ArticlePublisher preview available
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

Moral courage is manifested when bystanders intervene to stop or prevent others’ norm transgressions, despite potential costs to themselves. Although theoretical models propose a key role of emotions, in particular anger, in the psychological processes underlying moral courage, to date this role is underexplored. In a behavioral study, we proposed a conceptual differentiation between experienced and expressed anger in response to a witnessed moral transgression. By staging the embezzlement of money from project funds in the lab, we tested whether anger arises in response to a witnessed moral norm transgression and scrutinized its unique contribution to predicting who intervenes and who remains inactive in the context of other theoretically relevant emotions (guilt, fear, and empathy). In addition, we investigated the role of bystanders’ anger expression in response to the transgression. Lastly, we tested whether experienced and expressed anger reactions were predicted across time from dispositions. Our paradigm allowed us to obtain observational data of behavioral responses and anger expression and experienced emotion reports in response to a realistic moral norm transgression. Results showed that experienced anger increased after the transgression and uniquely predicted intervention. Experienced anger reaction was predictable across time from dispositional sensitivity to observed injustice. Anger expression was only loosely associated with anger experience and intervention, suggesting it may constitute a display of disapproval in itself. The present findings from a realistic moral transgression situation evidence the important role of anger in the psychological process underlying moral courage.
The Functions of Anger in Moral Courage—Insights From
a Behavioral Study
Julia Sasse
Max-Planck-Institute for Research on Collective Goods,
Bonn, Germany
Anna Halmburger
University of the Federal Armed Forces
Anna Baumert
Max-Planck-Institute for Research on Collective Goods, Bonn, Germany, and Technical University Munich
Moral courage is manifested when bystanders intervene to stop or prevent others’ norm transgressions,
despite potential costs to themselves. Although theoretical models propose a key role of emotions, in
particular anger, in the psychological processes underlying moral courage, to date this role is underex-
plored. In a behavioral study, we proposed a conceptual differentiation between experienced and
expressed anger in response to a witnessed moral transgression. By staging the embezzlement of money
from project funds in the lab, we tested whether anger arises in response to a witnessed moral norm
transgression and scrutinized its unique contribution to predicting who intervenes and who remains
inactive in the context of other theoretically relevant emotions (guilt, fear, and empathy). In addition, we
investigated the role of bystanders’ anger expression in response to the transgression. Lastly, we tested
whether experienced and expressed anger reactions were predicted across time from dispositions. Our
paradigm allowed us to obtain observational data of behavioral responses and anger expression and
experienced emotion reports in response to a realistic moral norm transgression. Results showed that
experienced anger increased after the transgression and uniquely predicted intervention. Experienced
anger reaction was predictable across time from dispositional sensitivity to observed injustice. Anger
expression was only loosely associated with anger experience and intervention, suggesting it may
constitute a display of disapproval in itself. The present findings from a realistic moral transgression
situation evidence the important role of anger in the psychological process underlying moral courage.
Keywords: moral courage, anger, emotions, morality, justice sensitivity
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/emo0000906.supp
As humans, we have the urge to see ourselves as good and
moral. Hence, it may not come as a surprise that many people are
convinced that they would stand up against moral transgressions of
others, even if this incurs negative consequences for themselves.
Unfortunately, however, despite good intentions, in reality people
often fail to do so; that is, people rarely show moral courage
(Baumert, Halmburger, & Schmitt, 2013;Craig & Pepler, 1997;
Voigtländer, 2008).
What, then, drives some people to act morally courageously?
We argue that emotions constitute an important element in the
psychological process promoting or impeding morally courageous
acts. Indeed, theoretical models (e.g., Halmburger, Baumert, &
Schmitt, 2016;Osswald, Greitemeyer, Fischer, & Frey, 2010b) and
empirical findings (Greitemeyer, Fischer, Kastenmüller, & Frey,
2006;Halmburger, Baumert, & Schmitt, 2015;Niesta Kayser,
Greitemeyer, Fischer, & Frey, 2010) suggest that anger is central
XJulia Sasse, Max-Planck-Institute for Research on Collective Goods,
Bonn, Germany; XAnna Halmburger, Department of Psychology, Uni-
versity of the Federal Armed Forces; Anna Baumert, Max-Planck-Institute
for Research on Collective Goods, and School of Education, Technical
University Munich.
This research was funded in part by the “Beacon Project” at Wake Forest
University which was supported by a grant from the Templeton Religion
Trust (www.moralbeacons.org). Data were collected in the psychological
lab of a German University and not at the Max-Planck-Institute for Re-
search on Collective Goods as lab rules there preclude deception. Data
were presented at conferences but have not been published previously.
Materials and Hypotheses can be accessed here osf.io/pcqke and here
osf.io/7m84x.
We thank Marlene Buchwald, Julia Dewitz, Louisa Engelskirchen, Jea-
nette Feldmann, Amelie Feuerstein, Isa Garbisch, Nadine Henrici, Steph-
anie Hochgeschurz, Mariska Höfert, Marie Horak, Dana Indreica, David
Izydorczyk, Lena Jansen, Gabriela Küchler, Christin Schmidt, and Alisa
Uder for their help in conducting this study, analyzing video materials, and
with preparing this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Julia
Sasse, Max-Planck-Institute for Research on Collective Goods, Kurt-
Schumacher-Straße 10, 53113 Bonn, Germany. E-mail: sasse@coll
.mpg.de
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Emotion
© 2020 American Psychological Association 2022, Vol. 22, No. 6, 1321–1335
ISSN: 1528-3542 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/emo0000906
1321
This article was published Online First November 30, 2020.
... Moreover, hypothetical scenarios were used to address ethical concerns related to facilitating interpersonal transgressions and directly observing confrontation between the bystander and the perpetrator. While intentions are known to strongly influence behaviour (Ajzen, 1991) and the experimental vignette method has been utilized before in this area of research (e.g., Bellmore et al., 2012;Bennett & Banyard, 2016), it is important for future studies to replicate these findings using real-life situations and behavioural measures (Baumert et al., 2013;Sasse et al., 2020). For example, observing actual intervention behaviour in response to a confederate mistreating a family member or friend would provide more direct insights. ...
... Además, se utilizaron escenarios hipotéticos para abordar aspectos éticos relacionados con facilitar transgresiones interpersonales y observar directamente la confrontación entre el observador y el infractor. Aunque es sabido que las intenciones influyen en gran medida en el comportamiento (Ajzen, 1991) y el método de viñeta experimental se ha utilizado con anterioridad en esta área de investigación (e.g., Bellmore et al., 2012;Bennett & Banyard, 2016), es importante que futuros estudios repliquen estos resultados utilizando situaciones reales y medidas del comportamiento (Baumert et al., 2013;Sasse et al., 2020). Por ejemplo, la observación de un comportamiento real de intervención en respuestas a un maltrato cómplice de un miembro de la familia o un amigo podría facilitar un conocimiento más directos. ...
Article
Moral courage is defined as standing up for others and intervening when a norm is violated. This research aimed to examine the effect of relationship type between the bystander and the victim (close or distant) and the moral context in which the norm violation occurs (care/harm or fairness/reciprocity) on moral courage. Two studies ( n = 164 and n = 200) utilized a scenario method in which participants were presented with short vignettes of another person (close or distant) being victimized (in either a care or a fairness context) and were asked to indicate their willingness to intervene, representing degree of moral courage. As expected, participants reported greater levels of moral courage when the victim was their family member or friend (vs. stranger) and this effect was stronger in the care (vs. fairness) context. Moreover, anger — a moral emotion — mediated the relationship effect on moral courage in both contexts. Consequently, relationship type and context should be considered when addressing interventions against norm violations.
... Conversely, judgments of blame and responsibility can alter emotions or mediate between norm violations and emotions (Quigley & Tedeschi, 1996;Zajenkowska et al., 2020). Studies also found expressions of anger and moral outrage to arise after judgments of moral violations (Sasse et al., 2020), and response times of expressing anger were no faster or even longer than response times to blame judgments (Cusimano et al., 2017). ...
Chapter
The Cambridge Handbook of Moral Psychology is an essential guide to the study of moral cognition and behavior. Originating as a philosophical exploration of values and virtues, moral psychology has evolved into a robust empirical science intersecting psychology, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, and neuroscience. Contributors to this interdisciplinary handbook explore a diverse set of topics, including moral judgment and decision making, altruism and empathy, and blame and punishment. Tailored for graduate students and researchers across psychology, philosophy, anthropology, neuroscience, political science, and economics, it offers a comprehensive survey of the latest research in moral psychology, illuminating both foundational concepts and cutting-edge developments.
... Youth who intervene on the side of victimized peers are often motivated by moral concerns about social justice (Bauman et al., 2020). Moral courage and empathic anger over injustice can encourage efforts that either punish bullying peers or confront them nonaggressively (Sasse et al., 2020;Vitaglione & Barnett, 2003). After two years of middle school, some students may feel increasingly frustrated about the victimization they witness, and become more vengeful and aggressive in their defense of others. ...
Article
The present study investigates the longitudinal relationships between bullying roles (bullying, passive bystanding, victimization) and moral disengagement to examine influences on the shifting role of bullying in Japanese middle school students. Participants were 271 Japanese students (Time 1: M age = 12.72, SD = .45, 136 boys and 135 girls) recruited from two public middle schools (9 classes). Five data collection occasions in Grades 7 to 9 alternated between surveys of self-reported bullying behavior (three timepoints) and moral disengagement (two timepoints). Structural equation modeling showed that moral disengagement was reciprocally related to bullying and passive bystanding. Victimization was only related to moral disengagement in Grade 9, such that moral disengagement in June predicted increased victimization experiences in December. These findings suggest that intervention and prevention programs in schools need to actively address moral disengagement, with a focus on bystanders as well as perpetrators and victims of bullying.
... Why are some individuals willing to accept these costs and engage in third-party punishment? There is mounting consensus that it may be anger that provides the motivational fuel for it (Fehr & Gächter, 2002;Greitemeyer et al., 2006;Halmburger et al., 2015Halmburger et al., , 2016Lotz et al., 2011;Nelissen et al., 2007;Niesta Kayser et al., 2010;Osswald et al., 2010;Sasse et al., 2020Sasse et al., , 2022), yet to date, rigorous, experimental investigation of this role is scarce. With the present research, we aim to bridge this gap by coupling anger induction procedures with the three-person punishment game, an economic game that allows the assessment of third-party reactions to observed unfairness (see Baumert et al., 2014;Fehr & Fischbacher, 2003). ...
Preprint
Anger, as a common reaction to injustice and due to its approach motivation, is assumed to fuel the costly punishment of others’ unjust acts, even if they do not affect one personally. Yet, to date, this causal role of anger in costly third-party punishment is underexplored. To close this gap, we conducted a series of seven studies (total N = 3249) in which we experimentally induced anger and assessed consequential behavioral reactions to unfair dictator decisions in the third-party punishment game (3PPG). In five studies, we used incidental anger induction procedures (imagery or autobiographical recall) that allowed us to induce anger without altering the specifics of the game. In all studies, anger was successfully induced yet did not lead to more punishment compared to an emotionally neutral control condition. In two further studies, we then used integral anger induction procedures (framing and regulation) to manipulate anger that originates in the game. Particularly framing showed to be effective: Here, the dictator’s unfair split was held constant across conditions but was either the result of giving little to or taking a lot from the recipient. As expected, participants in the take-condition experienced more anger than in the give-condition. Importantly, participants in the take-condition punished more than participants in the give-condition and the effect was mediated through experienced anger. Taken together, this series of studies provided evidence for the causal role of anger for third-party punishment but only if anger originates from the unfair act itself.
Chapter
The Cambridge Handbook of Moral Psychology is an essential guide to the study of moral cognition and behavior. Originating as a philosophical exploration of values and virtues, moral psychology has evolved into a robust empirical science intersecting psychology, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, and neuroscience. Contributors to this interdisciplinary handbook explore a diverse set of topics, including moral judgment and decision making, altruism and empathy, and blame and punishment. Tailored for graduate students and researchers across psychology, philosophy, anthropology, neuroscience, political science, and economics, it offers a comprehensive survey of the latest research in moral psychology, illuminating both foundational concepts and cutting-edge developments.
Article
Full-text available
In intergroup conflicts, expressed emotions influence how others see and react to those who express them. Here, we investigated whether this in turn implies that emotions may be expressed strategically. We tested whether emotion expression can differ from emotion experience, and whether emotion expression (more than emotion experience) is used to pursue specific goals. Specifically, we focused on whether support-seeking emotions (fear and sadness) are used to call for support from a powerful third party and contempt to distance from an antagonistic out-group. In two studies, using the same ostensible conflict, we manipulated whether participants communicated their emotions towards the out-group (no vs. yes) and third party (no vs. yes) and employed a between-subjects design in Study 1 (N = 86) and a within-subjects design in Study 2 (N = 83). In both studies, we found that members of a disadvantaged group expressed reduced support-seeking emotions towards the out-group than they experienced (i.e., in conditions without an audience), providing support for the assumption that emotion expression does not necessarily reflect experience. Further, in Study 2, we found in line with expectations that the goal to call for support was more important in the communication with the third party than with the antagonistic out-group. The goal was best predicted by expressed support-seeking emotions, providing support for the assumption that emotion expression is used to pursue goals. Interestingly, we only found this association for a beneficial goal (i.e., calling for support) and not for distancing, a destructive goal. These results support the proposed strategic use of emotion expression and as such advance our understanding of the function of expressed emotions.
Article
Full-text available
This review organizes a variety of phenomena related to emotional self-report. In doing so, the authors offer an accessibility model that specifies the types of factors that contribute to emotional self-reports under different reporting conditions. One important distinction is between emotion, which is episodic, experiential, and contextual, and beliefs about emotion, which are semantic, conceptual, and decontextualized. This distinction is important in understanding the discrepancies that often occur when people are asked to report on feelings they are currently experiencing versus those that they are not currently experiencing. The accessibility model provides an organizing framework for understanding self-reports of emotion and suggests some new directions for research.
Article
Full-text available
Moral violations seem to elicit moral outrage because of the wrongfulness of the deed. However, recent studies have questioned the existence of moral outrage, because moral violations are confounded with the harm done to victims. Such harm elicits empathic anger rather than moral outrage (Batson et al., 2007; Batson et al., 2009). Thus, moral outrage is triggered by the wrongfulness of an action (i.e., a perpetrator's intention to harm), whereas empathic anger is triggered by its harmfulness (i.e., the actual harm done). Four studies (N = 1065) in varying contexts orthogonally crossed these antecedents of anger to differentiate between moral outrage and empathic anger. The results demonstrate that anger mainly emerged from the intention to harm, rather than the actual harm done. In contrast, the actual harm elicited empathy with victims. The findings suggest that anger about moral violations emerges separately from empathic reactions, although these reactions are difficult to distinguish in most instances. Likewise, the intention to harm provoked a willingness to punish the perpetrator much more than the actual harm did. Moral violations thus elicit moral outrage independently of their harmful consequences, even though such anger may often overlap with concern for others.
Article
Full-text available
In this target article, we argue that personality processes, personality structure, and personality development have to be understood and investigated in integrated ways in order to provide comprehensive responses to the key questions of personality psychology. The psychological processes and mechanisms that explain concrete behaviour in concrete situations should provide explanation for patterns of variation across situations and individuals, for development over time as well as for structures observed in intra-individual and inter-individual differences. Personality structures, defined as patterns of covariation in behaviour, including thoughts and feelings, are results of those processes in transaction with situational affordances and regularities. It cannot be presupposed that processes are organized in ways that directly correspond to the observed structure. Rather, it is an empirical question whether shared sets of processes are uniquely involved in shaping correlated behaviours, but not uncorrelated behaviours (what we term ‘correspondence’ throughout this paper), or whether more complex interactions of processes give rise to population-level patterns of covariation (termed ‘emergence’). The paper is organized in three parts, with part I providing the main arguments, part II reviewing some of the past approaches at (partial) integration, and part III outlining conclusions of how future personality psychology should progress towards complete integration. Working definitions for the central terms are provided in the appendix. Copyright © 2017 European Association of Personality Psychology
Article
Full-text available
In 3 experiments, we examined how customers react after witnessing a fellow customer mistreat an employee. Drawing on the deontic model of justice, we argue that customer mistreatment of employees leads witnesses (i.e., other customers) to leave larger tips, engage in supportive employee-directed behaviors, and evaluate employees more positively (Studies 1 and 2). We also theorize that witnesses develop less positive treatment intentions and more negative retaliatory intentions toward perpetrators, with anger and empathy acting as parallel mediators of our perpetrator- and target-directed outcomes, respectively. In Study 1, we conducted a field experiment that examined real customers' target-directed reactions to witnessed mistreatment in the context of a fast-food restaurant. In Study 2, we replicated Study 1 findings in an online vignette experiment, and extended it by examining more severe mistreatment and perpetrator-directed responses. In Study 3, we demonstrated that employees who respond to mistreatment uncivilly are significantly less likely to receive the positive outcomes found in Studies 1 and 2 than those who respond neutrally. We discuss the implications of our findings for theory and practice. (PsycINFO Database Record
Article
Full-text available
The nature of harm—and therefore moral judgment—may be misunderstood. Rather than an objective matter of reason, we argue that harm should be redefined as an intuitively perceived continuum. This redefinition provides a new understanding of moral content and mechanism—the constructionist Theory of Dyadic Morality (TDM). TDM suggests that acts are condemned proportional to three elements: norm violations, negative affect, and—importantly—perceived harm. This harm is dyadic, involving an intentional agent causing damage to a vulnerable patient (A→P). TDM predicts causal links both from harm to immorality (dyadic comparison) and from immorality to harm (dyadic completion). Together, these two processes make the “dyadic loop,” explaining moral acquisition and polarization. TDM argues against intuitive harmless wrongs and modular “foundations,” but embraces moral pluralism through varieties of values and the flexibility of perceived harm. Dyadic morality impacts understandings of moral character, moral emotion, and political/cultural differences, and provides research guidelines for moral psychology.
Article
In this research, we examine prejudice based on sexual orientation in the workplace and strategies employees can use to confront it. First, in a qualitative investigation designed to examine some of the major assumptions of this research, lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) employees and heterosexual "allies" highlighted the importance of confronting prejudice and reported hesitation in knowing how to do so effectively. Second, we then experimentally tested various previously-identified confrontation styles to (a) determine the implications of confronting (compared to not confronting) for the confronter and the perpetrator from a third-party perspective and (b) examine which style may be optimal. The results of this study suggest how observers of prejudice might intervene to (a) reduce the amount of backlash confronters receive, (b) maximize the perceived culpability of the perpetrator, and (c) elicit future confrontation behaviors among other observers: by engaging in calm confrontations that directly implicate the perpetrator of prejudice as being at fault.
Article
Costly third-party interventions have been regarded as hallmarks of moral behavior, because they are unlikely to be motivated by self-interest. This research investigated the cognitive and emotional processes underlying two types of costly third-party interventions by manipulating incidental emotions and attention focus. In Study 1, we investigated the effect of incidental anger on third-party punishment decisions. Study 2 addressed the effect of incidental anger on third-party compensation decisions. In both studies, participants were induced to either an angry or neutral emotion and then had to wait or were distracted before engaging in third-party interventions. In Study 1, angry participants punished highly unequal distributions significantly more than those in the neutral emotion condition. In Study 2, angry participants compensated highly unfair distributions significantly less than those in a neutral emotion. In both studies, the effect of incidental anger was only significant in the wait, not the distraction condition. Study 3 again focused on third-party compensation decisions. Participants were induced to either a self-focused anger or an other-focused anger emotion, and attention focus (wait, distraction) was manipulated experimentally. Those in the other-focused anger condition compensated significantly more than participants in the self-focused anger condition. These results indicate that (self-focused) incidental anger led to antagonistic responses. Incidental anger was only associated with higher third-party compensation when it included a focus on a suffering other. For incidental emotions to bias subsequent decisions requires attentional resources.
Article
Objective: Intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) is a widely used reliability index in test-retest, intrarater, and interrater reliability analyses. This article introduces the basic concept of ICC in the content of reliability analysis. Discussion for researchers: There are 10 forms of ICCs. Because each form involves distinct assumptions in their calculation and will lead to different interpretations, researchers should explicitly specify the ICC form they used in their calculation. A thorough review of the research design is needed in selecting the appropriate form of ICC to evaluate reliability. The best practice of reporting ICC should include software information, "model," "type," and "definition" selections. Discussion for readers: When coming across an article that includes ICC, readers should first check whether information about the ICC form has been reported and if an appropriate ICC form was used. Based on the 95% confident interval of the ICC estimate, values less than 0.5, between 0.5 and 0.75, between 0.75 and 0.9, and greater than 0.90 are indicative of poor, moderate, good, and excellent reliability, respectively. Conclusion: This article provides a practical guideline for clinical researchers to choose the correct form of ICC and suggests the best practice of reporting ICC parameters in scientific publications. This article also gives readers an appreciation for what to look for when coming across ICC while reading an article.
Chapter
Where does morality come from? Why are moral judgments often so similar across cultures, yet sometimes so variable? Is morality one thing, or many? Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) was created to answer these questions. In this chapter, we describe the origins, assumptions, and current conceptualization of the theory and detail the empirical findings that MFT has made possible, both within social psychology and beyond. Looking toward the future, we embrace several critiques of the theory and specify five criteria for determining what should be considered a foundation of human morality. Finally, we suggest a variety of future directions for MFT and moral psychology.