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Creating the Florentine State: Peasants and Rebellion, 1348–1434

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Abstract

This book offers a comprehensive approach to the study of the political history of the Renaissance: its analysis of government is embedded in the context of geography and social conflict. Instead of the usual institutional history, it examines the Florentine state from the mountainous periphery - a periphery both of geography and class - where Florence met its most strenuous opposition to territorial incorporation. Yet, far from being acted upon, Florence's highlanders were instrumental in changing the attitudes of the Florentine ruling class: the city began to see its own self-interest as intertwined with that of its region and the welfare of its rural subjects at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Contemporaries either remained silent or purposely obscured the reasons for this change, which rested on widespread and successful peasant uprisings across the mountainous periphery of the Florentine state, hitherto unrecorded by historians.
... Innovative business organizational forms such as the holding company (De Roover 1966) and modern business practices such as current accounts and double-entry bookkeeping (Melis 1991;Dini 2001) emerged alongside of traditional conceptions of obligations to partners and fellow businessmen (Goldthwaite 1985; and a patronage-like market structure (Padgett 2001;McLean and Padgett 2004). And a smattering of locally negotiated contracts with subject cities persisted in the midst of the consolidation of the regional state (Fasano Guarini 1996;Cohn 1999;Connell and Zorzi 2000;Epstein 2000a;2000b;Petralia 2000). 7 Epstein (2000a:32) also alludes to this issue. ...
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From the perspective of the Black Death, the economic consequences for laborers in our unfolding pandemic, COVID-19, might come as a surprise. Instead of labor shortages benefiting workers, especially the unskilled, and narrowing the gap between rich and poor, our pandemic has sent economic inequality racing forward across the world with laborers’ health and material well-being plummeting. However, a closer examination of the Black Death suggests that the consequences for labor of the two pandemics may not be as different as first assumed. This essay explores the silver lining for labor after the dramatic crash in population caused by the Black Death and subsequent waves of plague during the second half of the fourteenth century. By first turning to Europe as a whole and then concentrating on Italy, this essay challenges notions that labor conditions and standards of living improved immediately after the Black Death's halving of populations and that these changes were almost universal across Europe or even within city-states, such as Florence, or in rural areas hosting different sorts of agricultural workers. In Italy, where real wages have been calculated, the Black Death's silver lining for laborers failed to arrive until two or three generations after 1348. Moreover, compressing economic inequality from the late fourteenth to the late fifteenth centuries spurred reactions from elites that wrought new inequalities in other spheres of activity.
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In late medieval Italy, the importance of lordship has often been overlooked by studies. Yet its diffusion was far from marginal: indeed, in most Italian regions it stretched over larger portions of population and territory, larger than in previous centuries. In 2017, a collective research project was undertaken to fill this gap in studies, the PRIN La signoria rurale nel XIV-XV secolo: per ripensare l’Italia tardomedievale. This volume constitutes its latest outcome. It summarises the main acquisitions achieved and provides new reflections on the many themes dealt with in the PRIN research: the economy of lordships, the forms of documentation and celebration, the relationship with cities, states and communities, the political action of the subjects, the social impact of lordship and more.
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Contrary to received opinion, revolts and popular protests in medieval English towns were as frequent and as sophisticated, if not more so, as those in the countryside. This groundbreaking study refocuses attention on the varied nature of popular movements in towns from Carlisle to Dover and from the London tax revolt of Longbeard in 1196 to Jack Cade's Rebellion in 1450, exploring the leadership, social composition, organisation and motives of popular rebels. The book charts patterns of urban revolt in times of strong and weak kingship, contrasting them with the broad sweep of ecological and economic change that inspired revolts on the continent. Samuel Cohn demonstrates that the timing and character of popular revolt in England differed radically from revolts in Italy, France and Flanders. In addition, he analyses repression and waves of hate against Jews, foreigners and heretics, opening new vistas in the comparative history of late medieval Europe.
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Accounts of public justice in the Italian communes emphasize mediation of urban conflicts, overlooking interactions between rural communities and civic tribunals. Foregrounding the countryside reveals how nonelites responded to public courts and procedures such as anonymous denunciation and ex officio inquisition. This article argues that a Florentine court's outcomes resulted from the intersection of institutional structures, local power relations, and rural inhabitants’ in-court behavior. It uses procedural records in conjunction with notarial cartularies and public documentation to explicate the local dynamics shaping testimony. Claiming ignorance was rural peoples’ tactical response to elite malefactors' enmeshment with the commune as rural proxies.
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Violence and peace-making in medieval Italy have often been analysed in urban environments. But what happened if two powerful baronial families clashed in the countryside? This paper, by looking at the feud between the Farnese and Orsini di Pitigliano during the Western Schism, illuminates various patterns of conflict and conciliation. Such conflicts witnessed the participation of relatives, allies, and subjects who shared in the sense of community and honour of their lords. The various motivations for actors to become involved on behalf of or in opposition to barons are analysed here in detail. The events of the Farnese–Orsini feud on the micro-level are linked to wider developments on the Italian peninsula and European politics. In the second part of this paper the successful conclusion of the feud is analysed in light of the return of the papacy to Rome. The meticulous detail in which the peace agreement was hammered out then provides further insight into the strategies employed by baronial families to maintain the peace. In all, this paper therefore contributes to the study of violence and peace-making as well as of the Italian nobility during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
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In this article the author critically discusses the notion of petitions as a peaceful way of interaction between rulers and subjects in early-modern Europe. Specifically, he targets the idea of petitions as a safety valve. According to this idea, petitions enabled subjects to vent displeasure to the authorities; by doing so they grew less restive and more content with the strictly hierarchical and unequal structures of early-modern Europe. The author questions how often petitions really performed this function, firstly by considering the limited social background of the petitioners and then the many rules and hindrances petitioners faced. These rules were, thirdly, put in place because petitions could galvanize and mobilize people into political action. Fourthly, previous research has underestimated the complicated link between petitioning and legitimacy. It is not at all certain that petitions increased the legitimacy of the political system. Clearly, the complexity of the issue warrants new approaches. The empirical evidence for this article mainly comes from early-modern Sweden, Denmark-Norway, England and the Holy Roman Empire. Consequently, this article weds petition research usually separated by language barriers, providing a fuller European perspective where Northern Europe is fully integrated into the discussion.
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Chivalry was the dominant ethos of the lay elite in high and late medieval Europe, including in Italy. Chivalric ideology helped to shape the mentality, lifestyle, and identity of nobles, knights, and men‐at‐arms and to reinforce their claims to social, political, and economic superiority. While scholars have spilled considerable ink studying chivalry's powerful influence in northwestern Europe, especially in England and France, there has been far less interest in the topic among historians of Italy. This article will examine the existing historiography on chivalry in one region of the peninsula, Tuscany, with a particular focus on the city of Florence. The traditional interpretation of chivalry found in these works is that of an ideology predominantly courtly and ceremonial in nature. This article will also introduce the newest scholarship which challenges this conceptualization of Tuscan and Florentine chivalry and offers a new interpretation that is in line with the most recent studies of chivalry in the general European context.
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The view of the commons as archaic, ‘backward’ and ‘irrational’ institutions for the management of resources has now been revised in favour of a more positive one, for both past and present societies. Indeed, it is clear that the commons had multifarious ecological and economic benefits for both medieval and early modern rural societies in Western Europe. That being the case, many scholars have seen the increasing expropriation of the commons in the transition to the early modern period as a sign of increasing inequality characterizing pre-industrial Europe, and many have lamented the loss of communal grazing privileges connected to processes such as land enclosure – pushing poor peasants into the ‘abyss’ with the removal of their final form of welfare. However, in this paper it is argued that the social distribution of the benefits to the commons were rarely, if ever, entirely equitable. In fact, in many historical contexts the benefits of the commons could also be highly restricted – crystallizing and entrenching stratifications themselves, and even serving as the ‘vehicle’ of further inequality. The expropriation of the commons did not necessarily make Western European rural societies any more unequal.
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The nature of the Florentine economy during the era of plague and the so-called crisi del trecento has been the subject of a great deal of study and debate. The nuanced and sophisticated discourse has proceeded, however, without proper consideration of warfare, which coincided with the other crises, but has been relegated in the Anglophone scholarship to the lonely subfield of military history. Recent studies have helped improve the status quo and blur rigid disciplinary lines. But there remains a stubborn tendency among scholars to separate Italian war from its societal milieu, to follow the lead of Machiavelli in treating armed conflict in moral terms, focusing on the use by states of mercenary soldiers, who were emblematic of a lack of native martial spirit and of bad warfare. The tendency is particularly marked for the middle years of the trecento, the era of the companies of adventure, when states relied on foreign soldiers from outside the peninsula arrayed in large bands. This was, as a recent scholar has asserted, the lowest point in the history of Italian military organization, a statement that renders warfare still less appealing as a topic of serious inquiry.
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This article statistically analyzes quantitative data from numerous sources in order to assess changes in marriage patterns, family structure, and rates of social mobility during the period from 1282 to 1494. During this period, three systems of social stratification coexisted — wealth, political office, and age of family — but these contending status systems were not consistent in their rankings of families. Each status system was conservative in the sense that elite families at the top of that hierarchy married each other in order to stabilize their position. But because of inconsistency in rankings, contradiction within the elite opened up the Florentine marriage system to widespread upward social mobility by new men. In their own families, successful new men aggressively imitated their economically and politically declining status superiors. Sharp class divisions thereby blurred into continuous and negotiable status gradients. These open-elite patterns of social mobility, present throughout the early Florentine Renaissance, were most extreme during the Albizzi regime, immediately following the Ciompi Revolt.
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SourcesFamiliesElite Political DynamicsBibliography
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In 1542, Florence's Duke Cosimo I established a magistracy to supervise territorial hospitals and consolidate poor relief. Tense relations between the magistracy and these hospitals demonstrate the barriers to bureaucratic centralization in the sixteenth-century state, and underscore the fact that the shift from traditional charity to 'new philanthropy' was as much geographical and cultural as temporal. Tensions between the magistracy and successive Medici Dukes also demonstrate how in negotiations between bureaucrats and local communities territorial rulers could play both sides to advance their personal authority, and could learn from the difficulties of one magistracy how better to design another.
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The Black Death spurred monarchies and city-states across much of Western Europe to formulate new wage and price legislation. These legislative acts splintered in a multitude of directions that to date defy any obvious patterns of economic or political rationality. A comparison of labour laws in England, France, Provence, Aragon, Castile, the Low Countries, and the city-states of Italy shows that these laws did not flow logically from new post-plague demographics and economics - the realities of the supply and demand for labour. Instead, the new municipal and royal efforts to control labour and artisans' prices emerged from fears of the greed and supposed new powers of subaltern classes and are better understood in the contexts of anxiety that sprung forth from the Black Death's new horrors of mass mortality and destruction, resulting in social behaviour such as the flagellant movement and the persecution of Jews, Catalans, and beggars.
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