩ] ‘very dark’. See kulu ‘dark’.
Languages 2020,5, 56 5 of 11
connected to full expressions, including the ideophone itself and a basic form, respectively. The lemmata
on fauna and flora contain their scientific names wherever possible. In the Portuguese–Santome reverse
list, words and phrases in Portuguese only refer to their equivalent in Santome without a word class,
phonetic form, etc.
The listing of any lexical item in a dictionary requires a reflection on its nature, which includes
not only its meaning or equivalents in the case of bilingual dictionaries but also its form and function.
Consequently, ideophones pose a challenge for lexicographers because they are part of lexical units
with a compulsory association to another name. Therefore, they are not free forms carrying meaning
but a combined form. Thus, in the dictionary, ideophones must be listed twice: individually and
alongside their lexical counterpart. In the first case, ignoring the meaning of the ideophone or
its lexical counterpart, the individual lemma of an ideophone would allow the user to look for it
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user to
know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013) opted to
list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8)
a. bligidi [bligi"di] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sO"nOsO"nO] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 ["ba bligi"di] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 ["liku sO"nOsO"nO] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and the
abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011,2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a Gur
language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones
as members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a simpler
co-reference list is provided.
(9)
felfel
[f
é
lf
é
l] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals and
humans •
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(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
Ù
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
jEU kaalìfélfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017:s.v.).
ganagana
[g
à
n
à
g
à
n
à
]ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiffand hard
•
t
í
t
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
t
ì à
m
ó
ŋg
ò
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
h
á
d
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10)
motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017:s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017:s. v.).
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
Languages 2020,5, 56 6 of 11
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones are
described with sensory images.
(11)
ab
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
lgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
g
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 10
(knowing it or not) in alphabetical order and relate it to its counterpart. If the ideophone is not listed
individually, an unfamiliar user who does not know it or ignores its full expression could not perform
the alphabetical search. Additionally, the inclusion of the multilexical lemma would allow the user
to know the ideophone’s unique or limited association pattern. de Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013)
opted to list ideophones individually, as in (8), referring the user to the compound unit, as in (8).
(8) a. bligidi [bligiˈdi] (id.) Cf. ba bligidi. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. sonosono [sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (id.) Cf. liku sonosono. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. ba bligidi20 [ˈba bligiˈdi] (expr.) 1. Desmoronar. 2. Despencar. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. liku sonosono21 [ˈliku sɔˈnɔsɔˈnɔ] (expr.) Riquíssimo. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
In (8), the structure of the lemmata contains the lemma (in bold), a phonetic transcription, and
the abbreviation of the word class (id.) for the ideophone. Subsequently, there is the abbreviation Cf.
(compare or see), followed by the complete multilexical unit containing the related item and its
ideophone. Therefore, the isolated ideophone presents a cross-reference to the full expression. In turn,
the data in (8) contains the lemma of the complete multilexical lemma and the phonetic transcription.
Additionally, the word class is (expr.), that is, an expression, followed by its equivalents.
Many African languages have ideophones, and they are represented in lexicography in different
ways. For example, in Brindle’s (2011, 2017) dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali (cli), a
Gur language spoken in Ghana, it is stated that the majority of ideophones in that language function
like qualifiers, intensifiers, or adjunct adverbials. However, Brindle does not describe ideophones as
members of multilexical units. In general, all ideophones are listed as basic lemmata with a full
description and an example, as in (9). In Brindle’s English–Chakali dictionary, shown in (10), a
simpler co-reference list is provided.
(9) felfel [félfél] ideo. manner of movement, as a lightweight entity, applicable to leaves, animals
and humans • ʊ
̀ tʃ ɔ
̀ jɛ ʊ
̄ kaalì félfél. She ran away, lightly. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
ganagana [gànàgànà] ideo. to be under-ripe and still stiff and hard • títɔ̀tì à móŋgò nɔ̀ŋ̀ʊ
̀ há dʊ
̀
gànàgànà. Do not pluck the mango fruit, it is still stiff. (Brindle 2017: s.v.).
(10) motion (manner) felfel ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
ripe (under-) ganagana ideo. (Brindle 2017: s. v.).
Additionally, Friesen (2016) presented a description of Moloko (mlw), a Chadic language spoken
in Cameroon, with an English–Moloko and a Moloko–English Lexicon. Ideophones in Moloko are
described, following Doke (1935, p. 188), as sound symbolism, where they “evoke the ‘idea’ of a
sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, color, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are
often onomatopoeic” (Friesen 2016, p. 115). In the Moloko–English Lexicon, as in (11), ideophones
are described with sensory images.
(11) abəlgamay id. n. the way a sick person walks. (Friesen 2016, p. 405).
bakaka id. spicy hot taste. (Friesen 2016, p. 406).
gəraw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12) idea of the way a sick person walks abəlgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle gəraw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009, 2019). The author claims that, in
Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
20 ba bligidi 1. ‘to collapse’. 2. ‘to plummet’.
21 liku sonosono ‘very rich’.
raw id. idea of cutting something through the middle. (Friesen 2016, p. 411).
In the English–Moloko Lexicon, ideophones are listed as ‘ideas of’ something (12).
(12)
idea of the way a sick person walks ab@lgamay.
idea of cutting something through the middle g@raw. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
idea of spicy hot taste bakaka. (Friesen 2016, p. 432).
Pichi (fpe), an English-based creole spoken in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, is another
African language with ideophones, as described by Yakpo (2009,2019). The author claims that,
in Pichi, ideophones “are words with expressive semantics and particular structural characteristics”
(Yakpo 2019, p. 443)
. Furthermore, Yakpo adds: “It is therefore difficult to ascertain how widespread
the use of these ideophones is, and whether some of them are sound symbolic ad hoc creations,
whether they are carried over from other languages used by the speaker, or whether they form
part of the lexicon of Pichi” (Yakpo 2019, p. 443). Even though ideophones are documented in the
Pichi–English list in Yakpo’s work, as in (13), many are not present in the English–Pichi word list,
such as
bwa
and
gbin
. When ideophones are listed, they have a simple co-reference item. In this sense,
the search for an ideophone in Yakpo’s printed word lists may not be an easy task.
(13)
bwa ideo. sound of gushing water. (Yakpo 2019, p. 562).
gbin ideo. sound of a hard and sudden blow. (Yakpo 2019, p. 566).
(14)
a. katakátáideo. (be) (hyper-)active, hectic.
katakátámánhyper-active, hectic man. (Yakpo 2019, p. 567).
b. active (hyper~) ideo. katakátá. (Yakpo 2019, p. 579).
Considering that the grammatical category of ideophones does not exist in the Portuguese
language, the solution presented by Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013), as in example (8), is convenient
for allowing users to find both the ideophone alone and the complete unit in the minority language.
Therefore, it is a useful solution, especially to readers of Portuguese or other languages with no
ideophones. However, isolated ideophones are not listed in the Portuguese/Santome list because they
do not belong to the Portuguese local vernacular lexicon. Nonetheless, names and their ideophones
are listed with their full Portuguese meanings, as in (15).
(15)
branquíssimo22 Blanku fenene. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
cortar ao meio23 Kota kla. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
22 Very white.
23 To cut into halves.
Languages 2020,5, 56 7 of 11
3. Realia
The formation of the Portuguese-based Proto-Creole of the Gulf of Guinea and its later speciation
into four languages (Santome, Lung’Ie, Angolar, and Fa d’Amb
ô
) in the sixteenth century are related
to the colonial system that was implemented in the then uninhabited islands of S
ã
o Tom
é
and
Pr
í
ncipe and Annob
ó
n.
24
The thousands of African slaves kidnapped from the mainland, mainly from
the regions of the Niger Delta, Congo, and Angola, and their coexistence with Portuguese settlers
of European origin promoted the emergence of the proto-creole. However, the dozens of mother
tongues of the slaves—including their unique ways of naming the world—as well as the Portuguese
language of the European settlers and their cultures and the linguistic agency of members of those
communities—associated with the very nature of the new island’s environments and their endemic
fauna and flora—promoted the naming of a new world without a parallel in the Portuguese language.
Thus, like any human language, Santome has lexical items that reflect their unique specificities,
known as realia or ‘cultureme’ (Vlahov and Florin 1969;Xatara and Seco 2014) or defined as specialized
lexical units (Bergenholtz and Tarp 1995).
Therefore, Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013) applied a solution for realia lemmata that correlates a
lexical item (simple or compound) to an identical word in local Portuguese or to a full description
when the realia in Santome does not circulate in the vernacular Portuguese. Thus, their dictionary also
documents lexical items in the minority language related to the vernacular Portuguese of S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe. In fact, most realia items from Santome already circulate in the local Portuguese varieties.
In (16), for example, Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013, p. 41) present a lexical lemma naming a species
of pepper endemic to the region of West Africa without an equivalent in Portuguese. Consequently,
the dictionarists chose to repeat the name of the plant in italics—thus, establishing a ‘Santomean
Portuguese word’ (a language fact proper to the Portuguese influenced by the Santome language or
the ethnic group Santome/Forro)—followed by its scientific name (listed whenever possible in Araujo
and Hagemeijer’s work) written in bold and italics. Thus, in (16a), a name is listed for a fauna item,
an endemic tree, as an example of realia. If a local fauna or flora item has a Portuguese word, the authors
simply documented it, such as (16b), ‘pau-sabrina’. However, (16c) and (16d) show an interesting
contrast: (16c) is a realia item in Santome with the same equivalent in vernacular Portuguese, however,
the equivalent of (16d) is a combination of a Santomean-originated realia and a Portuguese expression
(do-mato), creating a new item in Portuguese.
(16)
a. fya-bôba-pikina ["fja "boba pi"kina] (n.) Fya-bôba pikina.Piper capense. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b. gofi-d’ôbô["gOfi do"bo] (n.) Pau-sabrina. Musanga cecropioides. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
c. gligô[gli"go] (n.) Gligô.Morinda lucida. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
d. gligô-d’ôbô[gli"go do"bo] (n.) Gligô-do-mato. Sacosperma paniculatum. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
Nonetheless, in (17), the name of a traditional therapist dedicated to the sensory examination of
urine (through smell, texture, taste, color, and impurities) of patients with kidney diseases or diabetes
is a realia item. However, differently from a fauna or flora item, it was necessary to propose a definition
of this word. In these three cases, the Santome term was repeated in the dictionary because the lexical
item is itself the equivalent word in Portuguese.
(17)
pyadô-zawa25
[pja
"
do
"
zawa] (n.) Pyad
ô
-zawa. Terapeuta tradicional que examina a urina. (A &
H 2013, s. v.).
Therefore, S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe’s vernacular varieties of Portuguese have already loaned many
words from Santome and other national languages. Moreover, in daily work with the informants,
24 Territory of the present Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
25 pyadô-zawa ‘traditional therapist that examined urine’. See pyadô‘observer ’.
Languages 2020,5, 56 8 of 11
it was often difficult to separate the items from one another given the increasing use of Portuguese.
Users were fully aware of the influence of Portuguese and were therefore sometimes confused
about the source of many endemic items. However, working with the community is crucial for
the acceptance of the dictionary by the local residents. The materials in this Santome dictionary
may thereby feed other lexicographical works focusing on African countries that use the Portuguese
language (see
Bacelar do Nascimento 2013
) with unique items from the linguistic reality of S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe. The documentation of a ‘Santomean Portuguese word’ (a language fact proper to the
Portuguese influenced by the Santome language or its ethnic group) has a parallel in the Luso-Brazilian
lexicography tradition, just as ‘Brazilian Portuguese words’ have been populating the Portuguese
language (Bluteau 1712–1728;Frankenberg-Garcia 2017).
Additionally, the Santome/Portuguese dictionary contains lexical items that refer to festivals,
religious rituals, flora, fauna, technologies, etc., which require a description in the dictionary because
they are unique to S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe’s linguistic and cultural environment. The example in (18)
refers to a traditional medicine given to women ready to give birth. Whereas in (19),
sôwô
is the
name of a local dish, prepared with breadfruit, cassava, plantain, fish and aromatic herbs, served with
manioc flour or baked bananas.
(18)
magita-pali26
[ma
"
gita pa
"
li] (n.) Magita-pali. Medicamento tradicional para parturientes. (A & H
2013, s. v.)
(19)
sôwô27
[
"
sowo] (n.) S
ô
w
ô
. Prato t
í
pico que pode, alternativamente, ser preparado com fruta-p
ã
o,
mandioca, inhame, matabala, batata-doce, banana-p
ã
o, com peixe e
ó
leo de palma e algumas
ervas aromáticas, acompanhado de farinha de mandioca ou banana assada. (A & H 2013, s. v.)
Items (20)–(23), for example, are correlated to one another. Realia in (20) describes a spiritual
debt (
dêvê
). The example in (21) describes a ritual led by a master (a traditional therapist) who acts
out a ceremony resulting in a payment of a spiritual debt through prayers and offerings deposited at
crossroads or other sacred sites. Furthermore,
fêgula
in (22) is the name of a human body-like ritual
toy used in that ceremony. Note that
fêgula
is the word for ‘figure’ too, as pointed out by its second
meaning. Item (23), another realia, names the person who has a spiritual debt to be paid (meaning 1)
and a performer of this rituals (meaning 2).
(20)
dêvê28 [de"ve] (n.) Dívida espiritual. (A & H 2013, s. v.)
(21)
paga-dêvê29
[pa
"
ga de
"
ve] (n.) Paga-d
ê
v
ê
. Ritual conduzido por um mestre que simula o pagamento
de uma d
í
vida, atrav
é
s de oraç
õ
es e oferendas depositadas em encruzilhadas e outros locais. (A &
H 2013, s. v.)
(22)
fêgula30 [fe"gula] (n.) 1. Boneco utilizado no ritual do paga-dêvê. 2. Figura. (A & H 2013, s. v.)
(23)
pagadô-dêvê31
[paga
"
do de
"
ve] (n.) 1. Devedor do paga-d
ê
v
ê
. 2. Quimbandeiro. (A & H 2013, s. v.)
Like any lexicographical work, the dictionary discussed here should be open to review depending
on advances in knowledge. In fact, Araujo and Hagemeijer (2013) proposed the lemma shown in (24a) for
Santome in 2013. However, on the island of Pr
í
ncipe, the same species endemic to S
ã
o Tom
é
and Pr
í
ncipe
is also called
kobo-peetu
in local Portuguese. Investigations after
Araujo and Hagemeijer’s (2013)
date of publication have shown that Portuguese settlers had not introduced this species as previously
26 magita-pali ‘a traditional medicine for parturients’.
27 sôwô
‘a traditional dish prepared with bread-fruit, cassava, taro, matabala, sweet potato, plantain, fish, palm oil, and herbs,
side dished by cassava flour or baked banana’.
28 dêvê‘spiritual debt’.
29 paga-dêvê
‘a ritual led by a religious master that simulates the payment of a spiritual debt, through prayers and offers left in
crossroads and other places.’
30 fêgula ‘a ceremonial doll used in the paga-dêvêritual’.
31 pagadô-dêvê‘the person in spiritual debt at the paga-dêvêritual’.
Languages 2020,5, 56 9 of 11
thought, but that it was indeed a new species (Ceriaco et al. 2017). Thus, Agostinho and Araujo’s (in
press) Lung’Ie/Portuguese bilingual dictionary already includes the new scientific name of that species
endemic to the island of Príncipe, improving the previous work32.
(24)
a. koblo-pletu33 ["kOblO"plEtu] (n.) Cobra preta. Naja melanoleuca. (A & H 2013, s. v.).
b.
kobo-peetu
[
"
k
O
b
O"
p
E
:tu] (n.) 1. Cobra preta. 2. Kobo-peetu.
Naja (Boulengerina) peroescobari
.
(Agostinho and Araujo n.d., in press).
Therefore, all realia items in the Santome/Portuguese dictionary may be a source for lexicographers
who prepare bilingual and monolingual dictionaries in Portuguese.
4. Final Remarks
In this text, based on the case study of one bilingual dictionary of the Portuguese-based creole
language Santome, we presented how the authors dealt with the documentation of ideophones and
realia items. The task of documenting Santome, a minority and endangered language spoken in S
ã
o
Tome and Pr
í
ncipe, is urgent. Thus, Santome can benefit from the production of bilingual dictionaries,
just as any threatened minority language can (Auroux 1992;Ogilvie 2010). We demonstrated that
ideophones can be documented in isolation and with reference to the other members of their multilexical
unit. Thus, the user is allowed to search for the ideophone per se and its full expression in the dictionary.
Realia lemmata, in turn, are necessary to describe the endemic characteristics of local lexical items.
They simultaneously allow the documentation of lexical units in Portuguese and are able to be classified
in the future as Santomean Portuguese words.
The publication of bilingual dictionaries of threatened languages is a step towards the
documentation and grammatization of minority languages. Moreover, it enables the lexicographic and
scientific discussion of phenomena that do not exist or were not explored in Portuguese, especially in
the less known vernacular varieties.
Funding:
This research was funded by University of Macau, grant number SRG-2019-00153-FAH, and University
of São Paulo.
Acknowledgments:
The author thanks the editors and two anonymous reviewers for comments that helped
improve this paper.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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