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Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
204
KEYWORDS: Rock art – Arnhem Land – Ethnography – Contact – Bualo
THE BUFFAROO: A ‘FIRST-SIGHT’ DEPICTION OF
INTRODUCED BUFFALO IN THE ROCK ART OF
WESTERN ARNHEM LAND, AUSTRALIA
Sally K. May, Duncan Wright, Inés Domingo Sanz,
Joakim Goldhahn and Gabriel Maralngurra
Abstract. Injalak Hill in western Arnhem Land is known for its extraordinary wealth of rock
art imagery spanning thousands of years. This corpus of rock art speaks to the changing na-
ture of life and culture in this region — and to the skills of the many artists who added their
marks over time. This includes artists working in the ‘contact’ period who continued to create
rock art in the face of increasing incursions into their lands, disease, and frontier violence.
Hidden within a secluded rock shelter on Injalak Hill, one particular rock painting tells a spe-
it most probably represents an amalgamation of a traditional subject — the kunj or kangaroo
— with a newly introduced animal – the nganaparru
-
riod of experimentation for Aboriginal artists before they had become fully acquainted with
depicting this newly introduced animal in this region. Furthermore, this painting also hints at
a process whereby nganaparru became integrated into artistic and cultural systems in northern
Australia.
Introduction
Rock art embodies, absorbs, and dominates the
foreign, the strange, the new, and the other within
a structure previously built to support it, signify it,
Therefore, tensions develop between the new and
the old, the own and the foreign, and they end up in
the construction and production of an art that rein-
forces identity and at the same time changes, resists,
and accommodates moving forward and backward
(Recalde and Navarro 2015: 58).
Hidden within a rockshelter on Injalak Hill, near
the Gunbalanya (Oenpelli) township in western Arn-
hem Land, lies a unique painting that tells a story of
culture contact (Figs 1–3). This painting, nicknamed
represents — we argue — an amalgamation of what
was then a newly introduced animal to Australia — the
nganaparru (L. Bubalus bubalis) — and
a native animal commonly depicted in the rock art
of western Arnhem Land — the kunj or kangaroo (L.
fam. Macropodidae). We will contend that this painting
embodies a period of experimentation for Aboriginal
rock painters and provides insights into adaptations
necessary to depict new animals being introduced in
this region in the nineteenth century (Figs 1 and 2). In
a wider context, this painting also hints at a process
systems in northern Australia. In this paper, we explore
culture-contact and artistic innovation through this
unique rock painting.
It has long been recognised that archaeology pro-
vides a useful lens for understanding contact between
Harrison and Williamson 2002; Torrence and Clarke
2000). These include studies of the transformation
and transferral of material culture, such as Kimberley
points made from European glass (Harrison 2002,
2006), depictions of contact scenes in rock art (e.g.
Chaloupka 1996; Frederick 1999; Taçon et al. 2012;
practices (e.g. Torrence and Clarke 2000; Wright and
Ricardi 2015), and more.
These and related studies have demonstrated that
‘Aboriginal people were not passive recipients of im-
posed cultural change, but rather active agents in re-
-
and Clarke 2000; Lydon 2009). Dynamic, regionally
varying narratives involving historically under-repre-
205
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
sented phases of evasion, concealment and
massacre can be observed if you ‘look out
into the bush, to the countryside, to the hin-
terland and the region as a whole, to places
where indigenous people have always lived,
to understand the widest implications of
contact’ (Colley 2000: 297). This paper takes
this observation as its starting point. Using
we explore how rock art can be a tool to en-
gage with contact
experiences and
reconceptualise
new people, ob-
jects and animals.
Historical re-
cords provide lit-
tle direct insight
into Aboriginal
feelings towards
early incursion
into their land in
northern Austra-
Figure 3. North-
ern Australia
with key locations
discussed in the
text (map by ANU
CartoGIS with
additions by Daryl
Wesley and SKM).
Figure 1. The Buaroo painting, Injalak Hill
(photo by SKM).
Figure 2. Digital tracing of the Buaroo from Injalak Hill (by IDS).
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
206
lia and the new objects, animals and world-views
that accompanied this occupation. Some of the only
contemporary Aboriginal perceptions of the invasion
of their land are provided by oral histories and rock
art (Taçon et al. 2012). We here focus on one particular
rock painting from Injalak Hill (Figs 1 and 2); a painting
we argue represents early contact in this region, most
likely between the 1820s and 1850s. While the artist
painting native animals, producing a unique blend of
new and old. As Clegg and Ghantous (2003: 257) sug-
gest, ‘ “First sight” depictions, in which animals were
depicted before the rock-artists became truly familiar
with them (their main physical features and propor-
tions), are particularly valuable — and are also par-
and May (2019) argue that: ‘Australian Contact Period
rock art reveals a dynamic socially-embedded series
of practices which allowed new ideas, new materials
and new ways of seeing the world to be examined,
interrogated and selectively adopted into pre-existing
social structures and practices.’
Moreover, addressing how contact rock art encap-
sulates and expresses the tension between tradition
and innovation in western Arnhem Land, Frieman and
May (2019) argue for contact period rock art being used
to minimise -
ised as ‘traditional’. In this paper, we draw upon this
this system of innovation, conservatism and education,
and speaks to a wider role for contact period rock art
in northern Australia.
Historical context
Aboriginal people have been living in western Arn-
hem Land for at least 65 000 years (Clarkson et al. 2017).
Their complex social, economic and cultural life is well
demonstrated in archaeological and anthropological
Altman 1982a; Jones 1985; Jones and Negerivich 1985;
Taylor 1996; Domingo 2011) and communities continue
to thrive in what for an outsider might be described as
a ‘remote’ part of Australia. Our focus here is the more
recent history of this region, e.g. post-contact era, and,
in particular, the introduction of new animal species
to the area in the nineteenth century.
Interactions between western Arnhem Land Aborig-
inal groups and foreigners seem to have started with
Southeast Asian mariners before the mid-seventeenth
century CE (e.g. Macknight 1976; Taçon et al. 2010;
Theden-Ringl et al. 2011; Clark and May 2013; Wesley
et al. 2016). Depictions of Southeast Asian sailing ves-
sels or praus appear in the rock art of north-western
Arnhem Land, with one example found under beeswax
rock art which was dated to the mid-17th century CE
(Taçon et al. 2010). Later, European explorers moved
through the area, for example, overland explorer Lud-
wig
intermittent contact with local Aboriginal people.
European exploration of northern Australia was fol-
groups from across northern Australia curious about
the new people, introduced goods, and the technolo-
The introduction of water bualo
to northern Australia
Figure 4. Injalak Hill, western Arnhem Land as seen
from Gunbalanya (photo by SKM).
Figure 5. Water bualo (Bubalus bubalis), western Arn-
hem Land c. 1960 (photos: Judy Opi Collection).
207
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
on the Cobourg Peninsula and
Melville Island (Berndt and Berndt
1970: 5). In his description of the
-
states, ‘The live-stock consisted
twenty-three sheep and lambs,
kept exclusively for breeding)
for slaughter had just been landed
from Timor’. For those released on
the mainland, the local monsoonal
-
fectly and they multiplied rapidly,
spreading down the peninsula and
of the Cobourg Peninsula by Lieutenant Stewart of the
vessel Alligator (Allen 1969: 352–353). In December
an Aboriginal man by the name of Bilge somewhere in
the East Alligator River area. Bilge showed great inter-
519) stating, ‘Bilge frequently mentioned “Devil devil”
in referring to the bullock, and I think he alluded to the
noted the name ‘Anaborro’ (nganaparru) being used to
In response to the increasing numbers of water
between the East Alligator River and present-day
Darwin in the late 1800s and early 1900s (e.g. Levitus
1982: 13–21; Bowman and Robinson 2010: 192; Fig. 6).
Aboriginal men, women and children participated in
this industry by shooting, skinning and salting large
al. 2009).
Participation in these industries provided local peo-
ple with access to food rations, introduced food such
and addictive substances such as tobacco and alcohol
(Levitus 1982: 8; Ritchie 1998; Robinson 2005; May et
al. 2017). Yet, it is also clear that traditional kinship
ties and cultural obligations were maintained (Levitus
were available to those involved with non-Aboriginal
outside of these camps (Altman 1982b: 276). As such,
Altman (1982b: 276) suggests that the iron spear and
hunting by Aboriginal people away from the organised
shooting camps. Indeed, Badmardi man and renowned
-
Figure 6. Reuben Cooper siing on a wounded bualo surrounded by the shoot-
ing and skinning team. Photo by Edward Frederick Reichenbach (Ted Ryko)
c. 1914–1917 (Northern Territory Library PH0413/0044).
ing camps much of his adult life and is remembered
(Haskovec and Sullivan 1986: 6).
the local Aboriginal groups, as Altman (1982b: 280)
noted during his 1980s fieldwork in north-central
Arnhem Land:
fat beast is shot: like most hunter-gatherers, Aborig-
ines place a great deal of emphasis on gunbalem (fat),
which in the bush tucker context, is synonymous
greater because it can last for from 3 to 5 days (de-
pending on weather conditions and thoroughness of
cooking).
-
ing in western Arnhem Land was a man by the name
hunting in the region, Cahill established a permanent
there was not enough money in either (Roney 1985).
So he sold his lease to the government, became a ‘Pro-
tector of Aborigines’ for the Alligator River area, and
sporadically hunted for their meat and hides. Recalling
our fence near the house, so uncle decided that he
might be found, so we went. I wanted to go too, so
my uncle and a couple of natives and myself, we got
from about eight o’clock in the morning till twelve
So they skinned him and uncle and I took an amount
of it with us on horseback and we left the natives to
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
208
of the meat (Roney 1985).
Roney (1985) also noted that the local Aboriginal
that an Aboriginal man by the name of Quilp would
is painted. When the Cahill family left in 1922, the
station was soon thereafter passed over to the Church
play a role in economic activities (Cole 1975; May et
13) noted that 15–20 Aboriginal people were involved
-
sion (Altman 1982b: 276). As demonstrated by Altman
(1982a; 1987; 2016) and Levitus (1982), despite the de-
War II, they continued to be an important source of
food for Aboriginal people in this region.
The Buaroo rock painting
-
shelter on Injalak Hill, with no open view and relatively
on a rather smooth surface serving both as back wall
and ceiling of the rockshelter (Fig. 1). The body traits
be an amalgamation of a large kangaroo and a water
Element Interpretation
The body Kangaroo
The horns
Hooves -
guity)
Head Kangaroo
Tail
Legs Front legs are elongated to compen-
sate for the un-proportioned body
made to illustrate the four even-length
Table 1. Dening characteristics of the Buaroo.
The head and body length is circa 272 cm, which
matches the average length of this animal species.
However, the height at the shoulder is only 85 cm of
the characteristic 150 to 190 cm of the real animal. The
distinctive barrel-shaped body and thick neck of the
by the more conical body shape of kangaroos. Just
the presence of horns, the position and length of the
depiction of a kangaroo, themselves represented
widely in the rock art of Injalak Hill and the broader
region (e.g. Chaloupka 1993; Injalak Arts 2018). The
may have once covered the whole body but faded due
are roughly depicted and do not match any animal
(introduced or native) from this area. We suspect the
illustration of the distinctive cloven-hoofed shaped
depicting the hooves is similar to other depictions of
Taylor 2017: Fig. 6.3). In sum, we argue that this sug-
characteristics, such as the big hooves.
Figure 7. Paddy Cahill and Quilp (on horses) with other
bualo shooters in the background near Oenpelli
(Gunbalanya) c. 1900 (Northern Territory Library
PH0238-0707).
Figure 8. Close up of the head of the Buaroo showing
red and white pigment use (photo by IDS).
209
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
As already mentioned, the overall body shape
the head, apart from the horns (Table 1). The tail
than a kangaroo, even though the starting point is
very low and does not match the position at the end
2 and 9). Between the tail and the back legs, there
is a bulge matching the position of the kangaroo
genitals. It seems as though the artist has had to
compensate with long front legs due to the tapering
long front legs and two short hind legs but it is clear
that the artist intended them to represent an animal
bird also painted in red and associated with spears.
This later addition may well be referencing the habit
this region — perhaps a later artistic addition to the
scene (Fig. 9).
The decorative depicted body of the Buffaroo
includes a series of double lines but there is no sign
of x-ray features (showing internal organs) or other
design elements such as cross-hatching that are often
present in other contact rock art (e.g. May et al. 2010;
May et al. 2020) and bark paintings from this region
(see, for example, Taylor 1996: Fig. 13; Taçon and Da-
Archaeological context
× 1.5 m — maximum
length, height). The rock art is located from 30 cm
above the sediment level and continues until it reaches
a natural shelf in the rock (Fig. 10). Cultural activity
is preserved through two hearths (containing large,
well-preserved lumps of burnt wood) and a variety of
cultural materials (Fig. 11).
The other cultural features present at this site are
18 grinding hollows, observed on exposed bedrock
and a large boulder located on the southern periphery
of the shelter. The surface survey revealed a variety
of cultural materials with the majority located in the
immediate vicinity of the two hearths. Hearth 1 con-
tained two fragments of charred glass and a single
fragment of worked red ochre with linear striations and
with no evidence for burning. Near the hearths were
a concentration of freshwater mussels (known locally
as karnubirr
On the bedrock surface adjacent to the hearth two
bird and small mammal bones were observed, along
Figure 9. Digital
tracing of the
Buaroo showing
the human and
bird gures in ac-
tual context and
(lower image)
gures shown
separately (by
IDS).
Figure 10. Photo of replace 1 underneath the Buaroo. The
head of the Buaroo can be seen at the top right of the photo-
graph (photo by SKM).
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
210
Elsewhere in the rockshelter cultural
materials were restricted to the northeast
recesses (immediately behind Hearth 2).
Here a tin can, two karnubirr shells and a
cluster of three large terrestrial vertebrates
of which had burn marks. In the northwest
access corridor into the shelter, crammed at
butchering marks consistent with a metal
knife, was found one metre down-slope
suggesting a certain level of lateral move-
ment. While this raises the possibility that
all bones from this section were washed into
the rockshelter this is unlikely considering
the broadly focused distribution of bones,
the absence of visible water rolling/damage
and the absence (despite extensive survey
There are at least 37 rock paintings at
-
(e.g. Jones and May 2017), large naturalistic
most common subject in the rock art. The
-
gests considerable antiquity for use of the
rockshelter, with this style of rock art dated
to around 10 000 years BP (Jones et al. 2017;
Jones and May 2017). The rock art and the
shelter itself are in very poor condition with
its deterioration.
This archaeological evidence suggests
intensive use of this particular enclosed
rockshelter over a long period of time and
continuing until very recently. While the
Sofía
C. Samper Carro pers. comm. 2018), rather
Aboriginal people were actively using this
rockshelter until recent times. The presence
of burnt glass within the hearths suggests
the site was used up until the 20th century.
This corresponds with the estimated age of
all other identifiable European materials
recorded at the site (Pamela Ricardi pers.
comm. 2018). Local Aboriginal rock art guide
and artist W. Nawirridj (pers. comm. 2007)
suggested that the use of an enclosed and
secluded shelter at the back of the Injalak Hill
to avoid the balanda
Figure 12. An x-ray sh depicted in the Buaroo shelter (photo by
IDS).
Figure 11. Map of the Buaroo Shelter including a surface survey of
cultural materials (by DW).
211
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
Sinicance of bualo (nganaparru) in
Arnhem Land cultural belief systems
to a successful hunter — and as nganaparru is the hardest game to
hunting prowess hierarchy (Altman 1982b: 283).
nganapar-
ru in the Bininj Gunwok dialects of Arnhem Land (Altman 2016: 73).
Despite only being introduced to mainland Australia in 1829 they
have worked their way into local Aboriginal economic activities. Jon
Altman explores this integration in his PhD thesis (Altman 1982a), a
later book based on this research (Altman 1987), and journal articles
(e.g. Altman 1982b, 2016). While clearly illustrating the economic role
his interpretation of their integration into cultural or ceremonial life
in north-central Arnhem Land is more ambiguous.
While food-related taboos are common across Arnhem Land,
exist outside of this system: nganaparru buluki (feral
bigi bigi (feral pig). He argued that this status was due
why this was so, informants invariably declared ‘because there’s no
‘business’ for nganaparru’ or ‘because nganaparru is too big’ (Altman
1982b: 280).
Yet, while Altman (1982b: 282) argues that there are no totemic
state that they were integrated into eastern Gunwinggu (Kunwin-
jku) mythology and art. He uses the example of a Rainbow Serpent
(Ngalyod) called Inanga
father is said to be the nganaparru. This nganaparru Rainbow Serpent
was illustrated in a bark painting by Jimmy Njiminjuma during the
1980s (see Fig. 13, and Taylor 1996).
Altman (1982b: 283) also found that the elders in north-central
nganaparru — one with
short front legs, e.g. Yirritja patrimoiety, Kodjok subsection, and the
other with thinner bodies and longer front legs, e.g. Dua patrimoiety,
Gela
western Arnhem Land groupings: both are Naraidgu matrimoiety; the
former is Yariburig semi-matrimoiety, Nawamud (= Kodjok) subsection
Yariyaning semi-matrimoiety, Nabulan (= Gela) subsec-
tion. Altman (1982b: 283) suggests that, ‘nganaparru was integrated
that this knowledge was adopted by older eastern Gunwinggu many
of whom visited Oenpelli (Gunbalanya) before the establishment of
Maningrida in 1957’. In essence, he is suggesting that this integration
into cultural belief systems happened earlier in western Arnhem Land
through central Arnhem Land by people visiting Oenpelli.
were not more fully integrated into cultural belief systems. First, he
suggests that in the past they may have been more fully integrated
-
original culture. ‘For while in the myth context, elders stress that
nganaparru has always been here (i.e. it is indigenous), Europeans
-
been incorporated just enough to allow for its exploitation as a food
‘fully incorporated into the belief system
of eastern Gunwinggu’ (Altman 1982b:
on conservation issues relating to water
73) adds that nganaparru has an ongoing
role in secret male regional ceremonies.
Further supporting this idea of in-
on Melville Island — the location of
Fort Dundas, one of the failed British
were imported and released. During
Figure 13. Bark painting by Jimmy
Njiminjuma painted in 1980 and titled
‘Rainbow Serpent with bualo head
and horns’, accession number NGA
81.1621 (Courtesy of the National
Gallery of Australia).
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
212
of a cultural performance. This history and cultural
importance are further discussed by Frawley (2003)
ceremonial and cultural life today on Melville Island
acquired for Baldwin Spencer by Paddy Cahill and
was collected from the same area. The level of accuracy
in the bark painting is clear with, in particular, a more
proportional body and legs. Yet, even more, interest-
ing is the level of artistic detail illustrated. The bark
painting includes x-ray detail and design elements
that relate to ceremonial practices (rarrk). None of
these features occur in, what we would argue to be,
Given the presence of ceremonial design elements in
the bark painting acquired by Spencer, we would argue
integrated into the artistic and ceremonial systems of
western Arnhem Land.
Learning how to paint new animals
In the art system, more socially meaningful charac-
teristics, conducive to the exchange of information
forms, are likely to be adopted and may even replace
been developed over tens of thousands of years. The
somewhat ‘confused’ representation of this animal
unfamiliar to the artist/s —-
goat and horse (W. Nawirridj pers. com.
Oenpelli, 15 July 2007; D. Gumurdul pers.
com. Oenpelli, 16 July 2007; Gabriel Maral-
ngurra pers. com. Oenpelli, 16 July 2007;
J. Nayinggul pers. com. Oenpelli, 19 July
2007). Such variation is not surprising, for
as Senior Aboriginal Traditional Owner
J. Nayinggul pointed out as he stood in
front of the rock painting: ‘That painter
don’t know how to paint him’. Indeed,
the act of painting might have been part
of the process of ‘working out’ the newly
introduced animal and/or codifying its
emergent meaning on the rock.
Given the number of newly introduced
animals into northern Australia — horses,
to name just a few — and the importance
they came to play in Aboriginal life, it is
Australian rock art. This is not to say they do not exist
316; May et al. 2010, 2013; Taçon et al. 2012; Cooke
The famous McKinlay Expedition rock art scene from
western Arnhem Land documented by Chaloupka
horse depictions. It features a series of ‘horses’ with
riders and has been interpreted as representing the
1866 McKinlay Expedition. Of most interest for this
paper is the fact that while the artist(/s) is trying to
depict horses, the paintings merge horse and kangaroo
features, such as a tapering body shape and uneven
Members of his party did not record meeting any
Aborigines in the area, or mention seeing any signs of
their presence, but at that time of year the Aborigines
would have been living in shelters high above the in-
been aware of the movements of the Europeans and
the strange activities of the desperate party.
Country. Here, once again, the front legs are shorter
than the hind legs. Concerning these same paintings,
Just as some Eu-
unconsciously incorporated visual templates based on
foxes and other English animals, so too the indigenous
artist has drawn the European foreign in a likeness of
the antipodean familiar’.
another horse-kangaroo painting at Kabanderri, east
a large rump and powerful hindquarters but narrow-
ing the body to the chest proportions of a kangaroo’.
Figure 14. A bualo painted in x-ray style, Gagudju people, western
Arnhem Land, 1914. Source: Paddy Cahill Collection, Museum Victo-
ria (x20034) (photo by Paul S. C. Taçon).
213
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
Interestingly, this artist has incorporated traditional
sandstone
plateau of the Warddeken Indigenous Protected Area.
This innovative depiction includes a stylised head —
with horns and ears depicted in aerial view, and bones,
teeth and jaw depicted in side view. It would appear
Moreover, Chaloupka (1993: 198–199) presents a
scene from near the East Alligator River depicting two
painted with x-ray features. As he states, ‘Several of
and became skilled horsemen, enjoying the excitement
(Chaloupka 1993: 198). The inclusion of x-ray design
elements such as those also seen in the aforementioned
familiar with the anatomy of the animal and is also
embedding their subject within the artistic traditions
of the region — themselves linked to culture, clan,
Aboriginal law, and more (see Taçon 1989; Taylor 1996).
There are other examples of rock art featuring in-
troduced animals from Arnhem Land (e.g. Chaloupka
and other parts of Australia such as New South Wales
(Clegg and Ghantous 2003; McDonald 2008) and
Western Australia (Playford 2007; Paterson and Wil-
son 2009), to name just a few. That said, the presented
-
imenting with depictions of newly introduced animals
across Arnhem Land and Australia.
There is an interesting comparison to be made with
painted at one site in Jabiluka (Madjedbebe), May et
growing familiarity with the newly introduced tech-
nology among Aboriginal people of western Arnhem
Land. Of special interest is that the earliest paintings
the early contact period than in the more recent phase’.
-
belief systems over a relatively short period of time. So
painting examples, it may provide insights into the
the local Aboriginal belief systems — a process that, as
Altman (1982b, 2016) argues, may still be continuing.
evident in early Contact Period rock art’. Not a replace-
contact experiences and their impact upon Aboriginal
life. If contact rock art was being used to help minimise
disruption to traditional belief systems (cf. Frieman
process? We would argue that this particular painting,
role within communities (see also Taylor 1996; May
2006; Frieman and May 2019). Just as Aboriginal elder
Wamud Nadjamerrek claimed that the recent paint-
ings at Djurray shelter were ‘ “postcards” by visitors
from the north coast of Arnhem Land to show Jawoyn
people what they had seen’ (Wamud Nadjamerrek in
played a role in communicating important knowledge
dangerous animal would certainly have been a story
Figure 15. Bark painting by Harry Maralngurra c. 1985 (National Museum of Australia).
Rock Art Research 2020 - Volume 37, Number 2, pp. 204-216. S. K. MAY et al.
214
integrating this new creature into long-held economic
and cultural belief systems.
Conclusion
engaged with new animal species and their early at-
tempts to depict these animals before they were fully
integrated into existing artistic systems. While such
important visual record of Australian history. At the
into Aboriginal economic, social and cultural life. The
relating to ceremonial designs and indicating a place-
ment within western Arnhem Land artistic and cultural
systems. This suggests, therefore, a rapid process of
integration. While further comparative work is needed
stands alone on Injalak Hill as a symbol of the skill of
Aboriginal artists and their ability to survive and thrive
in challenging times.
Acknowledgments
We thank Injalak Arts for their ongoing support of our
rock art research in western Arnhem Land. Particular thanks
to W. Nawirridj, J. Nayinggul, and D. Gumurdul who worked
with us to document the site and shared their insights about
the place and the painting. Thanks to the students and Dr
part of the Rock Art Field School in 2007. We are grateful
to Jon Altman, Catherine Frieman and Emily Miller for
commenting on drafts of this paper and to Robert Levitus
Pamela Ri-
cardi for commenting on the historic artefacts found at the
site and Sofía C. Samper Carro for looking at photographs of
RAR reviewers who took the time to engage with the paper
and provide very insightful feedback. Finally, thanks to Paul
Research for supporting this research.
Dr Sally K. May (corresponding author)
s.may@grith.edu.au
Dr Duncan Wright
School of Archaeology and Anthropology, The Australian
National University, Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia; Duncan.
wright@anu.edu.au
ICREA, Universitat de Barcelona, SERP, Section of Prehistory
and Archaeology, Montealegre 6-8, 08001 Barcelona, Spain;
ines.domingo@ub.edu
Dr Joakim Goldhahn
School of Cultural Sciences, Linnæus University, 391 82
Kalmar, Sweden, and Adjunct Researcher at PERAHU,
joakim.
goldhahn@lnu.se
Gabriel Maralngurra
Injalak Arts, PMB131, Gunbalanya, NT, Australia
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