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With the rise of online platforms where individuals could gather and spread information came the rise of online cybercrimes aimed at taking advantage of not just single individuals but collectives. In response, researchers and practitioners began trying to understand this digital playground and the way in which individuals who were socially and digitally embedded could be manipulated. What is emerging is a new scientific and engineering discipline—social cybersecurity. This paper defines this emerging area, provides case examples of the research issues and types of tools needed, and lays out a program of research in this area.
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Vol.:(0123456789)
Computational and Mathematical Organization Theory (2020) 26:365–381
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10588-020-09322-9
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S.I. : SOCIAL CYBER-SECURITY
Social cybersecurity: anemerging science
KathleenM.Carley1
Published online: 16 November 2020
© The Author(s) 2020
Abstract
With the rise of online platforms where individuals could gather and spread infor-
mation came the rise of online cybercrimes aimed at taking advantage of not just
single individuals but collectives. In response, researchers and practitioners began
trying to understand this digital playground and the way in which individuals who
were socially and digitally embedded could be manipulated. What is emerging is a
new scientific and engineering discipline—social cybersecurity. This paper defines
this emerging area, provides case examples of the research issues and types of tools
needed, and lays out a program of research in this area.
Keywords Social cybersecurity· Social network analysis· Dynamic network
analysis· Social media analytics· Review
In today’s high tech world, beliefs opinions and attitudes are shaped as people
engage with others in social media, and through the internet. Stories from creditable
news sources and finding from science are challenged by actors who are actively
engaged in influence operations on the internet. Lone wolfs, and large propaganda
machines both disrupt civil discourse, sew discord and spread disinformation. Bots,
cyborgs, trolls, sock-puppets, deep fakes, and memes are just a few of the technolo-
gies used in social engineering aimed at undermining civil society and supporting
adversarial or business agendas. How can social discourse without undue influence
persist in such an environment? What are the types of tools and theories needed to
support such open discourse?
Today scientists from a large number of disciplines are working collaboratively
to develop these new tools and theories. There work has led to the emergence of a
new area of science—social cybersecurity. Herein, this emerging scientific area is
described. Illustrative case studies are used to showcase the types of tools and theo-
ries needed. New theories and methods are also described.
* Kathleen M. Carley
kathleen.carley@cs.cmu.edu
1 Center forInformed Democracy andSocial Cybersecurity, Carnegie Mellon University,
Pittsburgh, PA, USA
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K.M.Carley
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1 Social cybersecurity
In response to these cyber-mediated threats to democracy, a new scientific discipline
has emerged—social cybersecurity. As noted by the National Academies of Science
NAS (2019): Social cybersecurity is an applied computational social science with
two objectives
“characterize, understand, and forecast cyber-mediated changes in human
behavior and in social, cultural, and political outcomes; and
build a social cyber infrastructure that will allow the essential charac-
ter of a society to persist in a cyber-mediated information environment
that is characterized by changing conditions, actual or imminent social
cyberthreats, and cyber-mediated threats.”
Social cybersecurity is both a new scientific and a new engineering field. It is a
computational social science with a large foot in the area of applied research. Draw-
ing on a huge range of disciplines the new technologies and findings in social cyber-
security have near immediate application on the internet. The findings and methods
are relevant to policy makers, scholars, and corporations.
Social cybersecurity uses computational social science techniques to identify,
counter, and measure (or assess) the impact of communication objectives. The meth-
ods and findings in this area are critical, and advance industry-accepted practices
for communication, journalism and marketing research. The field itself has a theory,
application, and policy component. The methods build on work in high dimensional
network analysis, data science, machine learning, natural language processing and
agent-based simulation. These methods are used to provide evidence about who is
manipulating social media and the internet for/against you or your organization,
what methods are being used, and how these social manipulation methods can be
countered. They also support cyber diplomacy (Goolsby 2020).
Social cybersecurity uses computational social science techniques to identify,
counter, and measure (or assess), the impact of influence campaigns, and to identify
and inoculate those at risk against such campaigns. The methods and findings in this
area are critical, and advance practices for intelligence and forensics research. These
methods also provide scalable techniques for assessing and predicting the impact of
influence operations carried out through social media, and for securing social activ-
ity on the internet and mitigating the effects of malicious and undue influence. As
such they are critical for creating a more secure and resilient society.
Influence campaigns vary widely, and who is at risk in part depends on those
conducting the influence campaign and in part on the context. For example, in
our research we found that influence campaigns appearing to come from state-
level actors during the elections in Western Europe and the US from 2016 to
2020 were often aimed at minorities. For example, they targeted women, eth-
nic minorities, and the LGBQT community. In contrast, in India as COVID-19
ramped up internal non-state groups launched anti-Muslim campaigns. As movies
like the Black Panther and Captain Marvel were released individual’s launched
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Social cybersecurity: anemerging science
campaigns against the movies. In the elections in the Asia Pacific region influ-
ence campaigns often take the form of promoting pro-China candidates. Many
influence campaigns are aimed at specific individuals trying to recruit them to a
new cause, or engage them in insider threat activity.
Social cybersecurity is distinct from cybersecurity. Cybersecurity is focused
on machines, and how computers and databases can be compromised. In con-
trast, social cybersecurity is focused on humans and how these humans can be
compromised, converted, and relegated to the unimportant. Where cybersecurity
experts are expected to understand the technology, computer science, and engi-
neering; social cybersecurity experts are expected to understand social communi-
cation and community building, statistics, social networks, and machine learning.
Social cybersecurity is also distinct from cognitive security. Cognitive security is
focused on human cognition and how messages can be crafted to take advantage
of normal cognitive limitations. In contrast, social cybersecurity is focused on
humans situated in society and how the digital environment can be manipulated
to alter both the community and the narrative. Where cognitive security experts
are expected to understand psychology, social cybersecurity experts are expected
to have a broader social science expertise.
In our research we have found that there is some work in social cybersecurity
that draws on most scientific fields. In a recent study of the field, we identified
1437 papers up through 2019. Each journal was coded by the dominant scientific
fields that it is associated with. The results was a set of 43 disciplines. In Fig.1
we show the discipline to discipline network where the links indicate the number
of articles that draw on both disciplines. The size of the nodes indicate the num-
ber of articles associated with that discipline.
Fig. 1 Network diagram of the interdisciplinary nature of the field of social cybersecurity. Nodes are dis-
ciplines and are sized by number of articles. Links are number of articles associated with both disciplines
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As seen in Fig.1, social cybersecurity is very much a computational social sci-
ence, with a strong interdisciplinary focus drawing on the social and communica-
tion and computer sciences. The dominant methods are social network analysis,
data mining, and artificial intelligence (which includes language technologies and
machine learning). The areas that have dominated research in this area are largely
ones that draw on theories from diverse disciplines.
Within social cybersecurity artificial intelligence is coupled with social network
analysis to provide new tools and metrics to support the decision maker. Recent
research in social cybersecurity is enabling new tools to support research method-
ology and metrics-based decision making for communicators. The following case
studies highlight the types of research findings made possible in the area of social
cybersecurity using these new tools. After presenting these case studies we then turn
to a discussion of a new orienting approach for doing research in social cybersecu-
rity, referred to as the BEND framework. Collectively, these items provide a glimpse
into the core of this emerging scientific field.
What are the dominant themes in social cybersecurity? As can be seen in Fig.2,
the dominant research area currently is disinformation. This is followed by research
on user behavior and networks on the web, and then research on politics and democ-
racy. In Fig.2 each node represents a research topic and the size of the node reflects
the number of articles on that topic. There are two caveats, first, the size of the dis-
information node is growing rapidly with all the new papers related to COVID-19
and the elections. Second, the reader may wonder why privacy does not appear. This
is because privacy was viewed as a separate field unto itself and papers in that area
were not include in the analysis.
2 Case study 1: building community insocial media
In Ukraine there were a group of young men sending out provocative images of
women. They didn’t know each other they were just posting images they liked. Bots
were used in an influence campaign to send out tweets mentioning each other and
multiple of these young men at once. This led the men to learn of others who, like
Fig. 2 Research topic areas in social cybersecurity
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Social cybersecurity: anemerging science
them, were sending out these images. They formed an online group—a topic ori-
ented community. Once formed, the bots now-and-then tweeted information about
where to get guns, ammunition, and how to get involved in the fight. Why did this
work?
The cyber landscape is populated by topic oriented communities—groups of
actors all communicating with each other about a topic of interest. Each actor can
be in many topic oriented communities. Actors can be people, bots, cyborgs (person
with bot assistance), trolls (person seeking to disrupt, a corporation or government
account using a fake persona and often engaging in hate speech and identity bash-
ing), and so forth. Members of a topic oriented community are loosely connected
by the fact that they interact with each other. For example, they might friend, fol-
low, retweet, mention, reply, quote or like each other. Some actors will be opinion
leaders, some will have a disproportionate ability to get messages to the community
(super-spreaders), some will be highly involved in the mutual give and take of an
on-going discussion (super-spreaders), some will just be lurking on the sidelines.
The members of topic oriented communities are also loosely connected because
they are sending or sending or receiving messages about the same topics. For exam-
ple, they are all discussing the Army-Navy game. Some actors will be more actively
engaged and send more messages. Topic oriented communities range in size and
how they are organized; e.g. plane spotters is a vast community that is only slightly
connected. Through new tools and research methodologies that measure commu-
nication impacts via social media, it is now possible to measure and visualize data
to demonstrate topic oriented communities that become overly connected become
echo-chambers. (Note: An echo-chamber is a pathologic form of a topic oriented
community in which the level of connection is extremely dense and the topic highly
shared and narrow.) Messages sent within echo-chambers reach all quickly, and such
groups can often be readily excited to respond emotionally rather than rationally to
outside information.
For Ukraine bots were used to send communications which basically introduced
these young men to each other through the use of @mentions. These bots also sent
provocative images. The young men then began to follow each other forming a topic
oriented community. In Ukraine influencers created/controlled the bots that con-
ducted a “build” campaign to misinform (engendering social connections between
the young men by mentioning them together). At the same time, they conducted an
“enhance” campaign by rebroadcasting some images and pointing to others and an
“excite” campaign with new positive language. Once the group was established, a
“distort” campaign appeared bringing in information relative to the revolution.
For additional details on this case study see (Benigni etal. 2019).
3 Case study 2: increasing communicative reach insocial media
Syrian expats and sympathizers with ISIS were engaged in social media conversa-
tions. This included listening to the preaching’s of a prominent Imam. A group of
actors infiltrated this group and redirected attention to a site collecting money for the
children of Syria. How was this done?
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In social media, your followers may not receive your messages, or your messages
may not be prioritized so that they appear prominently to those concerned with your
messages. Social media platforms use your social network position (how you are
connected to others), and the content of your message, to decide who to recom-
mend your message to, when, and in what order. Who you mention in posts, which
hashtags you use, whether you use memes or link to YouTube videos, the frequency
with which you post, the number of others who follow you or like your posts, all
impact whether your message is prioritized.
In this Syrian ex-pat community influencers created/controlled a social influence
bot, the Firibi gnome bot. This set of bots was used to conduct a sophisticated influ-
ence campaign. Multiple copies of this bot were released which proceeded to send
out messages mentioning each other and so engaged in a “build” campaign to mis-
inform. The results was a topic oriented community of bots, which meant that mes-
sages from any one bot would be recommended to others interested in similar topics.
Then these bots started following retweeting messages from an Imam, who may not
have been aware of this activity. This “boosted” the social influence of the Imam,
and “engaged” the bot with the community. Since the Imam was a super-spreader,
this also meant that messages from the Firibi gnome would be prioritized to the
Imams followers. Then, the Firibi gnome bot engaged in an “enhance” campaign
and started sending messages recommending the charity website. This message was
then prioritized.
For additional details on this case study see (Benigni etal. 2017).
4 Case study 3: conspiracies insocial media
As COVID-19 spread so to dis disinformation regarding the pandemic. Thousands
of disinformation stories were spread focusing on false cures and prevention tech-
niques, false characterization of government response, and claims of leaders hav-
ing COVID even when they did not. Throughout a number of conspiracy stories
appeared and began to gain traction. How was this done?
In social media, messages gain traction through amplification and saturation. A
message from a single actor or site can be amplified and spread by bots and trolls.
This means those messages will get shared disproportionately and may even be
made to trend. The more shared, the more the story gets prioritized to individuals
who do not pay attention to the original source but may be following users who fol-
low those who follow the source. Further, in social media the presence of a story
on two or more platforms does not mean that the story has been independently vali-
dated. Indeed stories often appear on one platform, and bots and trolls are used to
push it to other platforms. Marketing firms hired to spread disinformation can place
the same story simultaneously in different forms on each of the platforms. Twitter,
e.g., is often used to garner attention to YouTube videos and to promulgate stories
that first appear in Blogs or on Facebook. The more platforms a story appears on,
the more it saturates the digital space, the more real it seems, particularly when it
is accompanied by images and videos and supported by celebrities and authorities.
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A number of conspiracies surrounded COVID-19. One is that the virus was cre-
ated in a US lab and carried to Wuhan by US soldiers engaged in a war game, and
another is that it was created by Bill Gates and then spread as step 1 in a plan to
create a new world order. Stories regarding some of these conspiracies appeared on
Chinese state sponsored media. Bots surrounding these media then retweeted the
stories—thus amplifying the reach. Related stories and even a “plandemic” video
were released on multiple media e.g., Facebook, YouTube, Twitter and Instagram.
Bots further amplified these messages or sent messages with the related URLS.
Trolls, employed hate speech to denigrate those that tried to counter the conspiracy
messages, were implicated by the conspiracy messages, or that were anticipated to
not believe the conspiracy messages. The same conspiracy stories, often providing
additional details, also appeared on the purported “fake news” news-sites which are
websites that purport to be news agencies but either are not news sites or have dubi-
ous editorial procedures and are known for spreading disinformation. Large numbers
of bots surround these sites and would send out messages with URLS to these sites.
Even larger numbers of bots retweeted messages referencing these sites. The result
was a topic oriented community of conspiracy theorists, bots, and trolls around vari-
ous conspiracy thrusts, an increase in the number of conspiracies that were spread-
ing, the re-appearance of conspiracy stories even if they were banned, and increas-
ingly elaborate conspiracies such as the new world order.
For additional details on this case study see (Huang, 2019).
5 The BEND framework
The foregoing case studies indicate the types of issues that need to be considered
by a social cybersecurity researcher or practitioner. They also suggest the need for
new technologies such as those to identify disinformation, bots, trolls, cyborgs and
memes. Finally they point to the need for new theories to make sense of the way
in which influence plays out in social media. One such transdisciplinary theory is
referred to as the BEND framework.
Influence campaigns are often described in terms of the 4Ds—distract, distort,
dismay and disrupt (Nimmo, 2015). These are often used to describe information
operations by Russia. However, as the three case studies illustrate influence opera-
tions don’t involve just messages with distract, distort, dismay or disrupt campaigns.
Our research suggests that a broader understanding of information maneuvers is
needed. Specifically, information campaigns that are successful typically impact
both community and narrative. That is maneuvers are conducted that alter both who
is communicating with whom as well as what is being communicated. Further, the
4Ds are essentially negative maneuvers; that is, they are problem creation not prob-
lem solution maneuvers. In the Ukraine—images were used to excite, in Syria—
messages were used to explain, in COVID-19 explain and enhance messages were
used. While in each case these are not the only kind of messages used, the point is,
there was more than just the 4Ds. The.
BEND framework argues that influence campaigns are comprised of sets of nar-
rative and structural maneuvers, carried out by one or more actors by engaging
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others in the cyber environment with the intent of altering topic-oriented commu-
nities and the position of actors within these communities. A topic oriented com-
munity is a group of actors who are more or less talking to each other about more
or less the same thing. This engagement with the topic oriented community is often
assisted by or carried out by bots, trolls and cyborgs in addition to human users.
This engagement is aimed at manipulating either or both the narrative (what is being
talked about) and the community (who is talking to whom). Bots, trolls, cyborgs and
humans engage with others in cyberspace in ways designed to, and send messages
that are constructed to, take advantage of three things: the technology, the mind and
emotions, and the world view. Technology: these activities are designed to exploit
the algorithms that prioritize the order in which messages are presented and the rec-
ommendation algorithms so that messages selected by the perpetrator appear first,
often, and trend, and the goods, services, urls, and actors they mention are recom-
mended to the readers. Mind & Emotion: these activities are designed to exploit nat-
ural human biases and reflexes such as confirmation bias, escalation of commitment,
and the fear or flight reflex. World View: these activities are designed to make use
human social cognition, the set of heuristics we use to make sense of vast quantities
of data in terms of group—such as the generalized other and stereotyping.
In social cybersecurity, theories and methods go hand-in-hand. Hence associated
with the BEND theory is a methodology for empirically assessing which maneu-
vers are being used and for measuring the impact of social media communication
research, planning, and objectives (Beskow and Carley 2019). The BEND frame-
work thus has associated with it a set of methods and tools for looking at who
engaged in what information maneuvers directed at whom with what impact. The
BEND framework characterizes communication objectives and so the maneuvers
into 16 objectives such that 8 are aimed at shaping the social networks of who is
communicating with whom and 8 are aimed at shaping the narrative. For the social
network, there are four positive objectives (the four B’s) and four negative objectives
(the four N’s). Similarly, for shaping the narrative there are four positive objectives
(the four E’s) and the four traditional negative objectives (the four D’s). These are
described in Table1.
The BEND framework is the product of years of research on disinformation and
other forms of communication based influence campaigns, and communication
objectives of Russia and other adversarial communities, including terror groups such
as ISIS that began in late December of 2013. It draws on both findings regarding
the communication objectives and tactics of adversarial actors adversarial (Benigni
etal. 2017; Lucas and Nimmo 2015; Manheim 1994), political influence (Howard
and Kollanyi 2016; Howard et al. 2018; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995), marketing
(Webster 2020), psychology (Sanborn and Harris 2013). The BEND Framework
addresses these communication objectives and tactics from a transdisciplinary per-
spective. Early evidence suggests that excite, enhance, dismay, and distort may be
the most common communication objectives used to spread disinformation.
The BEND framework is more than a description of the maneuvers shown in
Table1. It begins with identifying the types of user who is conducting a maneuver
or is targeted by such a maneuver. Actors are characterized by whether they are bots,
trolls, news agencies, government actors, celebrities or are influential super-friends
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Table 1 Communication objectives BEND
Manipulating the narrative Manipulating the social network
Positive Engage Messages that bring up a related but relevant topic Back Actions that increase the importance of the opinion leader or create
a new opinion leader
Explain Messages that provides details on or elaborate the topic Build Actions that create a group or the appearance of a group
Excite messages that elicit a positive emotion such as joy or excitement Bridge Actions that build a connection between two or more groups
Enhance Messages that encourage the topic-group to continue with the
topic
Boost Actions that grow the size of the group or make it appear that it has
grown
Negative Dismiss Messages about why the topic is not important Neutralize Actions decrease the importance of the opinion leader
Distort Messages that alter the main message of the topic Nuke Actions that lead to a group being dismantled or breaking up, or
appearing to be broken up
Dismay Messages that elicit a negative emotion such as sadness or anger Narrow Actions that lead to a group becoming sequestered from other
groups or marginalized
Distract Discussion about a totally different topic and irrelevant Neglect Actions that reduce the size of the group or make it appear that the
group has grown smaller
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(those with a high number of reciprocated ties in social media), super-spreaders
(those with a high number of others who they reach with their messages e.g. a large
number of followers etc.) or are otherwise influential in social media (e.g. send a
large number of messages). Actors being targeted can be topic oriented communities
or individual actors. Then each of the messages are characterized for which of the 16
maneuverers the message is consistent with using a set of discreet measures. Finally,
impact in terms of change in the target is assessed from a social network perspective
and content perspective exploring how over time the target has changed.
Associated with the BEND maeuvers are a series of measures and indicators for
each of the objectives. These have been operationalized, are now part of the ORA-
PRO social media tools, and have been tested on Twitter data. They were used in
assessing data during various NATO exercises, Naval exercises, elections, and disas-
ters. We find that in many cases complex influence campaigns involve using multi-
ple BEND objectives as was described in the three case studies.
6 Using social network analysis andarticial intelligence
One of the key tools in social cybersecurity is high dimensional dynamic social net-
work analysis. Social network analysis is the analysis of who interacts with whom.
Network techniques have long been used in intelligence for identifying groups and
tracking adversarial actors and by marketers for identifying key informants and
opinion leaders. With social media such techniques have been expanded to enable
scalable solutions for massive data that take into account multiple types of rela-
tions among actors as well as relations among resources, ideas and so forth. Today
such high dimensional dynamic network techniques underlie social media analysis.
The two interaction networks—such as (1) who likes or retweets whom and (2) the
content of the messages—are treated as networks. The techniques to identify these
interactions are embedded in ORA-PRO and are used for identifying topic-groups
and the influential actors within these groups; the depth of this data is not possible
with other off-the-shelf analysis tools. Running social network techniques on social
media provides indicators that can then be used in machine learning tools to identify
actors and messages of interest such as bots, cyborgs, and trolls.
Artificial intelligence (AI) techniques, particularly machine learning and natu-
ral language processing techniques are also key tools in social cybersecurity. AI,
and particularly machine learning (ML), are often pointed to as force multipliers in
dealing with the vast quantity of digital data available today. Such technologies are
clearly of value; however, they are not the panacea envisioned. The problems faced
by the military in social cyberwar are continually changing and often occur only
once; thus, new technique for responding are continuously needed. Further, current
AI and ML techniques are often focused on easily measured data rather than the
more volatile socio-political-cultural context.
Language technologies are used for translation, sentiment, and stance detection.
Most sentiment tools simply inform the reader if a message containing a word of inter-
est is positive or negative, which often has no relation to the sentiment about the word
of interest. We find that as much as 50% of the time the sentiment toward the word of
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interest is the opposite as the sentiment of the message as a whole. Consider the senti-
ment toward U.S. in the message—“I hate Russian interference in social media and
treatment of the U.S. as evil”. The sentiment of the message as a whole is negative; but
it is positive toward the U.S..In contrast, the NetMapper system used with the BEND
framework identifies the sentiment about the word of interest, and measures a set of
subconscious CUES in the message to assess the sender’s emotional state.
Machine learning techniques are frequently used to identify bots, false statements,
and message on particular topics. An example is BotHunter. Such tools can rapidly
identify the likelihood that potential actors are Bots. This can indeed support analysis
and help a communicator understand an adversary’s communication objectives. How-
ever these, tools that are based on “supervised” learning have a limited shelf life. First,
they require large training sets. Training sets need to be created by humans tediously
coding messages and the senders of messages into categories required for the AI tool.
Today, bots are evolving faster than are the tools to find them in large part because it
takes too long to create training sets. Training sets are often biased—e.g., sentiment
training sets are biased toward lower middle-class ways of expressing sentiment in Eng-
lish. The AI tools themselves give probability scores and no explanation on why they
reached the conclusion they did. Bot detection tools often disagree because the tools
were “trained” differently—leaving the ultimate decision in the hands of the analyst.
These factors reduce how long these technologies will be useful for and in what con-
texts. Today’s technology advances are being made in developing AI techniques that do
not require massive training sets and that provide explanations—BotRecommender is
such a tool.
For disinformation, the issues are legion and there are many types of disinformation
as is illustrated in Table2. Fact-checking tools using humans or human-AI teams are
providing valuable guidance but so far take a long time to determine if a story con-
tains an inaccuracy. Assessing intent is difficult—was the sender intentionally trying to
deceive (disinformation) or were they just mistaken (misinformation). Many disinfor-
mation campaigns are not based on inaccurate facts, but on innuendo, fights of illogic,
reasoning from data taken out of context, and so on. Many times, stories labeled as
disinformation are simple alternative interpretations of facts. AI only helps for some
types of disinformation. It is less useful the more unique the storyline, and the faster the
story spreads.
AI techniques are only useful as part of the toolkit. AI can support classifying mes-
sages by BEND objectives, or the perpetrators into types such as bots, trolls, and news-
agents. The BEND framework and associated tools, some of which employ AI, can be
used to assess how communications are spreading and measure the impact. For exam-
ple, MemeHunter was used to identify an influence campaign from Russia engaged
with a dismay objective that implied that compared to Russia, NATO was weak as the
head of many countries defense were women, not a strong male military leader. This
meme was spread by bots and humans alike.
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Table 2 Types of “disinformation”
Disinformation types Example Potential for AI techniques to detect
Fake news (story made to look like news) Naval Destroyer crash in Hurricane Harvey AI could be used to identify sites, and do fact checking
Fabrication with visual Parkland student ripping up constitution AI could be used to create and identify fake images
Fabrication without visual Opposition peso scam in Philippines AI might be of some assistance in finding all instances of story
Propaganda Duerte’s helicopter scaring off the Chinese AI could help classify underlying BEND objectives
Conspiracy Pizzagate AI could be used to do fact checking
Misleading—due to misquoting Captain Marvel—Brie Larson is a racist/sexist AI could be used to do fact checking, and stance checking
Misleading—due to being out of context voting makes you lose your hunting license AI might provide support tools
Innuendo and illogic Anti-vax campaign AI might provide some support but won’t solve
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7 Research directions
Social cybersecurity is an exciting and emerging field. The BEND framework
and so the associated theory and methods, BotHunter, MemeHunter and other
such tools, are examples of the kind of work central to this area. However, much
remains to be done. Indeed there are seven core research areas.
1. Social Cyber-Forensics: Social cyber-forensics is concerned with identifying who
is conducting social cybersecurity attacks. Often the concern is with the type of
actor rather than the specific actor. Further, this can involve cross platform assess-
ment with the need to track down the source of information. New ways to track
and build linkages at scale are needed.
2. Information Maneuvers: The key here is to understand the strategies used to
conduct an attack and the intent of those strategies. Can we, for example, expand
upon BEND to identify sets of maneuvers that are consistently used together or
in a particular order to effect a particular impact? Improved abilities to detect
maneuvers, and provide early warning that an attack is starting, are needed—par-
ticularly cross platform.
3. Motive Identification: The goal here is to understand what the perpetrators motive
is. Why is the attack being conducted? Multiple motives have been seen. These
include conducting influence campaigns: for fun, to create havoc, to polarize
society, to alleviate boredom, for money, to polarize society, to market goods or
services, to gain personal influence, and to generate community. There are likely
to be other reasons as well. Being able to identify and track motive at scale and
quickly is an important area for new research.
4. Diffusion: In this area the objective is to trace, and even predict, the spread of an
influence campaign. A sub-aspect of this is to trace, and even predict, the move-
ment of the components of a campaign such as people, ideas, beliefs, memes,
videos, and images. Tracing the attackers and the impact of the attack across and
through multiple social media is key. Live monitors that suggest when diffusion
is about to explode, peak, and peter out. Improve theories of and methods for
monitoring diffusion, particularly cross-platform are needed.
5. Effectiveness of Information Campaigns: The goal of this area is to quantify the
effectiveness of the social cyber-security attack. This includes both the short term
and the long term impact. It also involves creating improved measures of impact
– such as polarization or mass-hysteria – rather than the traditional measures of
reach such as number of followers, likes, and recommendation. While some meas-
ures cannot be done in real time, real time estimates of potential impact would
be of value. New theories about impact and effect, as well as new techniques to
measure effect are needed.
6. Mitigation: There are two related goals here. The first is to understand how a
social cybersecurity attack be countered or mitigated. The second is to understand
how communities can become more resilient to attacks. Many different avenues
of research can be pursued here. Some examples are use of agent based models
to assess the relevant impact of interventions, scalable techniques for teaching
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378
K.M.Carley
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critical thinking for social media, and basic research on the characteristics of
resilient communities. New empirical results, transdisciplinary theories, models
and ways of measuring resilience and mitigation in this space are needed.
7. Governance: The objective here is to understand what policies and laws are
needed so the people can continue to use the internet without fear of undue influ-
ence, so that an informed democracy can survive. This is a key area as it brings
together issue of legality, rights, and education. This area needs to bring together
all the diverse perspectives and diverse knowledge to develop actionable govern-
ance.
8 Conclusion
As noted, social cybersecurity is an emerging scientific and engineering discipline.
While there are thousands working in this space, more research and more coordina-
tion of that research is needed. Work in this area began as interdisciplinary and is
becoming transdisciplinary. Two words of caution. First, for individuals new to the
area it is easy to come to the conclusion that little is known and that only a few indi-
viduals are working in this area. There are several reasons for this. First the research
is spread across hundreds of venues with no one conference or journal being domi-
nant. Second there is some research in most disciplines, but in each of the extant dis-
ciplines this is a fringe area. What we have found is that most researchers in this area
do now know of others outside their own group. Often faculty in this area don’t even
know of others in their own university. Greater outreach and ways of collaborating
and coordinating across groups is needed. This is beginning to happen. In Fig.3, the
collaboration network based on who co-authors with whom, for 2018 and late 2019
is shown. As can be seen the central core has grown, and there are now links where
none existed before. These growth is largely due to the Department of Defense Min-
erva program and the Knight foundation, both of which began to support research in
social cybersecurity and to encourage collaboration.
Second, it is easy to think of this area as one where computer science and artifi-
cial intelligence will provide the solutions. Artificial intelligence solutions often aim
at the easy things such as fact checking and currently require large levels of training
data. But, this is a fast moving area where training sets are difficult to come by and
are often out of data by the time they are created. It is easy to fall prey to stories that
claim success because the mined extremely large data sets. But this fails to recog-
nize that what is being discovered is the mean behavior and that most social change
and social activity is on the fringe, and in the margins. What both approaches fail to
recognize is that at its heart, social cybersecurity is about people as social beings,
and it is people as social beings that are impacting and being impacted. To be sure
artificial intelligence and data science are critical to this area; however, they should
be in supporting positions not the drivers sear. What is needed is socially informed,
social human being led computational social science.
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379
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Social cybersecurity: anemerging science
Acknowledgements This paper is the outgrowth of research in the center for Computational Analysis of
Social an Organizational Systems (CASOS), and the center for Informed Democracy and Social-cyber-
security (IDeaS) at Carnegie Mellon University. This work was supported in part by both centers, the
Knight Foundation, and the Office of Naval Research through the Minerva program N00014-16-1-2324
and the Office of Naval Research N000141812108 and N00014182106. The views and conclusions con-
tained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as representing the official
Fig. 3 Evolving co-authorship network. The top image shows the central core in 2018 and the bottom
image the central core in 2019. Each node is an author and the links are weighted by the number of
papers those two authors co-authored
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policies, either expressed or implied, of the Knight Foundation, the Office of Naval Research or the U.S.
government.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License,
which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as
you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Com-
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are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the
material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is
not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission
directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creat iveco mmons .org/licen
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maps and institutional affiliations.
Kathleen M. Carley received the Ph.D. degree from Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA in 1984
in sociology, and two S.B. degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA,
USA in 1978 in political science and in economics, and an H.D. from the University of Zurich. She is a
professor at Carnegie Mellon University in the Institute of Software Research department in the School
of Computer Science, in Pittsburgh, PA USA where she directs the center for Computational Analysis of
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381
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Social cybersecurity: anemerging science
Social and Organizational Systems (CASOS) and the center for Informed Democracy and Social-cyber-
security (IDeaS). She is the CEO and President of Carley Technologies Inc., A.D.B. as Netanomics, in
Sewickley, PA, USA. Her research examines complex socio-technical systems using high-dimensional
dynamic networks, agent based models, machine learning, and text mining.
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Bots are social media accounts that automate interaction with other users, and they are active on the StrongerIn-Brexit conversation happening over Twitter. These automated scripts generate content through these platforms and then interact with people. Political bots are automated accounts that are particularly active on public policy issues, elections, and political crises. In this preliminary study on the use of political bots during the UK referendum on EU membership, we analyze the tweeting patterns for both human users and bots. We find that political bots have a small but strategic role in the referendum conversations: (1) the family of hashtags associated with the argument for leaving the EU dominates, (2) different perspectives on the issue utilize different levels of automation, and (3) less than 1 percent of sampled accounts generate almost a third of all the messages.
Article
Democratic politics is a collective enterprise, not simply because individual votes are counted to determine winners, but more fundamentally because the individual exercise of citizenship is an interdependent undertaking. Citizens argue with one another, they inform one another, and they generally arrive at political decisions through processes of social interaction and deliberation. This book is dedicated to investigating the political implications of interdependent citizens within the context of the 1984 presidential election campaign as it was experienced in the metropolitan area of South Bend, Indiana. Hence, this is a community study in the fullest sense of the term. National politics is experienced locally through a series of filters unique to a particular setting. And this study is concerned with understanding that setting and its consequences for the exercise of democratic citizenship. Several different themes structure the undertaking: the dynamic implications of social communication among citizens, the importance of communication networks for citizen decision making, the exercise of citizen purpose in locating sources of information, the constraints on individual choice that arise as a function of contexts and environments, and the institutional and organizational effects that operate on the flow of information within particular settings. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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