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DISPLACED ROHINGYA SETTLEMENT AND SECURITY CONCERN IN BANGLADESH
Abstract
In Myanmar's post-independence history, the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities have been in conflict with the Rangoon based central government. It is commonly alleged that the Rohingya are involved with separatist movements that threaten Myanmar's sovereignty. The ethnic minority Rohingya were faced with sub-violent confrontation after the military took over State power and later, and most critically, they became de jure stateless in Myanmar. The situation changed dramatically after the 2012 Buddhist-Muslim communal riots. Lastly, the quasi-civilian government launched 'operation clearance' against Rohingya civilians using the pretext of terrorist attacks on August, 2017. Since that operation, nearly a million terrorized Rohingya people crossed the border and sought shelter in Bangladesh. Almost three years on, after escaping the violence of the military in Myanmar, the refugees still live in uncertainty. This paper examines the conditions of displaced Rohingya living in different camps in Bangladesh and the extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for host country. The Government of Bangladesh and international humanitarian agencies have been successfully handling the refugee exodus. But despite progress, it is clear that the Rohingya remain in a precarious situation. After intensive field work, it is concluded that a small minority refugees are involved with antisocial activities in Bangladesh whereas the large majority of Rohingya is innocent. Nevertheless, the refugees' long presence in border areas of Bangladesh is creating socioeconomic pressure and environmental hazards on Bangladesh's limited resources.
... Some registered Rohingyas have engaged in shopkeeping, rickshaw-pulling, fishing and laboring work, and many, whether registered or unregistered, have managed to secure illegal jobs in the area (Ullah, 2011). Another bone of contention is that the local community is not getting free healthcare services from the INGOs, NGOs, or UN agencies, all of which tend to focus on the vulnerable refugees in the camps and ignore the needs of the locals (Bussabong Chaijaroenwatana, 2021). In addition, the presence of 35,000 national and foreign NGO workers working and living in the Cox's Bazar area is having an impact on the price of essential food and daily commodities, transportation and house rent, which ultra-poor locals cannot afford (L. ...
... Ahmed et al., 2021). The destruction of over 4500 acres of hill-lands and forests was needed to provide makeshift dwellings for the Rohingyas (UNDP, 2018), and it is unlikely that these forests will be able to recover within the next two decades (Bussabong Chaijaroenwatana, 2021;Hammer & Ahmed, 2020). The Kutupalong Rohingya Refugee Camp in Cox's Bazar is known globally as the largest refugee camp in the world, and it was extended after clearing 1365 acres of forest (Hammer & Ahmed, 2020). ...
... Ahmed, 2010;Ullah, 2011). A further concerning matter is that ARSA has activities in the camp at night, even though the Bangladesh security forces have consistently rejected this claim (Bussabong Chaijaroenwatana, 2021). ARSA is suspected of recruiting Rohingyas from the camp and engaging them in cross-border fighting and arms and drug trafficking (Hammer & Ahmed, 2020;International Crisis Group, 2018). ...
The long‐standing Rohingya crisis has become complicated due to geopolitical complexities, and more than a million Rohingya refugees remain stranded in Bangladesh. This situation has had a dramatic impact on Bangladesh. Shortages of international funding exacerbate the situation further, and a regional security threat could be created if the current situation continues unabated. The empirical research undertaken in this paper examines the impact of the Rohingya refugees on the social, economic, and political aspects of Bangladesh from a micro level perspective. This study follows a qualitative research methodology that uses analysis of documents and analytical interpretations of 20 in‐depth interviews from Bangladesh. Environmental destruction and the government's dilemma with controlling law and order are apparent consequences of the Rohingya influx. Competition in the labor market, economic hardships, acquiring land, and deforestation create a conflict between the host community and the Rohingya refugee group. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... "Repatriation should take place under absolute conditions of safety," the UNHCR Executive Committee emphasized. New agency guidelines have divided the duty to ensure a dignified and secure return into two parts, and the requirement to ensure "absolute safety" was left out (Haque & Chaijaroenwatana, 2021). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has recently underlined the importance of examining "the protection against armed attacks and mine-free routes during the return process" as a means to ensure safety (Rahman & Sakib, 2021). ...
The Rohingya issue is one of the most devastating humanitarian crises of the current century as more than a million Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh because of Myanmar persecution. Although the process of repatriation is still considered to be the main key to solving this problem, providing the Rohingya people with a qualitatively safe and worthy return is not without difficulties. This study examines Rohingya repatriation by assessing the interaction between human rights and policies. The concerns namely security and statelessness and legal identity which are central to the question of viability of repartees are discussed. The political legal and practical barriers inside Myanmar and other reforms on the global level are also explored. The study evaluates the effectiveness of the current frameworks of repatriation by reviewing the present repatriation agreements and policy documents, as well as by pointing to further gaps that could exist to serve the human rights aspect and as for the far more pragmatic concept of policy implementation. It argues that both the idea that sustainable repatriation can be achieved without considering human rights consequences and the idea that can be achieved without effective policy solutions are useless. Based on the observations and arguments made in the study, the following recommendations are made: The return process should be safe, voluntary, and dignified for the Rohingya; the international community should increase its commitment to and engagement for human rights protection in Myanmar and other countries, including Bangladesh; and the latter should respect the existing and future international human rights norms and ensure their application across the territories.
Burma/Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse and largest countries of Southeast Asia. Since the early days of independence, Burma failed to establish multi-party democracy and a federal system of government. After the NLD's landslide victory in 2015, it has introduced major positive changes especially the freedom of expression and association. Burma is currently undergoing a political transformation that could see the end of the decade-long conflict. However, the ethnic Rohingya Muslim minority are still marginalized from the society and have not been included in the ongoing peace and democratic development process. This paper explores the political transition in Burma/Myanmar and how Rohingya minority has been excluded from this process. In order to develop as a democratic country, Burma/Myanmar should incorporate all minorities into the political life. The Rohingya minority had strong involvement in the government before and after independence in Burma. Even in the last parliament (2010-2015), three Rohingya MPs were elected from the Muslim dominated constituency in Rakhine State. However, the situation changed for Rohingya and other Muslims after the 2012 Buddhist-Muslim riots. As a result, no political party nominated any Muslim candidate in the last parliamentary elections. Indeed, Aung Sun SuuKyi and her NLD government failed to take any effective measures to protect them. In this context, democratic transformation will not be complete in Burma/Myanmar without the full participation of Rohingyas and other Muslims in the country's economic, social and political life.
Using a Human Security approach, this study examines Rohyinga refugees in Thailand. The Myanmar government’s refusal to offer the Rohingya citizenship has rendered them effectively stateless, denied basic rights and protections. Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law was created in the name of indigenous ethnicity to deny nationality to the Rohingya. Myanmar’s military has repressed and massacred Rohingya on several occasions, most notably in 2012 and 2017. Consequently, more than a million Rohingya have fled abroad, with a relatively small number going to Thailand. The purpose of this study is to examine how the Thai government treats the displaced Rohingya and to what extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for Southern Thailand. After intensive field work and meeting with different stakeholders, this paper argues that Thailand is not a popular destination for Rohingyas but they have generally been brought to or through Thailand by human traffickers. Due to a lack of documents, Thai authorities have often sent Rohingya to detention centers or deported them. This study did not find any link between displaced Rohingya and Malay Muslim insurgents. However, there is no consistent policy from the Thai government to deal with the displaced Rohingya.
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