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Igba-Boi: Historical Transitions of the Igbo Apprenticeship Model
Abstract
Being Igbo is synonymous with being enterprising. This is perhaps the most popular impression that many people have about the Igbo of south-eastern Nigeria. Historical antecedents indicate that prior to colonisation, the Igbo engaged actively in trade and agriculture. However, the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) had an indelible impact on the economic activities and achievements of the Igbo. Since then, this ethnic nation has risen from economic ashes, and evidence abound in different commercial spaces across the globe. A critical driver of this economic renaissance is the Igba-Boi/Imu Ahia traditional business apprenticeship model. Founded on the Igbo philosophies of communality, co-prosperity and interdependence, the model is characterised by the transgenerational transfer of entrepreneurial skills and the reproduction of business champions. In this chapter, we assess the centrality of enterprise in the Igbo culture; appraise entrepreneurial activities of the Igbo during the pre-colonial and colonial periods; discuss the consequences of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), as well as the post-civil war economic revival. Specifically, we analyse the processes, opportunities and challenges of the Igbo traditional business apprenticeship. Broad-based recommendations highlight imperatives for sustainability and leveraging across cultures and contexts.
... The Igbo community, an Indigenous ethnic group in Nigeria, has historically faced systemic marginalisation, both before and after the Nigerian Civil War (1967)(1968)(1969)(1970) (Nwanegbo-Ben & Ozoigbo, 2021;Oyewunmi et al., 2020). In this context, "marginalisation" manifests as unjust treatment and social exclusion that relegates certain individuals or communities to a peripheral status (Baah et al., 2019), depriving them of access to deserved resources and opportunities. ...
... However, amidst these immense challenges, the Igbo people exhibited remarkable resilience born from their entrepreneurial philosophical foundations and solidarity, subsequently harmonising efforts to revitalise their local economy. As earlier mentioned, the Igbo entrepreneurial institutions, specifically the Igba-boi business philosophy, is that which foster communal support in venturing, mainly through skills transfer, guidance, and seed capital, encouraging young individuals to engage in various lucrative business initiatives (Obi-Ani, 2009;Oyewunmi et al., 2020;). The conscious adherence to this philosophy facilitated the intergenerational transfer of Indigenous entrepreneurial knowledge capital and the conservation of this essential knowledge system through which the Igbo community thrive. ...
Through the lens of a place-building model, this theoretical analysis of existing discourse explains the Igba-boi entrepreneurial philosophy and its transformative role in the post-Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) socioeconomic recovery of the Igbo ethnic group. It positions the entrepreneurship model as a strategic resource for capacity development within marginalised communities, ultimately advancing sustainable local economies. Using a qualitative research methodology rooted in a desktop-based literature review, this study draws attention to the core principles of the model’s philosophical foundations, emphasising its profound potential as a blueprint for similarly marginalised Indigenous communities. The model’s implementation hinges on the community’s unified acknowledgement of the importance of development, and the dedication of successful entrepreneurs in identifying, mentoring, and establishing emerging talent. Implementing this entrepreneurial philosophy offers marginalised groups a viable pathway toward economic empowerment, self-sufficiency, and the conservation of cultural heritage. Actors and policymakers can effectively fuse the model’s foundations into development frameworks for marginalised communities.
... The underlying goal of the Igbo apprenticeship system is to build a prosperous community, raise the next generation of young people, and distribute opportunities. Although it arguably takes its roots from the ancient Igbo tradition of career mentorship, where young people learned a skill or trade from a relative, the system as known today was regenerated after the Nigerian civil war, otherwise known as the Biafra War (Iwara et al., 2019;Oyewunmi et al., 2020). The war, fought between the Nigerian government and the breakaway Republic of Biafra (comprising mostly of the Igbo), ended in the unconditional surrendering of the Biafra separatists. ...
The process of apprenticeship offers beginners and new entrants into a socio-occupational community the opportunity to gain proficiency and hands-on experience under expert guidance. Anthropologists seeking extensive insights and closer interaction with skilled communities have used apprenticeship as a research method to gain deep immersion and embodied learning. Through an autoethnographic lens and drawing on anthropological fieldwork which utilized the apprenticeship research method to study youths who are part of the Igbo apprenticeship system in Onitsha market, southeast Nigeria, this paper explores the intricacies of power, positionality, and epistemology in the ethnographic research encounter. The premise of this paper is that in the ethnographer’s quest to achieve closeness, they are often mired in a methodological dilemma that exposes the power disparities between the researcher and the researched. In this case, where the researcher assumed the position of an apprentice in pursuit of embodiment, it became quickly evident that the complexity of their social position significantly influenced their research experiences and outcome – a reality that all anthropologists must contend with, whether insider or outsider.
... In addition to that, marital transitions and unconventional fertility patterns in the region have contributed to the practice, whereby women with non-marital births who are transitioning to marriage tend to foster their child (ren) especially if they are not accepted by the new partner and for the women to have more time for their new partner (Alawode, 2021;Grant & Yeatman, 2014). The practice has also been vital as a way of strengthening family ties, or an agent of socialization to teach young members of the family about their culture and tradition, and there is apprentice fostering, which is used to establish and strengthen social, economic, or political ties and alliancesvery common among Igbo people of South-East Nigeria (Nkamnebe & Ezemba, 2020;Nnama-Okechukwu et al., 2020;Oyewunmi et al., 2020). In other regions like the Southwest and North among other ethnic groups including Yorubas and Hausa, tradition seems to be the major reason for the practice as it helps to socialize their children and ensure stronger family ties (Alber et al., 2013;Olofson, 1981;Wusu & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2006). ...
Nigeria’s young population has implications for child living arrangements, such as fostering, where children live in non-biological households for various reasons. Despite documented issues, there’s a lack of contemporary evidence on this practice to guide interventions. To address this, we investigated child fostering’s level and correlates by analyzing the Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey data from 2008 to 2018 (n = 71,975) using bar charts and binary logistic regression. Child fostering rates were 5–6% over the decade and can be consistently linked to demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of mothers, children, and household heads. The study discusses the implications of these findings.
... This process is guided predominantly by traditions, social norms and networks and perceived as a process of learning specific skills and empowerment among the Igbo people. This process conforms precisely with the submissions of Adeola (2020) and Oyewunmi et al. (2020) in their descriptions of 'the Igbo traditional business school'. This process involves two families rather than two individuals, as in the case of mentoring. ...
Leather markets are critical nodes in the leather industry value chain. They attract manufacturers and small and medium enterprises that facilitate social interactions and opportunities, leading to increased availability of finished leather goods. This study explores the social transformation and organization of Mushin leather market in Lagos megacity based on data collected through observation and in-depth and key informant interviews with traders, association and community members, transporters and customers in the market. Mushin leather market evolved from a shop owned by an indigenous woman known as Iya Ijebu (Ijebu woman) into a leather trading community. State and local governments intervene minimally in the market affairs through sanitation rules and revenue collection. Routes to market socialization include mentoring and apprenticeships, with visible gender disparities. Associational membership guarantees full integration to traders. Strong business, personal and group networks structure ethnic dynamics and occupational specializations. The article reveals the inherent interdependence of social institutions in understanding the organization of the leather market, particularly in terms of how capital, associational norms and networks shape the formation of a heterogeneous market in an indigenous Yoruba community. Mushin leather market is transforming the domains of ethnic trade speciality and patterning intergroup social relations in Lagos megacity.
... Although a large corpus of literature has built up around the precolonial African educational system, there has been scant scholarly evidence on the mode of awarding African "students" on successful completion of their courses of training. Amid these limited scholarly resources, the Igba-boi business school or apprenticeship model, practised among Igbo people of South East Nigeria readily comes to mind (Agozino & Anyanike, 2007;Lady-Franca, 2016;Iwara et al., 2019;Oyewunmi et al., 2020). Under this practice, an apprentice (i.e., an aspiring entrepreneur [usually] male) lives under a master entrepreneur for a period, during which time he both learns the art of trading and serves the master. ...
As former colonies of Western imperial powers, virtually all aspects of African life have been invaded by forces of Western hegemony. Colonial mentality is the blind assimilation or internalisation of the colonial powers’ socio-cultural forms resulting in the destructive and disruptive abandonment of the ways of life of the colonies. As it applies to Africa, colonial mentality is a product of African cultural invasion in which, having been exposed to colonial experience for a long time, an average African has internalised foreign ideas and ideals—so much so that she has lost the authentic African ways of life in the process. Using philosophical methods of argumentation and critical engagements, this paper contends that a connection exists between colonial mentality and the observed failure of African universities to efficiently effectuate their relevance as Africa’s development partners. The paper identifies four key areas in which colonial mentality plays out most profoundly in African universities, namely, the nature of knowledge produced, the mode of certification, the language of instruction, and research funding. The paper argues that the incursion of colonial mentality in these vital areas continues to impede African universities’ capacity to substantively contribute to African development drives and aspirations. Given this close nexus, the paper maintains that African universities may never realise their potential as a critical sector in African development discourse. This qualitative research is based on critical inquiry through a process of identifying, questioning and assessing deeply held assumptions about Western hegemony. The paper concludes that decolonisation in learning spaces can only be a feasible project if it is accorded the seriousness that it deserves by all stakeholders both within and outside the university.
... Although a large corpus of literature has built up around the precolonial African educational system, there has been scant scholarly evidence on the mode of awarding African "students" on successful completion of their courses of training. Amid these limited scholarly resources, the Igba-boi business school or apprenticeship model, practised among Igbo people of South East Nigeria readily comes to mind (Agozino & Anyanike, 2007;Lady-Franca, 2016;Iwara et al., 2019;Oyewunmi et al., 2020). Under this practice, an apprentice (i.e., an aspiring entrepreneur [usually] male) lives under a master entrepreneur for a period, during which time he both learns the art of trading and serves the master. ...
As former colonies of Western imperial powers, virtually all aspects of African life have been invaded by forces of Western hegemony. Colonial mentality is the blind assimilation or internalisation of the colonial powers' socio-cultural forms resulting in the destructive and disruptive abandonment of the ways of life of the colonies. As it applies to Africa, colonial mentality is a product of African cultural invasion in which, having been exposed to colonial experience for a long time, an average African has internalised foreign ideas and ideals-so much so that she has lost the authentic African ways of life in the process. Using philosophical methods of argumentation and critical engagements, this paper contends that a connection exists between colonial mentality and the observed failure of African universities to efficiently effectuate their relevance as Africa's development partners. The paper identifies four key areas in which colonial mentality plays out most profoundly in African universities, namely, the nature of knowledge produced, the mode of certification, the language of instruction, and research funding. The paper argues that the incursion of colonial mentality in these vital areas continues to impede African universities' capacity to substantively contribute to African development drives and aspirations. Given this close nexus, the paper maintains that African universities may never realise their potential as a critical sector in African development discourse. This qualitative research is based on critical inquiry through a process of identifying, questioning and assessing deeply held assumptions about Western hegemony. The paper concludes that decolonisation in learning spaces can only be a feasible project if it is accorded the seriousness that it deserves by all stakeholders both within and outside the university.
The Alaba International market, a hub for electronics, electrical goods, ICT products, and allied businesses, is a significant commercial hub. With over 5,000 registered enterprises and 100,000 dealers (Awoniyi, 2016) supported by a strong apprenticeship incubator scheme (The Igbo Business School Scheme), the market attracts many business visitors from West Africa and beyond. However, the market's alleged lack of acceptable business ethics, etiquettes, and corporate governance standards impacts government revenue generation and socioeconomic development. Therefore, a shift from a tradership mindset to an entrepreneurial mindset is crucial, as trading proficiency doesn't necessarily translate to entrepreneurship proficiency. Trading skills and entrepreneurship abilities are distinct, and their outcomes also vary. As a result, this study, adopting the Narrative-Textual Case Study methodology (NTCS), employs Hagen's Social Change theory to suggest that proactive traders and their apprentices can systematically become entrepreneurial by acquiring some requisite entrepreneurial knowledge and adjusting their tradership mindset, while retaining some good aspects of tradership that agree with entrepreneurship. This will extricate them from the toga of merchants of fake and cheap products to a respectable position in the entrepreneurship cadre. Hence, the need for a transition from a trader mindset to an entrepreneurial mindset is hereby advocated. Besides emphasizing the acquisition of requisite skills and social capitals for value creation for the purposes of wealth creation, multiplication, distribution, diversification, preservation, and perpetuation, this transmutation should also be driven by the enhancement of human skills and competencies. The study deliberately delved into various variables, including challenges in the Alaba International Market ecosystem, and submits that there is need for both LGA and State government authorities to create an enabling business environment to promote entrepreneurship transition. This, ultimately, would promote quality products and services, fair competition, transparency, better customer relations, rule of law, human rights, inclusivity, ethical behavior, environmental conservation, and adaptive learning that can endanger socioeconomic development in Nigeria.
OPEN ACCESS ARTICLE: This article examines how religiosity and spirituality influence entrepreneurial behaviour. The focus is on indigenous Igbos in Nigeria. Igbos are famous for successfully establishing transgenerational business legacies and indigenous enterprise clusters across West Africa. They are also notorious for their cultural devotion and belief in Chi or Chukwu (God), alusi (gods, spirits or deities), ndi ichie (ancestors) and the oracle. Hence, the majority of Igbo personal names contain the word ‘Chi’. Igbo cultural values are based on the spiritual maxims of ‘Onye a Hana Nwanne ya’ (don’t leave your brother behind), ‘Onye biri ebeya biri’ (live and let live) and ‘Akuruno’ (make wealth reach home). These charactertics make the Igbos a unique population, which allows us to examine the links between their entrepreneurial behaviour, religion and spirituality. Using a qualitative design (interviews), we analyzed expert data provided by 34 Igbo entrepreneurs to clarify these links. The findings reveal that ‘other-worldly’ and ‘this worldly’ orientation are the two main forces that influence entrepreneurial behaviour. An ‘other-worldly’ orientation influences entrepreneurial behaviour such that the pursuit of a family business lifestyle has become the norm. Also, ‘this worldly’ orientation influences entrepreneurial behaviour that is associated with risk-taking, informal entrepreneurial learning, community-based entrepreneurship, social responsibility, etc.
In recent times, the entrepreneurial performance of the Igbo people of Nigeria has become outstanding. This is as most increasing numbers of small and medium scale enterprises (SMEs), as well as large business enterprises (LBEs) which underscore growth of Nigerian economy are owned and managed by the Igbo people. More still, this gross commercial performance of the Igbos even prevails amidst harsh increasing circumstances. The Igbo in fact cannot be successfully entrepreneurial on a vacuum. There must be some bases for their socioeconomic performance. This paper analytically investigates peculiar sources, circumstances and skills that are the fulcrum of increasing socioeconomic performance of the Igbo people. The study finds that entrepreneurial performance of the Igbos is underscored by their economic culture and value, which are highly existential in their traditions and belief system. These are however fostered by the long years of marginalization by successive Nigerian governments, as well as other prominent factors in pre and post independence Nigeria. The research concludes that with this progressive rate, Igbo people will in time be a force to reckon with in the socio-political and techno-economic sector of Nigeria and Africa at large.
Knowledge production within the field of business research is accelerating at a tremendous speed while at the same time remaining fragmented and interdisciplinary. This makes it hard to keep up with state-of-the-art and to be at the forefront of research, as well as to assess the collective evidence in a particular area of business research. This is why the literature review as a research method is more relevant than ever. Traditional literature reviews often lack thoroughness and rigor and are conducted ad hoc, rather than following a specific methodology. Therefore, questions can be raised about the quality and trustworthiness of these types of reviews. This paper discusses literature review as a methodology for conducting research and offers an overview of different types of reviews, as well as some guidelines to how to both conduct and evaluate a literature review paper. It also discusses common pitfalls and how to get literature reviews published.
The research problem that the study addressed was the relationship between entrepreneurship and three (3) variables speculated to exist among the Igbo of southeast Nigeria. The identified variables were as follows: Personality Traits, Cultural Traits, and SocioEconomic Environment. The Research Objective was specifically to find out if indeed there were any significant relationships between entrepreneurship among the Igbos and the three variables. To operationalize or kick-off the study the researchers formulated three hypotheses in the null version, proposing that no relationships existed. For methodology, the primary data collected from a convenient sample of five hundred entrepreneurs was used. These research subjects were owners of business enterprises registered with their States' Corporate Affairs Commission in the five states of the geo-political zone. The registers provided the sampling frame. The instrument of data collection was a closed-ended questionnaire constructed for the purpose and calibrated with the Likert-type ordinal measurement and rating scale. The data analysis was done at two levels employing first, the descriptive analyses and lastly the inferential analyses. The descriptive analysis made use of frequency tables, mean scores, and percentages while the inferential analyses made use of regression analyses. The findings were that there were significant relationships between entrepreneurship as the dependent variable (Regressand) and the three independent variables (Regressors). The regression output was further used to test the hypotheses. In conclusion, we rejected the three stated null hypotheses and accepted the alternatives. Recommendations based on the findings, discussion of findings and the conclusions were made. Our contribution to knowledge lies on the use of the south east entrepreneurs as the population of study for the three drivers of entrepreneurship. We are not yet aware of any such previous study. If there is, then ours is a corroboration expanding the frontiers of knowledge.
Different personalities constitute modern workplaces. One of such personalities is the corporate psychopath, whose presence poses manifold threats to organizational existence. This study examines the personality of the corporate psychopath and specifically investigates the relationship between corporate psychopathy and employee burnout. A total of 104 respondents within a university setting in Nigeria completed measures of corporate psychopathy to establish the existence of the traits in their managers; a self-report measure of employee burnout was also completed. Corporate psychopathy correlates positively and significantly with emotional exhaustion, de-personalization and decreased personal accomplishment. Results indicate that corporate psychopathy is an underlying factor of employee burnout. Enhanced whistle-blowing structures and ethical regeneration are proffered to mitigate the consequences of corporate psychopathy in the face of cultural complexes that fan its flames.
This survey explores the important connection between institutions and entrepreneurship. Institutions consist of the formal and informal ‘rules of the game.’ Entrepreneurs act within a context determined by these rules. The rules of the game create payoffs that make certain entrepreneurial opportunities more attractive than others. We explore the relevant literature from institutional economics and entrepreneurial studies, focusing on the important link between the two. Particular emphasis is placed on entrepreneurship within several different institutional settings - private for-profit, private non-profit and political - as well as the impact of entrepreneurship on institutions. We conclude by discussing the implications for future research on the topic.
Central to the capitalist orientation introduced to the Third World nations through colonialism is the role of entrepreneurs in development. This group is still perceived as inevitable if these nations are to develop. In spite of all the attempts to develop date, very little is being achieved. While this monograph recognises the importance of entrepreneurs in development, it asserts that these entrepreneurs have always existed in pre-colonial Nigeria but the re-orientation brought about through capitalism has fundamentally affected the pre-colonial situation. As such, there is a disjuncture between the latter and the present capitalist expectation. More importantly, the author tries to debunk the position of certain Europian writers that certain ethnic groups are better entrepreneurs than others. Thus, the responsiveness of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria to European economic incentives was a result of a certain historico-sociological position that this group occupies in Nigeria, It is posited that as the nation approaches the twenty-first-century, one cannot say with certainty that ethnicity should be the main consideration for entrepreneurial ability. It is the political economy of each nation within the World Capitalist System that will determine the emergent scenario.
Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country and the world’s eighth largest oil producer, but its success has been undermined in recent decades by ethnic and religious conflict, political instability, rampant official corruption and an ailing economy. Toyin Falola, a leading historian intimately acquainted with the region, and Matthew Heaton, who has worked extensively on African science and culture, combine their expertise to explain the context to Nigeria’s recent troubles through an exploration of its pre-colonial and colonial past, and its journey from independence to statehood. By examining key themes such as colonialism, religion, slavery, nationalism and the economy, the authors show how Nigeria’s history has been swayed by the vicissitudes of the world around it, and how Nigerians have adapted to meet these challenges. This book offers a unique portrayal of a resilient people living in a country with immense, but unrealized, potential.
This paper examines the portrayal of the Igbo family in four novels: Ubesie's Isi Akwụ Dara N'ala (1973), Nzeakọ's Nkọlị (1973) and Jụọchi (1981), and Madụekwe's Uru Nwa (1978). Each of these novels explores problems that mar family relationships in Igbo traditional society. Ubesie's Isi Akwụ Dara N'ala portrays how a family can be destabilized by war, and a marriage can be ruined by a wife's unbridled waywardness and promiscuity. Nzeakọ's Jụọchi exposes how a wife's arrogance and negligence of her domestic responsibil-ity, as well as a husband's moral laxity can destabilize a family. Nzeakọ's Nkọlị explores how co-wives' bitter rivalry and acrimony disrupt harmonious and cordial relationships in a po-lygamous family, and are sometimes occasioned by inimical external forces. Finally, Madụekwe's Uru Nwa depicts how a man's distrust and allegations of infidelity against his wife can lead to a broken home. Uru Nwa also shows how a female child doggedly playing a manly role can reunite her parents. These and other attributes of Igbo family life, highlighted by each of the novelists, show that Igbo novels depict a range of human social behavior.
Why have informal enterprise networks failed to promote economic development in Africa? Although social networks were thought to offer a solution to state incapacity and market failure, the proliferation of socially embedded enterprise networks across Africa has generated disorder and economic decline rather than development. This book challenges the prevailing assumption that the problem of African development lies in bad cultural institutions by showing that informal economic governance in Nigeria is shaped, not just by culture, but by the disruptive effects of rapid liberalization, state decline and political capture.
Identity Economics traces the rise of two dynamic informal enterprise clusters in Nigeria, and explores their slide into trajectories of Pentecostalism, poverty and violent vigilantism. Drawing on over twenty years of empirical research on African informal economies, the author highlights the institutional legacies, networking strategies and globalizing dynamics that shape the regulatory role of social networks in Africa's largest and most turbulent economy. Through an ethnography of informal economic governance, this book shows how ties of ethnicity, class, gender and religion are used to restructure enterprise networks in response to contemporary economic challenges. Moving beyond primordialist interpretations of African culture, attention is drawn to the critical role of the state and the macro-economic policy environment in shaping trajectories of informal economic governance.
There is an Igbo saying that the world is a marketplace (uwa bu ahia). This simple worldview can be explained literally to
mean that the Igbo think so because trading is a prominent occupation among the Igbo (it could also mean that a marketplace
is the epicenter of community social and business interaction). That might be why the Igbo weekdays are named after their
markets – Eke, Orie, Afo, Nkwo. Children born on any of these market days often assume the default name as in Okeke or Mgbeke,
Okorie or Mgborie, Okafo or Mgbafo, Okonkwo or Mgbonkwo for male or female children, respectively, born on the corresponding
market days. We are yet to come across another culture for which the market holds such a fascinating centrality in their worldview
even while they see themselves as ruggedly egalitarian. The meaning of the thesis statement that the world is a marketplace
is deeper than the literal interpretation. The deeper meaning is the suggestion that all the problems we encounter in this
world are open to negotiation, haggling and bargaining. Some people come into the market place with greater resources than
others and therefore are able to buy more goods and services just as some people are born or raised with greater resources,
increasing their bargaining power in the global marketplace. When the Igbo say that the world is a market, they usually complete
the sentence by observing that when one buys to one’s content, one goes home. The home referred to here is the land of the
ancestors to which the Igbo believe the spirits of the dead return to bargain for a better life in their next incarnation.
If one’s creator dealt one a raw deal in this life, one can still bargain with his/her personal God (or Chi) and haggle for
a better break in the next life. In other words, the Igbo intend the paradox that the world is a market as a description of
the global world and not simply just the Igbo world. This paper will focus on how the Igbo organize the training of children
in commercial and consumerist activities given their mercantilist worldview. Are there lessons that other cultures could learn
from the Igbo and are there lessons that the Igbo could learn from the social structure of modernist business schools?
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