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Associations of intimate partner violence and reproductive coercion with contraceptive use in Uttar Pradesh, India: How associations differ across contraceptive methods

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) and reproductive coercion (RC)–largely in the form of pressuring pregnancy—appear to contribute to low use of contraceptives in India; however, little is known about the extent to which these experiences differentially affect use of specific contraceptive methods. The current study assessed the association of IPV and RC with specific contraceptive methods (Intrauterine Devices [IUDs], pills, condoms) among a large population-based sample of currently married women (15–49 years, n = 1424) living in Uttar Pradesh. Outcomes variables included past year modern contraceptive use and type of contraceptive used. Primary independent variables included lifetime experience of RC by current husband or in-laws, and lifetime experiences of physical IPV and sexual IPV by current husband. Multivariate logistic regression models were developed to determine the effect of each form of abuse on women’s contraceptive use. Approximately 1 in 7 women (15.1%) reported experiencing RC from their current husband or in-laws ever in their lifetime, 37.4% reported experience of physical IPV and 8.3% reported experience of sexual IPV by their current husband ever in their lifetime. Women experiencing RC were less likely to use any modern contraceptive (AOR: 0.18; 95% CI: 0.9–0.36). Such women also less likely to report pill and condom use but were more likely to report IUD use. Neither form of IPV were associated with either overall or method specific contraceptive use. Study findings highlight that RC may influence contraceptive use differently based on type of contraceptive, with less detectable, female-controlled contraceptives such as IUD preferred in the context of women facing RC. Unfortunately, IUD uptake remains low in India. Increased access and support for use, particularly for women contending with RC, may be important for improving women’s control over contraceptive use and reducing unintended pregnancy.
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RESEARCH ARTICLE
Associations of intimate partner violence and
reproductive coercion with contraceptive use
in Uttar Pradesh, India: How associations
differ across contraceptive methods
Shweta TomarID
1,2
*, Nabamallika Dehingia
1,2
, Arnab K. Dey
1,2
, Dharmendra Chandurkar
3
,
Anita Raj
1
, Jay G. Silverman
1
1Division of Global Public Health, Center on Gender Equity and Health, University of California, San Diego
School of Medicine, La Jolla, CA, United States of America, 2Joint Doctoral Program, San Diego State
University/University of California San Diego, San Diego, CA, United States of America, 3Sambodhi
Research and Communications Pvt. Ltd., Noida, Uttar Pradesh, India
*stomar@health.ucsd.edu
Abstract
Intimate partner violence (IPV) and reproductive coercion (RC)–largely in the form of pres-
suring pregnancy—appear to contribute to low use of contraceptives in India; however, little
is known about the extent to which these experiences differentially affect use of specific con-
traceptive methods. The current study assessed the association of IPV and RC with specific
contraceptive methods (Intrauterine Devices [IUDs], pills, condoms) among a large popula-
tion-based sample of currently married women (15–49 years, n = 1424) living in Uttar Pra-
desh. Outcomes variables included past year modern contraceptive use and type of
contraceptive used. Primary independent variables included lifetime experience of RC by
current husband or in-laws, and lifetime experiences of physical IPV and sexual IPV by cur-
rent husband. Multivariate logistic regression models were developed to determine the
effect of each form of abuse on women’s contraceptive use. Approximately 1 in 7 women
(15.1%) reported experiencing RC from their current husband or in-laws ever in their life-
time, 37.4% reported experience of physical IPV and 8.3% reported experience of sexual
IPV by their current husband ever in their lifetime. Women experiencing RC were less likely
to use any modern contraceptive (AOR: 0.18; 95% CI: 0.9–0.36). Such women also less
likely to report pill and condom use but were more likely to report IUD use. Neither form of
IPV were associated with either overall or method specific contraceptive use. Study findings
highlight that RC may influence contraceptive use differently based on type of contraceptive,
with less detectable, female-controlled contraceptives such as IUD preferred in the context
of women facing RC. Unfortunately, IUD uptake remains low in India. Increased access and
support for use, particularly for women contending with RC, may be important for improving
women’s control over contraceptive use and reducing unintended pregnancy.
PLOS ONE
PLOS ONE | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241008 October 16, 2020 1 / 12
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OPEN ACCESS
Citation: Tomar S, Dehingia N, Dey AK,
Chandurkar D, Raj A, Silverman JG (2020)
Associations of intimate partner violence and
reproductive coercion with contraceptive use in
Uttar Pradesh, India: How associations differ
across contraceptive methods. PLoS ONE 15(10):
e0241008. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.
pone.0241008
Editor: Laura Schwab-Reese, Purdue University,
UNITED STATES
Received: June 7, 2020
Accepted: October 6, 2020
Published: October 16, 2020
Copyright: ©2020 Tomar et al. This is an open
access article distributed under the terms of the
Creative Commons Attribution License, which
permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original
author and source are credited.
Data Availability Statement: The dataset
supporting the conclusions of this article is
available in the Harvard Dataverse, doi: https://doi.
org/10.7910/DVN/ENRF4J.
Funding: This study was funded by the Bill and
Melinda Gates Foundation Grant No. OPP1083531
(Monitoring and Evaluating the Uttar Pradesh
Technical Support Unit) and INV-002967
(EMERGE-FP measures project). The funder
Introduction
Women and girls in India have over 48 million pregnancies per year, around half (48%) of
which are reported to be unintended [1]. These unintended pregnancies are associated with
reduced maternal healthcare utilization [24] and consequent poor maternal and child health
outcomes [5,6]. Lack of modern contraceptive (including contraceptive pills, intrauterine
devices [IUD], injectable contraception, male condoms, subdermal implants, diaphragms, lac-
tational amenorrhea, and emergency contraceptive pills) use is the proximal causal factor
behind unintended pregnancies worldwide [7,8]. A study conducted in 35 low- and middle-
income countries (LMICs) found that use of modern contraceptives could prevent 5 million
unintended pregnancies occurring across these countries annually [9]. The National Family
Health Survey (NFHS) 2015–16 found that less than half (48%) of the married women of
reproductive age in India were using any form of modern contraceptive at the time of survey
[10]. Increasing the use of modern contraceptives among women is therefore an important
step towards reducing unintended pregnancies and related negative health outcomes. Further,
contraceptive use is an important part of the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) including
Goal 3 on guaranteeing good health and well-being for all and Goal 5 on promoting equality
and empowerment of women and girls [11].
One key factor behind low rates of modern contraceptive use is women’s low reproductive
autonomy i.e. power to decide and control contraceptive use, pregnancy, and childbearing
[12]. Research has shown that reproductive coercion (RC; partners/husbands and in-laws lim-
iting access to and use of contraceptives and pressuring women to become pregnant against
their will) in India is more prevalent in the context of physical and sexual violence against
women by their partners (intimate partner violence; IPV) [13]. Such Gender Based Violence
(GBV) is highly prevalent in India with lifetime experience of physical and sexual IPV among
ever married women reported at 30% and 6%, respectively [10] and lifetime experience of part-
ner and/or in-laws perpetrated RC reported by 12% of ever married women [14].
While the association of IPV with contraceptive use has been studied extensively, the results
from these studies have been found to be contradicting. In the Indian context, IPV has been
found to be associated with decreased likelihood of modern contraceptive use [15,16]. How-
ever, studies conducted in other settings have found that IPV and contraceptive use are posi-
tively associated [17]. Recent research has suggested that, considering the different method
mix (i.e. different contraceptive methods used by women) available in different contexts, these
contradicting findings may be due to IPV being associated with increased likelihood of
female-controlled method use (eg. Injectables, IUD etc.) but decreased likelihood of male-con-
trolled method use (eg. condoms) [15,16]. Associations between RC and contraceptive use has
been relatively less studied, particularly in LMIC settings [14]. One study conducted in India
found that RC is negatively associated with overall contraceptive use [14], but no studies to
date, in India or in any other LMIC context, have compared associations of both IPV and RC
with method-specific contraceptive use. Addressing this gap in knowledge can help in identify-
ing the type of contraceptive methods preferred by women facing IPV and RC.
The current study assesses the associations of use of different modern contraceptive meth-
ods with IPV and RC among a population-based sample of married women in Uttar Pradesh
(UP), the most populous state is India. Building on a previous study on prevalence of RC and
IPV and associations with overall contraceptive use [14], findings from the current study will
fill an important knowledge gap regarding whether method mix differs for women facing IPV
and RC as compared to those not reporting such abuse. This, in turn, may inform public health
programs (e.g. on family planning counselling) to better assist women facing IPV and RC in
the Indian context, as well as other LMIC settings. Models can be developed to provide
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provided support in the form of salaries for
authors, but did not have any additional role in the
study design, data collection and analysis, decision
to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. The
specific roles of these authors are articulated in the
‘author contributions’ section.
Competing interests: The authors have declared
that no competing interests exist. The commercial
affiliation of author does not alter our adherence to
PLOS ONE policies on sharing data and materials.
counseling around covert (without telling partner or in-laws) use of contraceptives, a typical
response of women coping with RC. Such models have already been successfully tested in high
income context [18,19].
Methods
Study design
Data for analysis were collected as part of an evaluation of Uttar Pradesh Technical Support
Unit (UP-TSU), an intervention targeted at improving the quality of public health facilities
and services in UP. The data used in current analyses were collected via a population-based
survey conducted from August to October 2016 that included items on socio-economic char-
acteristics, family planning practices, IPV and RC. The intervention did not focus on reducing
IPV or RC among women and hence did not influence the objective of this study. Of all the
districts (n = 75) in the state, the lowest 25 districts based on a composite index of health indi-
cators were designated as High Priority Districts (HPDs) [14]. This index included maternal
mortality ratio (MMR), percentage of institutional deliveries, infant mortality rate (IMR), per-
centage of children 12–23 months fully immunized, total fertility rate (TFR) and modern con-
traceptive prevalence rate (mCPR). A representative sample of currently married women of
reproductive age (15 to 49 years) was drawn using multi-stage sampling design from 49 dis-
tricts with an oversample from these 25 HPDs of UP. Further details of the research design has
been described elsewhere [14]. The current cross-sectional analyses utilizes the sub-sample of
women who were not sterilized or were not currently pregnant, and whose husbands were not
sterilized at the time of the survey (n = 1424). Study protocols were reviewed and approved by
the National Rural Health Mission of Uttar Pradesh, Public Health Service—Ethical Review
Board (PHS-ERB)—an independent ethical review board, and the Health Ministry Screening
Committee of the Indian Council for Medical Research. Informed written consent was
obtained by study participants and interviews were conducted in private space with only the
participant woman present.
Measures
The outcome variables included past year modern contraceptive use and type of contraceptive
method used in the same period. Any past year modern contraceptive use was defined as use of
any form of modern contraception (including contraceptive pills, intrauterine devices [IUD],
injectable contraception, male condoms, subdermal implants, diaphragms, lactational amen-
orrhea, and emergency contraceptive pills) in the 12 months preceding the survey. Type of
contraception used was captured using a categorical variable with nine categories—no modern
contraceptive method used and use of each of the eight forms of modern contraceptives speci-
fied above.
The primary independent variables in the analysis included lifetime experience of RC by
current husband or in-laws, and lifetime experience of physical IPV and sexual IPV by current
husband. Lifetime RC was captured using a composite index of eight equally weighted items
relating to coercion or force used by the husband or in-laws to limit women’s reproductive
autonomy. A woman was considered to have faced RC ever in her lifetime if she responded
“yes” to any of the following eight items: whether woman’s husband or in-laws ever stopped her
from going or refused to give permission for her to go to a clinic or community health event to get
family planning; destroyed,hidden,or taken a family planning method (such as pills) away from
her; told her that they would abandon her if she tried to prevent or delay getting pregnant; told
her that she would be beaten if she tried to prevent or delay getting pregnant; told her that it was
against their religion or culture to use family planning; told her that women who use family
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planning do this so that they can have sex with other men; told her that she could not use family
planning because she did not have any or enough sons; or not permitted her to use contraceptives.
Lifetime RC experience was dichotomized as yes or no based on ‘yes’ response to any of these
eight items. This measure was based on a previously published measure of RC adapted for the
Indian context and shown to have adequate reliability (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.73) [14].
Lifetime physical IPV was assessed through seven questions including whether the woman’s
current husband had ever slapped her,twisted her arm or pulled her hair; pushed her,shook her,
or threw something at her; tried to choke or burn her; kicked her,dragged her,or beat her up;
punched her with his fist or with something that could hurt her; or threatened or attacked her
with a knife,gun,or any other weapon. Lifetime physical IPV were dichotomized as yes or no
based on ‘yes’ response to any of these seven items. Similarly, woman’s experience of sexual
IPV was indicated by a positive response to whether the woman’s current husband ever done
any of the following:physically forced her to have sexual intercourse with him when she did not
want to; physically forced her to perform other sexual acts she did not want to; used threats or
other actions to make her perform sexual acts when she did not want to; forced her to do some-
thing sexual that she found degrading or humiliating; or she had sexual intercourse when she did
not want to because she was afraid of what her husband might do if she refused. Lifetime sexual
IPV were dichotomized as yes or no based on ‘yes’ response to any of these items. Both physi-
cal IPV and sexual IPV assessments were drawn from the WHO Multi-country Study on
Women’s Health and Domestic Violence [20].
Socio-demographic measures included caste, religion, household wealth status, woman’s
literacy, husband’s education, woman’s age, woman’s age at first marriage, and birth parity.
Households were categorized into three social categories using caste and religion, from most
to least marginalized; they were 1) Non-Muslim Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST),
2) Muslim, and 3) neither SC/ST nor Muslim. Household wealth status was assessed using
Standard of Living Index (SLI) which is a proxy for the economic status of the household [21]
and is widely used in national Demographic and Health Surveys, including the India NFHS
[10]. The households were categorized into 4 groups ranging from poorest (1) to wealthiest (4)
based on SLI scores of 0 to 25, 26 to 50, 51 to 75, and 76 to 100 (range 0–100). A woman was
considered to be literate if she reported being able to both read and write in at least one lan-
guage. Husband’s education was dichotomized based on whether or not he had completed pri-
mary school. The legal age of marriage for women in India (i.e. 18 years) was used as a cut-off
to create two categories- women married at age below 18 years and women married at age of
18 years or above.
Analysis
Association of demographics with each outcome variable (any past year modern contraceptive
use and type of contraceptive used) and predictors (lifetime RC, lifetime physical and sexual
IPV) was assessed using chi-square test. Specific contraceptive methods used by 5 or fewer par-
ticipants were collapsed into “other modern methods”. This grouping was not subject to fur-
ther analysis. Chi-square tests were also used to test associations between the predictors and
outcome variables. Logistic regression adjusted for socio-demographic variables was used to
further assess the relationship (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] and 95% Confidence Interval [CI])
between any past year modern contraceptive use and predictors. Multinomial logistic regres-
sion models described similar relationships (adjusted relative risk ratio [aRRR] and 95% CI)
between predictors and type of contraceptive used. Multiple iterations of the multinomial
model were performed with different base outcomes to test the risk ratio of each type of con-
traceptive relative to different base category. Multivariate logistic regression models (binomial
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for any modern contraceptive use and multinomial for type of method used) including all
three predictors—RC, physical IPV, and sexual IPV along with demographics were developed
to determine independent effect of each form of abuse on women’s contraceptive use. We
tested covariates for multicollinearity prior to model construction. We found no collinearity,
so all covariates were included in our models. Appropriate sample weights based on the multi-
stage sampling procedure were used in all analyses. Data were analyzed using STATA 16.0
software (StataCorp, USA).
Results
Approximately 1 in 4 (22.8%) women reported use of any modern contraceptive in the 12
months preceding the survey, with 6.7% reporting use of contraceptive pills, 1.4% reporting
use of an IUD, and 13.3% reporting use of male condoms (Table 1). Women in higher wealth
categories were more likely to report use of any modern method of contraception, specifically
pills, as compared to those in lower wealth categories. Literate women were more likely than
illiterate women to report use of any modern contraceptive, specifically male condoms.
Women whose husbands had completed primary education (vs lower than primary) were
more likely to report condom use. The proportion of women reporting IUD use was higher
among women who got married as minors (less than 18 years) as compared to those who were
married at 18 years of age or later (all p values<0.05).
Approximately 1 in 7 women (15.1%) reported ever experiencing RC from their current
husband or in-laws (Table 2). More than 1 in 3 women (37.4%) reported ever experiencing
physical IPV and 8.3% reported ever experiencing sexual IPV from their current husband.
RC was found to be associated with overall modern method of contraception. In logistic
models (binomial and multinomial with different base outcome) adjusted for demographics
(Table 3), women who had experienced RC were less likely to report use of any modern con-
traceptive (aOR 0.18; 95% CI, 0.09–0.36) in past 1 year. Findings from multinomial models
indicate that women who face RC were less likely to use pills as compared to using no method
(aRRR 0.02; 95% CI, 0.00–0.07). In the model with pills as base outcome, women who faced
RC were more likely to use IUDs than pills (aRRR 63.74; 95% CI, 7.42–547.20) and condoms
than pills (aRRR 13.9; 95% CI, 2.89–67.30). Neither physical nor sexual IPV by current hus-
band were associated with any past year modern contraceptive use or type of contraceptive
used.
Findings from the multivariate models adjusted for both demographics and inclusive of all
three forms of abuse (Table 4) were identical, with women reporting lifetime experience of RC
less likely to use any modern contraceptive (aOR 0.19; 95% CI, 0.10–0.38), less likely to use
pills than using no method (aRRR 0.02; 95% CI, 0.00–0.07) more likely to use an IUD than
pills (aRRR 69.41; 95% CI, 9.35–515.45) and more likely to use a condom than pills (15.00;
95% CI, 3.01–74.79). Additionally, women who faced RC were less likely to use a condom as
compared to no contraceptive use (aRRR 0.24; 95% CI, 0.12–0.49) in the models inclusive of
all forms of violence.
Discussion
More than 1 in 7 (15%) women are affected by RC in this population-based sample of ever
married women. As discussed earlier, previous study in UP reported an RC prevalence rate of
12% among ever-married women in reproductive age [14]. The current study was based on
the same sample but excluded women who may not need contraceptives at the time of study
i.e. women who were sterilized, whose husbands were sterilized and who were pregnant at the
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Table 1. Frequencies of sample demographics by outcomes of interest.
Total Past year FP use-any Pills IUD Condom
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Total 1770 362 22.8%
(19.9–
25.9)
87 6.7%
(5.2–8.5)
23 1.4%
(0.7–2.8)
230 13.3%
(10.9–
16.1)
Background characteristics
Age
15–19 4 0.6%
(0.2–1.8)
0 0.00% 0.683 0 0.00% 0.675 0 0.00% 0.227 0 0.00% 0.213
20–24 192 11.5%
(9.1–14.5)
47 21.8%
(14.2–
32.0)
9 4.0%
(1.3–12.0)
4 0.8%
(0.2–2.3)
30 15.7%
(9.4–24.9)
25–29 314 20.3%
(17.2–
23.9)
84 21.5%
(15.9–
28.2)
18 6.5%
(3.7–11.1)
2 0.1%
(0.0–0.4)
62 14.3%
(9.5–21.0)
30+ 914 67.6%
(64.0–
71.0)
231 23.5%
(19.8–
27.7)
60 7.2%
(5.3–9.8)
17 1.9%
(0.9–4.0)
138 12.7%
(9.9–16.2)
Age at marriage
<18 1264 87.4%
(84.1–
90.1)
321 22.7%
(19.4–
26.3)
0.906 77 6.6%
(4.9–8.7)
0.785 22 1.6%
(0.8–3.2)
0.006 201 13%
(10.5–
15.9)
0.13
18+ 160 12.6%
(9.9–15.9)
41 23.3%
(15.1–
34.2)
10 7.4%
(3.4–15.1)
1 0.1%
(0.0–1.0)
29 15.4%
(8.7–26)
Wealth Quintile
1 (poorest) 302 19.3%
(15.4–
23.9)
66 20.9%
(15.4–
27.7)
0.049 17 6.3%
(3.8–10.3)
0.01 6 1.4%
(0.5–3.8)
0.259 37 9.0% (5.4–
14.8
0.142
2 557 37.2%
(32.2–
42.5)
128 19.6%
(15.6–
23.9)
40 5.7%
(3.6–8.8)
6 0.7%
(0.3–1.8)
70 11.9%
(8.6–15.8)
3 466 34.9%
(30.2–
39.9)
135 24.1%
(18.3–
31.1)
19 5.4%
(3.2–9.1)
11 2.4%
(0.9–6.5)
101 16.0%
(11.9–
21.1)
4 (wealthiest) 99 8.6%
(6.1–12.0)
33 35.1%
(25.2–
46.5)
11 16.8%
(8.9–29.5)
0 0.00% 22 18.3%
(9.5–32.4)
Literacy
Illiterate 957 66.2%
(62.5–
69.6)
218 20.2%
(16.9–
24.0)
0.025 56 6.1%
(4.4–8.4)
0.423 13 1.5%
(0.6–3.7)
0.679 131 10.7%
(8.1–14.0)
0.0083
Literate 467 33.8%
(30.4–
37.5)
144 27.8%
(22.4–
33.9)
31 7.8%
(4.9–12.2)
10 1.2%
(0.5–2.5)
99 18.4%
(13.9–
24.0)
Spouse literacy
Illiterate 469 33.4%
(29.2–
37.8)
99 20.0%
(16.0–
24.9)
0.195 27 6.0%
(3.7–9.5)
0.609 7 1.4%
(0.5–4.4)
0.937 56 10.3%
(7.0–14.9)
0.012
Literate 955 66.6%
(62.3–
70.8)
263 24.1%
(20.3–
28.4)
60 7.0%
(5.1–9.5)
16 1.4%
(0.5–3.4)
174 14.8%
(11.9–
18.3)
Caste/religion
(Continued)
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time of study. Thus, RC appears to be pervasive among women in LMIC settings, especially
among women who may have a need for contraceptives.
Among women experiencing RC, less than 1 in 15 (6.4%) reported use of any modern con-
traceptive in the last 1 year; similar to previous research [14], these women were significantly
less likely to use modern contraceptives as compared to women who had not experienced RC,
after adjusting for effect of IPV and demographics. Similar to the earlier study among this pop-
ulation, overall contraceptive use was not found to be associated with IPV. These findings
show that, similar to other contexts [2224], RC among women in Uttar Pradesh reduces their
ability to successfully use modern contraceptive method.
The model for method specific contraceptive use shows that experience of RC was associ-
ated with decreased likelihood of pill and condom use but not IUD. The findings on reduced
condom use are consistent with previous studies in India demonstrating that men perpetrating
IPV are less likely to use condoms [2527]. However, the finding on reduced likelihood of pill
use based on RC would appear to contradict the hypothesis that female-controlled methods
Table 1. (Continued)
Total Past year FP use-any Pills IUD Condom
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Unwtd.
N
% (95%
CI)
p-
value
Total 1770 362 22.8%
(19.9–
25.9)
87 6.7%
(5.2–8.5)
23 1.4%
(0.7–2.8)
230 13.3%
(10.9–
16.1)
Neither SC/ST
nor Muslim
847 58.2%
(53.2–
63.1)
233 24.6%
(20.5–
29.3)
0.197 62 7.6%
(5.5–10.5)
0.424 16 1.7%
(0.7–4.1)
0.513 142 14.6%
(11.2–
18.7)
0.154
SC/ST 320 21.8%
(18.0–
26.2)
79 22.6%
(17.2–
29.0)
16 5.8%
(3.4–9.9)
4 0.9%
(0.3–3.2)
54 14.4%
(10.6–
19.4)
Muslim 257 20.0%
(15.3–
25.7)
50 17.5%
(12.3–
24.3)
9 4.8%
(2.2–10.0)
3 0.8%
(0.2–3.4)
34 8.4% (5.1–
13.7)
Parity
0 211 14.9%
(12.0–
18.4)
53 22.9%
(15.4–
32.5)
0.541 12 5.7%
(2.8–11.6)
0.876 4 0.9%
(0.2–3.6)
0.175 35 15.9%
(9.6–25.1)
0.022
1 148 9.2%
(7.0–11.8)
43 28.3%
(19.6–
38.9)
12 7.0%
(3.1–15.3)
1 0.2%
(0.0–1.2)
29 20.2%
(12.1–
31.7)
2 229 14.9%
(12.6–
17.5)
63 25.3%
(17.8–
34.7)
7 5.2%
(1.8–14.0)
4 0.8%
(0.2–2.4)
49 19.0%
(12.7–
27.5)
3+ 836 61.1%
(57.4–
64.6)
203 21.3%
(17.8–
25.2)
56 7.2%
(5.2–9.8)
14 1.8%
(0.8–4.2)
117 10.3%
(7.8–13.4)
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241008.t001
Table 2. Prevalence of reproductive coercion, husband IPV and in-law IPV.
No Yes
Unwtd. N % (95% CI) Unwtd. N % (95% CI)
Reproductive coercion 1218 84.9% (80.9–88.1) 206 15.1% (11.9–19.1)
Husband physical IPV 887 62.6% (56.8–68.0) 537 37.4% (32.0–43.2)
Husband sexual IPV 1302 91.8% (88.6–94.1) 122 8.3% (5.9–11.4)
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241008.t002
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Association of IPV and RC with contraceptive use
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will be positively associated with forms of GBV, as pills are typically considered as female-con-
trolled contraceptives that can be used without the knowledge of male partners. However, a
recent study on GBV and contraceptive methods posited that contraceptive pill use should
only be considered truly female-controlled in cases where it is feasible for women to both con-
ceal the pill package, and to take the pill unobserved [28]. This is likely not the case in this set-
ting, as this study was conducted in rural areas of Uttar Pradesh where the average household
size is over five, approximately half (44%) of households include women’s in-laws [10], and
women generally live in close-quarters with other family members, with each room occupied
by an average of three family members [29]. This close proximity to other family members
may make it difficult for women facing RC to conceal and use pills without knowledge of hus-
band or in-laws, making pills use less likely in cases of RC.
Table 3. Logistic (binomial and multinomial) adjusted for demographics.
Method used vs no contraceptive use Method wise comparison
Any modern method vs
no modern method
Pills vs no
modern method
IUD vs no
modern method
Condom vs no
modern method
IUD vs Pills Condom vs
Pills
Condom vs
IUD
aOR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95%
CI)
Reproductive
coercion
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.18�� (0.09–0.36) 0.02�� (0.00–
0.07)
1.07 (0.21–5.46) 0.23 (0.12–0.47) 63.74�� (7.42–
547.20)
13.92�� (2.89–
67.30)
0.22(0.04–
1.32)
Husband physical
IPV
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.72(0.51–1.02) 0.83 (0.43–1.59) 0.72 (0.15–3.39) 0.67(0.43–1.02) 0.87 (0.16–
4.63)
0.81 (0.37–
1.74)
0.93 (0.18–
4.85)
Husband sexual
IPV
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.62 (0.33–1.16) 0.61 (0.25–1.51) 0.32 (0.04–2.51) 0.69 (0.32–1.50) 0.52 (0.06–
4.53)
1.14 (0.38–
3.38)
2.17 (0.28–
16.66)
Trend towards statistical significance (p <0.1)
�� Statistically significant at p <0.01
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241008.t003
Table 4. Multivariate logistic (binomial and multinomial) adjusted for demographics and inclusive of different forms of violence.
Method used vs no contraceptive use Method wise comparison
Any modern method vs
no modern method
Pills vs no
modern method
IUD vs no
modern method
Condom vs no
modern method
IUD vs Pills Condom vs
Pills
Condom vs
IUD
aOR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95% CI) aRRR (95%
CI)
Reproductive
coercion
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.19�� (0.10–0.38) 0.02�� (0.00–
0.07)
1.12 (0.27–4.68) 0.24�� (0.12–0.49) 69.41�� (9.35–
515.45)
15.00�� (3.01–
74.79)
0.22(0.04–
1.05)
Husband physical
IPV
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.86 (0.60–1.23) 1.08 (0.53–2.18) 0.80 (0.18–3.56) 0.76 (0.50–1.17) 0.74 (0.15–
3.69)
0.71 (0.31–
1.60)
0.96 (0.20–
4.66)
Husband sexual
IPV
No Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref Ref
Yes 0.64 (0.32–1.24) 0.52 (0.20–1.41) 0.37 (0.03–4.21) 0.76 (0.33–1.74) 0.70 (0.05–
9.15)
1.45 (0.46–
4.60)
2.08 (0.18–
24.03)
Trend towards statistical significance (p <0.1)
�� Statistically significant at p <0.01
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241008.t004
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Association of IPV and RC with contraceptive use
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In contrast, experience of RC increased the likelihood of IUD usage, both in comparison to
pills and condoms. Earlier research has also found that women find IUDs easier to use covertly
than the oral contraceptive pills [30]. While insertion of IUD is a one-time activity which can
be done when husband or in-laws are not around, pills need to be consumed regularly and
therefore, involve a higher risk of detection. However, the results from NFHS, 2015 show that
only 1.5% women in India and 1.2% in Uttar Pradesh use IUD [10]. One possible reason
behind this low IUD use is the lack of commitment from national and state government to
take steps required for increasing awareness of and access to IUDs [31]. This may be a partial
explanation for the most commonly used method among women facing RC being condoms.
However, this does not explain the increased likelihood of condom use as compared to pills
among women facing RC. A context-specific explanation for greater use of condoms as com-
pared to pills is perpetration of such coercion by family members other than husband. As
reported in the previous study, in-laws were the sole perpetrator in almost half of all RC cases
[14] in this sample. For women facing RC by in-laws but not by husband, i.e., where husbands
are not attempting to coerce her to become pregnant, condom use may well be the most feasi-
ble method of contraception. Future studies investigating the connection of use if specific
methods based on source of RC will be important to clarify these findings. While the current
study collected data on perpetrator of RC, multivariate analysis for different RC perpetrators
could not be conducted due to small cell sizes (small strata), particularly regarding IUD use.
The current results add to the building consensus that screening for RC should be included
in confidential contraceptive counselling, as this experience appears to be a significant factor
in women’s choices and needs regarding type of contraceptive methods. Enabling women fac-
ing RC to successfully use contraceptives can help in reducing unintended pregnancies [14,
32] and related adverse health consequences [5,6,14,33]. Models of clinic-based intervention
found to successfully address RC and to reduce pregnancy among women seeking contracep-
tives [18,19] should be considered for adaptation and implementation in rural UP and similar
contexts. Since IUD prevalence is very low in India and the current study found it to be a pre-
ferred method of contraception among women facing RC, improving awareness about and
access to IUDs by the Indian government may both increase overall contraceptive use in the
country, and also better help women to preserve their reproductive autonomy.
Limitations
While the current findings provide important insights into the type of contraceptives used by
women facing RC, there are several limitations related to the study design that are worth not-
ing. The data used include lifetime RC and IPV but past 12 months contraceptive use. Data to
assess current desire to become pregnant, an important factor behind contraceptive use
among women, was not collected. The study also has limitations in the sample size within the
strata of types of contraceptive which yields small cell sizes, making it difficult to detect differ-
ences by group. This is reflected in the large confidence intervals obtained for use of IUDs
which have a very low prevalence. A larger sample and greater representation across con-
traceptive types may present clearer findings. As contraceptive use and particularly IUDs and
other less commonly used forms of contraceptive use increase under FP2020 activities, further
research could help provide greater clarity into these issues. Also, we interpret study findings
to indicate that the positive association between RC and IUD use may be because of women’s
control and potentially even the possibility of women’s covert use of this method. Further
research should assess the quantitative association between RC and covert contraceptive use
more directly and can also delve into the qualitative reasons for type of contraceptive used
among women contending with RC to provide more insight into these findings. Data used in
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the study is cross-sectional and therefore causality cannot be inferred. Lastly, the study used
self-reported data which might have introduced social desirability and recall bias.
Conclusion
Reproductive coercion is prevalent and critical barrier to overall use of contraceptive methods
among women in Uttar Pradesh. Among women facing RC, IUD is the most preferred con-
traceptive method, and pills, the most commonly used female controlled method used in
India, may be more difficult to use for these women. Although, further research is warranted,
these findings suggest that confidential identification of women facing RC by community
health workers and health facility-based providers may result in increased contraceptive use,
especially as new female-controlled contraceptives (injectables and implants) are currently
being introduced in UP and other Indian states.
Author Contributions
Conceptualization: Shweta Tomar, Dharmendra Chandurkar, Jay G. Silverman.
Formal analysis: Shweta Tomar, Nabamallika Dehingia.
Methodology: Shweta Tomar.
Writing original draft: Shweta Tomar.
Writing review & editing: Shweta Tomar, Arnab K. Dey, Anita Raj, Jay G. Silverman.
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... Aux États-Unis, 9 % d'une population de femme tout-venant auraient été victimes de CR (Black et al., 2011) alors que les prévalences parmi des femmes victimes de violence entre partenaires intimes (VPI) varient de 25 à 35 %. Pour ce qui est des autres pays, nous pouvons retrouver qui varie en fonction des pays : 10,17 % au Nigeria , 15,1 % en Inde (Tomar et al., 2020), 18,5 % en Côte d'Ivoire (McCauley et al., 2014a) et jusqu'à 57,61 % en Éthiopie (John et Edmeades, 2018). Aucune donnée n'a été retrouvée pour les pays d'Europe francophone. ...
... Au niveau individuel, plusieurs facteurs semblent augmenter le risque d'être victime de CR : le jeune âge de la femme (Lévesque et Rousseau, 2019a), un faible niveau d'éducation (Saleem et Pasha, 2008 ;Phillips et al., 2016 ;Tomar et al., 2020: Swan et al., 2021, un faible niveau socio-économique (Gee et al., 2009), l'appartenance ethnique minoritaire (Miller et al., 2010a ;Thaller et Messing, 2015 ;Nikolajski, 2015 ;Holliday et al., 2017 ;Hill et al., 2019) : avoir une appartenance religieuse (John et Edmeades, 2018 ;OlaOlorun et al., 2020), être porteur d'une déficience physique ou intellectuelle (Alhusen et al., 2020), les addictions aux substances (Cannon et al., 2018 ;Stancil et al., 2021), les expériences défavorables durant l'enfance (Hill et al., 2018) et avoir des antécédents de CR (Willie et al., 2019 ;Fleury-Steiner & Miller, 2020). ...
... Actuellement, ce phénomène semble avoir une place importante dans les débats sur les droits reproductifs des femmes car il interfère avec l'autonomie reproductive de celles-ci. La présence de la CR a déjà été étudiée aux États-Unis et ailleurs dans le monde (Black et al., 2011 ;Miller et al., 2010a ;McCauley et al., 2014a ;John et Edmeades, 2018 ;Tomar et al., 2020 ;Silverman et al., 2020). Toutefois aucune étude n'a encore été menée en Europe francophone. ...
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Concept émergent et novateur, la coercition reproductive (CR) implique des comportements d'interférence dans l'autonomie reproductive d'une personne dans le but de maintenir un contrôle sur celle-ci. Elle se manifeste à travers des pressions liées à la grossesse, le sabotage contraceptif et la coercition quant au devenir de la grossesse, et aurait un impact sur la santé reproductive, sexuelle, psychologique et relationnelle de la victime. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'évaluer les connaissances des profession-nels de la santé sur la CR en Belgique à travers une analyse qualitative. Cette analyse est basée sur des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de professionnels de la santé (n = 10). Au regard des résultats, l'analyse thématique révèle que les professionnels de la santé rencontrent bien la CR dans leurs consultations. En effet, ils sont souvent confrontés aux manifestations et aux conséquences de la CR dans leur travail. Même si ces derniers semblent être conscients de ce phénomène, ils ne parviennent toutefois pas à nommer ces comportements. Dès lors, il semble que la sensibilisation et la formation des professionnels à propos de la CR soient essentielles. Il semble également important de développer des outils de dépistage de la CR afin de soutenir les professionnels dans la prise en charge de ce phénomène. ABSTRACT-An emerging and innovative concept, reproductive coercion (RC) involves behaviors that interfere with a person's reproductive autonomy in order to maintain control over them. It manifests itself through pregnancy-related pressures, contraceptive sabotage,
... In addition, low use of modern FP methods has been reported among married women with low self-efficacy, maternal low education levels, religious affiliation, low family income, partner's low educational level, high number of living children, and women's fertility preferences [10][11][12][13]. Women who experience intimate partner violence (IPV), partner disapproval of using modern FP methods, and other forms of reproductive coercion are also less likely to use modern FP methods [12][13][14][15][16]. This is particularly true for married women in the Mara region, where male partners are more involved in the decisions related to reproductive health and the use of FP. ...
... Studies have shown that IPV is a contributing factor that prevents married women from being able to discuss modern FP options with their male partner, which impairs their ability to make health-related decisions both physically and psychologically [12]. In addition, IPV also hinders female reproductive autonomy and is linked to early childbearing, high parity, and unintended pregnancy [14]. Reproductive coercion (RC) often accompanies IPV, where the husband and/or family members restrict the wives' access and use of modern FP [14,18]. ...
... In addition, IPV also hinders female reproductive autonomy and is linked to early childbearing, high parity, and unintended pregnancy [14]. Reproductive coercion (RC) often accompanies IPV, where the husband and/or family members restrict the wives' access and use of modern FP [14,18]. Furthermore, husbands may physically harm their wives if they do not agree to become pregnant [19]. ...
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Background Married women who experience intimate partner violence (IPV) are less likely to negotiate with their partners on modern family planning (FP) use. This study aimed to determine the influence of intimate partner violence and sociodemographics on modern family planning use. Methods A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted in the Mara region, Tanzania from April to July 2020. A total of 366 married women were interviewed. Data were collected using a structured interviewer-administered questionnaire. Analysis was done using SPSS version 25, and a binary logistic regression model was used to determine the predictors of modern FP use. The significance level was set at a p-value less than 0.05. Results The overall prevalence of IPV was 73% with 54.1% physical, 36.3% psychological, and 25.4%, sexual violence. The prevalence of modern FP use was 62%, and the most (49.1%) common method practiced by married women was injection (Depo Provera). Physical violence (AOR = 0.32, p = 0.0056), and psychological violence (AOR = 0.22, p = 0.0022) had significantly reduced odds of modern FP use. Religion (AOR = 4.6, p = 0.0085), and availability of preferred modern FP methods (AOR = 9.27, p < 0.0001) had significantly increased odds of modern FP use. Conclusion In this study, there is a positive association between the use of modern FP methods and IPV. To prevent IPV and its negative health consequences, it is crucial to involve community leaders and primary healthcare workers. They can help in identifying the best strategies to prevent IPV and promote the use of modern FP methods. It is equally important to involve male partners in reproductive health decisions, including the use of modern FP methods. This approach will help reduce reproductive coercion.
... A study using previous Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data [9] and a state-specific study in Mumbai [10] explored the association between women's autonomy and unwanted pregnancy. Similarly, the role of women's autonomy in contraceptive use has been examined using previous DHS data [11,12] and in a study from Uttar Pradesh [13]. Additionally, women's autonomy has been studied in relation to caesarean sections [14] and broader reproductive healthcare services [15][16][17]. ...
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Background In India, limited autonomy in maternal reproductive healthcare decision-making remains a persistent issue. This study investigates the impact of women’s autonomy in managing their healthcare on abortion history, knowledge of contraceptive methods, wanted pregnancy, and delivery via caesarean section in India. Data and methods The data for this study were extracted from two rounds of the Indian Demographic and Health Survey [DHS (2015–16) and DHS (2019–21)]. Descriptive statistics, logistic regression and time interaction regression model were employed to investigate the association between women’s autonomy in managing their healthcare and access to reproductive healthcare services. Results Women whose healthcare decisions were jointly managed with their husband/partner had higher odds of having a wanted pregnancy [OR = 1.64; p<0.01] in 2015–16 and [OR = 1.29; p<0.10] in 2019–21 compared to women who managed healthcare decisions alone. However, the significance of shared healthcare decision-making in predicting a wanted pregnancy diminished between 2015–16 and 2019–21. In 2015–16, the odds of delivery via caesarean section were lower for women who managed their healthcare jointly with their husband/partner [OR = 0.79; p<0.05] and for those whose healthcare decisions were made by someone else [OR = 0.57; p<0.01] compared to women who managed healthcare decisions alone. Additionally, in 2015–16 when healthcare decisions were made by the husband/partner alone, women had significantly lower odds of knowing contraceptive methods [OR = 0.48; p<0.05] compared to when women managed healthcare decisions alone. Furthermore, in each round, women with higher levels of education, health insurance coverage, from wealthier households, and those whose husbands were educated and older at the time of childbirth, had higher odds of having contraceptive knowledge and a wanted pregnancy in India. Conclusion In summary, we found that when healthcare decisions were made solely by the husband or partner, women had significantly lower odds of being knowledgeable about contraceptive methods. Furthermore, we found that the odds of delivery via caesarean section were lower when women jointly managed their healthcare with their partner. To achieve Sustainable Development Goal 3.7, which calls for universal access to sexual and reproductive healthcare services, it is crucial to promote informed reproductive choices, enhance contraceptive knowledge, and increase access to reproductive healthcare services in India.
... 17 The primary outcome, past three-month use of modern contraception without interruption or interference, was assessed at each individual follow-up timepoint, comparing the intervention and control groups at the three-month, twelve-month, Articles and combined follow-up periods (three-month or twelvemonth follow-up). We selected potential confounders to include in the analysis model based on known prognostic covariates associated with modern contraceptive use in South Asia, including number of living children, 9 living with the husband, 9 abortion service type, 9 and baseline report of past three-month RC. 18 This approach to confounder adjustment is recommended in Kahan et al., 2014 to increase power. 19 We used multiple imputation to account for missing data. ...
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Background The Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings (ARCHES) intervention trains existing providers to address reproductive coercion (RC) and intimate partner violence (IPV) within routine family planning counseling. This study evaluated the effectiveness of a single ARCHES counseling session as adapted for use with abortion clients in Bangladesh. Methods In this cluster-randomized controlled trial conducted between January 2019 and January 2021, health facilities with an abortion clinic with infrastructure for private counseling and onsite violence support services were eligible. Six facilities in Bangladesh met inclusion criteria, and matched pairs randomization with parallel assignment and a 1:1 allocation ratio was used to randomize three facilities to ARCHES and three facilities to control, which implemented standard counseling. Blinding was not possible as providers in intervention facilities participated in a three-day ARCHES training. Participants were abortion clients aged 18–49 years who could provide safe recontact information and be interviewed privately. The primary outcome was past three-month modern contraceptive use without interruption or interference. The trial was registered on clinicaltrials.gov (NCT03539315) on 29 May 2018. Findings A total of 1492 intervention participants and 1237 control participants were enrolled. Available data were analyzed at each follow-up period: 1331 intervention and 1069 control participants at the three-month follow-up, and 1269 intervention and 1050 control participants at the twelve-month follow-up. ARCHES was associated with higher likelihood of modern contraceptive use at the three-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.08, 95% CI: 1.06–1.10) and the twelve-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.06, 95% CI: 1.02–1.10). ARCHES was also associated with decreased incident pregnancy, decreased IPV, and increased knowledge of IPV support services. Interpretation The ARCHES intervention is effective in increasing post-abortion modern contraceptive use and decreasing incident pregnancy and IPV among abortion clients in Bangladesh. Implementation of ARCHES should be considered in facilities with sufficient privacy for counseling. Funding 10.13039/100012297Society of Family Planning (#SFPRF11-07) and Ipas.
... There were several examples of how intimate partner violence (IPV), domestic abuse, and sexual violence acted in ways that coercively prohibited women's access to LARCs. For example, when a woman tried to access LARC it led to intimate partner violence [66][67][68]. This type of coercion had further harmful effects such as increasing women's odds of contracting an HIV infection [69]. ...
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In recent years there has been extensive promotion of long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC) globally to increase access to what is widely considered a highly effective contraceptive method. Yet, despite these efforts, evidence points towards the worrying propensity for LARCS to be associated with coercion. Hence, we undertook a meta-narrative review across nine databases to draw together the heterogeneous and complex evidence on the coercive practices associated with LARC programs. A total of 92 papers were grouped into three metanarratives: (1) law, (2) public health and medicine, and (3) the social sciences. Across disciplines, the evidence supports the conclusion that coercive practices surrounding LARC programs always target marginalized, disadvantaged and excluded pop-ulation(s). Looking at coercion across disciplines reveals its many forms, and we present a continuum of coercive practices associated with LARC programming. We found that each discipline provides only a partial picture of coercion, and this fragmentation is a knowledge practice that prevents us from collecting accurate information on this subject and may contribute to the perpetuation of these suspect practices. We present this review to address longstanding silences around coercion and LARCs, and to encourage the development of clinical and programmatic guidance to actively safeguard against coercion and uphold reproductive rights and justice.
... There were several examples of how intimate partner violence (IPV), domestic abuse, and sexual violence acted in ways that coercively prohibited women's access to LARCs. For example, when a woman tried to access LARC it led to intimate partner violence [66][67][68]. This type of coercion had further harmful effects such as increasing women's odds of contracting an HIV infection [69]. ...
Article
Full-text available
In recent years there has been extensive promotion of long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC) globally to increase access to what is widely considered a highly effective contraceptive method. Yet, despite these efforts, evidence points towards the worrying propensity for LARCS to be associated with coercion. Hence, we undertook a meta-narrative review across nine databases to draw together the heterogeneous and complex evidence on the coercive practices associated with LARC programs. A total of 92 papers were grouped into three metanarratives: (1) law, (2) public health and medicine, and (3) the social sciences. Across disciplines, the evidence supports the conclusion that coercive practices surrounding LARC programs always target marginalized, disadvantaged and excluded population(s). Looking at coercion across disciplines reveals its many forms, and we present a continuum of coercive practices associated with LARC programming. We found that each discipline provides only a partial picture of coercion, and this fragmentation is a knowledge practice that prevents us from collecting accurate information on this subject and may contribute to the perpetuation of these suspect practices. We present this review to address longstanding silences around coercion and LARCs, and to encourage the development of clinical and programmatic guidance to actively safeguard against coercion and uphold reproductive rights and justice.
... These associations are found across the world. In India, women experiencing RCA are much less likely to use modern contraceptive methods (Tomar et al. 2020). In South Africa, RCA is positively associated with becoming HIV positive (McCloskey et al. 2020). ...
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Honour is a universal concept, but its meaning, value and applications are variable historically and culturally. Also, not a single community, culture or class has the monopoly on defending one’s honour through violence. It has been attributed as an underlying cause of horrific violence, for example, duelling in England, foot binding in China, sati (burning of a widow in her dead husband’s funeral pyre) in India and the honour-based retribution system in the Southern States of the USA. These practices have been eliminated, yet honour crimes such as domestic abuse, sexual, psychological and economic abuse, acid attacks, forced marriage, forced suicide, female genital mutilation and honour killing still occur in many countries.This chapter argues that the notions of honour, dishonour and shame are interconnected and underpin an organised set of social structures called the honour system. The system operates through norms, rules and practices to control the sexuality, body and behaviour of women and girls. The system uses various harmful practices against women and girls who do not conform to the system’s prescribed rules and norms. These practices are categorised as honour crimes.KeywordsHonourHonour crimesHonour killingHonour-based violenceHonour abuse
... However, their use of contraceptives may be hidden from their partner; (ii) and/or women may have a heightened awareness of their risk of an unintended pregnancy or sexually transmitted infections. In contrast, many other studies showed an opposite relation between contraceptive use and IPV with women who experienced IPV being less likely to use contraceptives [2,[35][36][37]. Similarly, contraceptive utilisation decreased with older women. ...
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Background Intimate partner violence (IPV) affects millions of women each year and has been recognized as a leading cause of poor health, disability, and death among women of reproductive age. However, the existing studies about the association between IPV and contraceptive use have been found to be conflicting and relatively less studied, particularly in low and middle income countries, including Eastern Sub Saharan Africa (SSA). This study examines the relationship between IPV and contraceptive use in Eastern SSA countries. Methods The Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) from 2014 to 2017 were a multi-stage cluster sample survey of 30,715 ever married (or cohabitating) women of reproductive age from six countries. The six Eastern SSA datasets were pooled and multivariable logistic regression using a hierarchical approach was performed to examine the association between IPV and contraceptive use after adjusting for women, partners, and household and health facility factors. Result Two thirds of women 67% [66.55, 67.88] were not using any modern contraceptive methods and almost half (48%) of the women had experienced at least one form of IPV from their partners. Our analysis showed a strong association with decreased odds of physical violence [adjusted odds ratios (aOR) = 0.72, 95%CI: 0.67, 0 0.78] among women not using any contraceptive methods. Other factors associated with women not using any contraceptive methods were older women (35–49 years), illiterate couples and women from poorest households. Women who had no access to any form of communication [aOR = 1.12, 95%CI: 1.08, 1.36], unemployed partner [aOR = 1.55, 95%CI: 1.23, 1.95] and women who travelled long distances to access health services [aOR = 1.16, 95%CI: 1.06, 1.26] significantly reported increased odds of not using any contraceptive methods. Conclusion Our study indicated that physical violence was negatively associated with not using any contraceptive method among married women in Eastern SSA countries. Tailored intervention messages to reduce IPV including physical violence among women not using contraceptive methods in East Africa should target those from low-socioeconomic groups especially, older women with no access to any form of communication, unemployed partners, and illiterate couples.
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Background Improving the design of family planning (FP) interventions is essential to advancing gender equality, maternal health outcomes, and reproductive autonomy for both men and women. While progress has been made towards applying a rights-based approach to FP interventions in sub-Saharan Africa, t he ethical implications of FP interventions has been underreported and underexplored. Several ethical challenges persist related to measuring success, choice, and target population. Methods We conducted a scoping review to understand if and how FP interventions published between 2000 and 2020 within sub-Saharan Africa address the ethical challenges raised within the literature. We identified a total of 1,652 papers, of which 40 were included in the review. Results Our review demonstrated that the majority of family planning interventions in sub-Saharan Africa place a strong emphasis, on measuring success through quantitative indicators such as uptake of modern contraception methods among women, specifically those that are married and visiting healthcare centres. They also tend to bias the provision of family planning by promoting long-acting reversible contraception over other forms of contraception methods potentially undermining individuals' autonomy and choice. The interventions in our review also found most interventions exclusively target women, not recognising the importance of gender norms and social networks on women's choice in using contraception and the need for more equitable FP services. Conclusion The results of this review highlight how FP interventions measured success through quantitative indicators that focus on uptake of modern contraception methods among women. Utilising these measures makes it difficult to break away from the legacy of FP as a tool for population control as they limit the ability to incorporate autonomy, choice, and rights. Our results are meant to encourage members of the global family planning community to think critically about the ethical implications of their existing interventions and how they may be improved. More public health and policy research is required to assess the effect of applying the new indicators with the FP community as well as explicitly outlining monitoring and evaluation strategies for new interventions to allow for programme improvement and the dissemination of lessons learned.
Chapter
This chapter considers deliberate attempts to interfere with a woman’s reproductive autonomy in the setting of intimate partner or family relationships. Relevant decisions are those about whether to start, continue or terminate a pregnancy. Reproductive coercion and abuse is a common behaviour, and there is some overlap with intimate partner violence. But its presence is often not admitted by the woman to herself, let alone disclosed to professionals. A common phenomenon is contraceptive sabotage: this includes resistance to use of condoms, piercing condoms, jettisoning contraceptive supplies, forcibly removing devices or lying about having had a vasectomy. In some cultural settings, other family members are involved in coercion and abuse. Some women reassert their autonomy by using contraceptive methods that are concealable. Research on reproductive coercion and abuse is in its early stages. Methods of detection and response are not well developed, but health professionals should be aware of the possibility that a woman in their care may be experiencing reproductive coercion and abuse. So far, little is known about the motivation of perpetrators or possible therapeutic options.KeywordsReproductive coercion and abuseContraceptive sabotagePregnancy outcome controlReproductive autonomyGender-based violence
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Background In Niger the prevalence of girl child marriage and low female control over family planning (FP) has resulted in the world's highest adolescent fertility. Male control of FP is associated with intimate partner violence (IPV) and reproductive coercion (RC). We assessed associations of IPV and RC with FP use among married adolescent girls (ages 13–19 years) in Dosso, Niger (N = 1072). Methods Multivariable, cross-sectional regression models assessed associations between physical IPV, sexual IPV, and RC and any FP use, FP use with husband knowledge (overt use), and FP use without husband knowledge (covert use). Findings One in four married adolescent girls using FP reported doing so without husband's knowledge. Unadjusted and adjusted models indicated that physical IPV and RC were associated with covert FP use (vs. no use and vs. overt use), but not with overt use vs. no use. Only physical IPV remained significantly associated with covert use in models including all three forms of violence (AOR: 1.94 vs. any use; AOR: 3.63 vs. overt use). Interpretation Married adolescents experiencing physical IPV or RC were more likely that others to use FP without their husbands’ knowledge. No form of GBV affected odds of FP use with husbands’ knowledge. Current results suggest caution regarding promoting engagement of men in decisions to use FP in this context, as this may undermine the reproductive autonomy of girls and women who will choose to use FP without the knowledge of their male partners.
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Background Intimate partner violence (IPV) has been shown to be associated differentially with contraceptive use based on type, with IPV more likely among pill users and less likely among condom users. Recent increases in IUD uptake allow consideration of this type of contraceptive. We assessed the association between self-reported IPV and self-reported contraceptive use, by type, among non-pregnant married women in rural India in a region with higher than average IUD use. Methods We assessed the association between past 12-month IPV (physical, sexual, or any) and past 3-month contraceptive use (condom, pill, IUD, or any modern method) using crude and adjusted multinomial logistic regression models. Findings Among the 1001 women included, 109 (10·9%) reported experiencing physical IPV and 27 (2·7%) reported experiencing sexual IPV in the past 12 months. Women experiencing physical IPV were significantly less likely to use condoms (adjusted relative risk ratio [RRR]: 0·54, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0·30–0·98, p = 0·042) than women not experiencing violence. There was a trend towards increased IUD use among women experiencing physical IPV (adjusted RRR: 1·78, 95% CI: 0·91–3·41, p = 0·091) compared to those not experiencing physical IPV, but this did not reach statistical significance. Interpretation Our findings suggest that women who experience physical IPV in India are less likely to use condoms and may be more likely to use IUDs than women without exposure to IPV. This research expands on prior findings suggesting higher uptake of women-controlled contraceptives among women contending with IPV in India.
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Increasing modern contraceptive use and gender equity are major foci of the recently ratified Sustainable Development Goals for 2030 and the Government of India. Coercion and sabotage by husbands and in-laws to inhibit women's access, initiation, continuation, and successful use of modern contraception methods (i.e., reproductive coercion) may contribute to low usage rates and unintended pregnancy in India; however, little is known about the extent of this problem. The current study assesses the prevalence of reproductive coercion, both husband and in-law perpetrated, among a large population-based sample. Data were collected from currently married women of reproductive age (15-49 years; N = 1770) across 49 districts of Uttar Pradesh as part of an evaluation of a broad effort to improve the public health system in the state. Dependent variables included modern contraceptive use in the past 12 months, unintended pregnancy, and pregnancy termination. Independent variables included ever experiencing reproductive coercion (RC) by a current husband or in-laws and lifetime experience of physical and sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) by a current husband. Approximately 1 in 8 (12%) women reported ever experiencing RC from their current husbands or in-laws; 42% of these women reported RC by husbands only, 48% reported RC by in-laws only, and 10% reported RC by both husbands and in-laws. Among women experiencing RC, more than one-third (36%) reported that their most recent pregnancy was unintended; these women had 4 to 5 times greater odds of unintended pregnancy and a more than 5 times decreased likelihood of recent use of modern contraceptives than women not experiencing RC, after accounting for effects of demographics and physical and sexual IPV. Scalable and sustainable interventions in both clinical and community settings are needed to reduce RC, a potentially key factor in effective strategies for improving women's reproductive autonomy and health in India and globally.
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Objectives: We examined the utilisation, equity and determinants of full antenatal care (ANC), defined as 4 or more antenatal visits, at least one tetanus toxoid (TT) injection and consumption of iron folic acid (IFA) for a minimum of 100 days, in India. Methods: We analysed a sample of 190,898 women from India's National Family Health Survey 4. Concentration curves and concentration index were used to assess equity in full ANC utilisation. Multivariable logistic regression model was used to examine the factors associated with full ANC utilisation. Results: In India, 21% of pregnant women utilised full ANC, ranging from 2.3-65.9% across states. Overall, 51.6% had 4 or more ANC visits, 30.8% consumed IFA for atleast 100 days, and 91.1% had one or more doses of tetanus toxoid. Full ANC utilisation was inequitable across place of residence, caste and maternal education. Registration of pregnancy, utilisation of government's Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) and health insurance coverage were associated with higher odds of full ANC utilisation. Lower maternal education, lower wealth quintile(s), lack of father's participation during antenatal visits, higher birth order, teenage and unintended pregnancy were associated with lower odds of full ANC utilisation. Conclusions: Full ANC utilisation in India was inadequate and inequitable. Although half of the women did not receive the minimum recommended ANC visits, the utilisation of TT immunisation was almost universal. The positive association of full ANC with ICDS utilisation and child's father involvement may be leveraged for increasing the uptake of full ANC. Strategies to address the socio-demographic factors associated with low and inequitable utilisation of full ANC are imperative for strengthening India's maternal health program.
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The objective of this study was to determine factors associated with modern contraceptive use and unintended pregnancy among young women and men in Accra, Ghana. From September-December 2013, we conducted a cross-sectional survey with 250 women and 100 men aged 18–24. We explored determinants of modern contraceptive use among males and females and unintended pregnancy among females. Descriptive statistics, chi-square tests, Fisher’s exact tests, and multivariable logistic regression were used. Participants had an average of three lifetime sexual partners, and 91% had one current partner. Overall, 44% reported current modern contraceptive use. In multivariate modeling, modern contraceptive use was associated with higher education compared to primary (AORs 2.1–4.3); ever talking with someone about contraception (AOR 4.7); feeling unsupported by a healthcare provider for contraception (AOR 2.2); and not feeling at risk of unintended pregnancy (AOR 2.7). While ≥70% of participants recognized most contraceptive methods, awareness of some methods was lacking. Nearly all respondents (91%) felt at least one modern method was unsafe. Nearly half of all females (45%) reported their last pregnancy was unintended, and 63% of females and 58% of males felt at risk for future unintended pregnancy. Women were more likely to experience unintended pregnancy if they had ever given birth (AOR 6.7), their sexual debut was 8–14 years versus 20–24 years (AOR 3.4), or they had 3–4 lifetime sexual partners versus 1–2 (AOR 2.4). Targeted interventions are needed to improve understanding of the safety of modern contraceptive methods, increase awareness of long-acting methods, and consequently increase modern contraceptive access and use.
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To explore the effect of provider communication-skills training on frequency of intimate partner violence (IPV) and reproductive coercion (RC) assessment, four family planning clinics were randomized to IPV/RC communication-skills building workshop or standard knowledge-based IPV/RC training and compared to historical controls from the same clinics (before any training). Female patients aged 16-29 completed after-visit surveys. Primary outcomes included provider discussion about IPV/RC, receipt of safety card with IPV/RC resources and patient disclosure of IPV/RC. Chi-square tests were used to compare groups that received training and historical controls. Participants (training: n = 103; historical control: n = 576) were predominantly white with mean age of 22. More patients reported discussion about healthy relationships in both training groups (78-90%) compared to historical controls (49-52%, P < 0.001 for both). Discussion on birth control sabotage and pregnancy coercion was infrequent with patient-participants in both groups (6-17 and 4-13%, respectively). More patients in the clinics that received training reported receiving a safety card (72-84%) as compared to historical controls (9%, P < 0.001 for both). Overall, in this exploratory study, both communication-skills and standard training improved frequency of IPV communication when compared to historical controls but with few differences when compared to each other.
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Background: Reliable information on the incidence of induced abortion in India is lacking. Official statistics and national surveys provide incomplete coverage. Since the early 2000s, medication abortion has become increasingly available, improving the way women obtain abortions. The aim of this study was to estimate the national incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancy for 2015. Methods: National abortion incidence was estimated through three separate components: abortions (medication and surgical) in facilities (including private sector, public sector, and non-governmental organisations [NGOs]); medication abortions outside facilities; and abortions outside of facilities and with methods other than medication abortion. Facility-based abortions were estimated from the 2015 Health Facilities Survey of 4001 public and private health facilities in six Indian states (Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Uttar Pradesh) and from NGO clinic data. National medication abortion drug sales and distribution data were obtained from IMS Health and six principal NGOs (DKT International, Marie Stopes International, Population Services International, World Health Partners, Parivar Seva Santha, and Janani). We estimated the total number of abortions that are not medication abortions and are not obtained in a health facility setting through an indirect technique based on findings from community-based study findings in two states in 2009, with adjustments to account for the rapid increase in use of medication abortion since 2009. The total number of women of reproductive age and livebirth data were obtained from UN population data, and the proportion of births from unplanned pregnancies and data on contraceptive use and need were obtained from the 2015-16 National Family Health Survey-4. Findings: We estimate that 15·6 million abortions (14·1 million-17·3 million) occurred in India in 2015. The abortion rate was 47·0 abortions (42·2-52·1) per 1000 women aged 15-49 years. 3·4 million abortions (22%) were obtained in health facilities, 11·5 million (73%) abortions were medication abortions done outside of health facilities, and 0·8 million (5%) abortions were done outside of health facilities using methods other than medication abortion. Overall, 12·7 million (81%) abortions were medication abortions, 2·2 million (14%) abortions were surgical, and 0·8 million (5%) abortions were done through other methods that were probably unsafe. We estimated 48·1 million pregnancies, a rate of 144·7 pregnancies per 1000 women aged 15-49 years, and a rate of 70·1 unintended pregnancies per 1000 women aged 15-49 years. Abortions accounted for one third of all pregnancies, and nearly half of pregnancies were unintended. Interpretation: Health facilities can have a greater role in abortion service provision and provide quality care, including post-abortion contraception. Interventions are needed to expand access to abortion services through better equipping existing facilities, ensuring adequate and continuous supplies of medication abortion drugs, and by increasing the number of trained providers. In view of how many women rely on self-administration of medication abortion drugs, interventions are needed to provide women with accurate information on these drugs and follow-up care when needed. Research is needed to test interventions that improve knowledge and practice in providing medication abortion, and the Indian Government at the national and state level needs to prioritise improving policies and practice to increase access to comprehensive abortion care and quality contraceptive services that prevent unintended pregnancy. Funding: Government of UK Department for International Development (until 2015), the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the Ford Foundation.
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Estimates of the potential impacts of contraceptive use on averting unintended pregnancies, total and unsafe abortions, maternal deaths, and newborn, infant, and child deaths provide evidence of the value of investments in family planning programs and thus are critically important for policy makers, donors, and advocates alike. Several research teams have independently developed mathematical models that estimate the number of adverse health outcomes averted due to contraceptive use. However, each modeling approach was designed for different purposes, and as such the methodological assumptions, data inputs, and mathematical algorithms initially used in each model differed; consequently, the models did not produce comparable estimates for the same outcome indicators. To address this, a series of expert group meetings took place in which 5 models-Adding it Up, Impact 2, ImpactNow, Reality Check, and FamPlan/Lives Saved Tool (LiST)-were reviewed and harmonized where possible. The group identified the main reasons for the inconsistencies in the estimates generated by the models for each of the adverse health outcome indicators. The group then worked together to align the methodologies for estimating numbers of unintended pregnancies, abortions, and maternal deaths averted due to contraceptive use, and reviewed the challenges with estimating the impact of contraceptive use on newborn, infant, and child deaths, including the lack of a conceptually clear pathway and rigorous evidence. The assumption that most influenced harmonization was the comparison pregnancy rate used by the models to estimate the counterfactual scenario-that is, if women who are currently using contraception were not using a method, how many would become pregnant? All the models now base this on the number of unintended pregnancies among women with unmet contraceptive need, bringing the estimates for unintended pregnancies, total and unsafe abortion, and maternal deaths much closer together. The agreed approaches have already been adopted by the Family Planning 2020 (FP2020) initiative and Track20, a project that supports FP2020. The experts will continue to update their models collaboratively to ensure that the most current estimation methodologies and data available are used. Valid and reliable methodologies for estimating these impacts from family planning are critically important, not only for advocacy to sustain resource allocation commitments but also to enable measurement and tracking of global development indicators. Conflicting estimates can be counterproductive to generating support for family planning programs, and this harmonization process has created a more unified voice for quantifying the benefits of family planning.
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Context: The contribution of copper-bearing intrauterine devices (IUDs) to overall contraceptive protection has declined in many countries, despite their well-known advantages. In response, initiatives to promote this method have been undertaken. Objective: To review and interpret the experience of interventions to promote use of IUDs in low- and middle-income countries in order to provide strategic guidance for policies and programs. Methods: We conducted a systematic search of Medline, Popline, Embase and Global Health electronic databases for relevant journal papers, reports and grey literature since 2010. Telephone interviews were held with two donors and six international family planning organisations. Results: We identified a total of 31 publications. Four reported the results of randomized control trials and three were derived from quasi-experiments. The majority were based on service statistics. Eight publications concerned interventions for HIV-positive women or couples, nine for postpartum or post-abortion cases and 14 for general populations. Intervention approaches included vouchers, franchising of private practitioners, mobile outreach services, placement of dedicated staff in high-volume facilities, and demand creation. Most publications adduced evidence of a positive impact and some reported impressively large numbers of IUD insertions. Results to date on the uptake of IUDs in postpartum interventions are modest. There is also almost no evidence of effects on IUD use at national levels. Implant uptake generally exceeded IUD uptake when both were offered. Conclusion: The evidence base is weak and offers few lessons on what strategies are most effective. The overall impression is that IUD use can be increased in a variety of ways but that progress is hampered by persistent adverse perceptions by both providers and potential clients. Provider enthusiasm is a key to success. The lack of a population impact stems in part from the fact that nearly all interventions are initiated by international organisations, with limited national reach except in small countries, rather than by government agencies.
Article
CONTEXT Variability in the conceptualization and measurement of women's empowerment has resulted in inconsistent findings regarding the relationships between empowerment and sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Reproductive autonomy-a specific measure of empowerment-and its role in modern contraceptive use have rarely been assessed in Sub-Saharan contexts. METHODS Survey data were collected from a sample of 325 urban Ghanaian women aged 15-24 recruited from health facilities and schools in Kumasi and Accra in March 2015. Bivariate and multivariable logistic regression analyses were used to examine associations between two adapted reproductive autonomy subscales-decision making and communication-and women's use of modern contraceptives at last sex, controlling for demographic, reproductive and social context (i.e., approval of and stigma toward adolescent sexual and reproductive health) covariates. RESULTS In multivariable analyses, reproductive autonomy decision making-but not reproductive autonomy communication-was positively associated with women's modern contraceptive use at last sex (odds ratio, 1.1); age, having been employed in the last seven days and living in Kumasi were also positively associated with modern contraceptive use (1.1-9.8), whereas ever having had a previous pregnancy was negatively associated with the outcome (0.3). Reproductive autonomy decision making remained positively associated with contraceptive use in a subsequent model that included social approval of adolescent sexual and reproductive health (1.1), but not in models that included stigma toward adolescent sexual and reproductive health. CONCLUSIONS The reproductive autonomy construct, and the decision-making subscale in particular, demonstrated relevance for family planning outcomes among young women in Ghana and may have utility in global settings. Future research should explore reproductive autonomy communication and the potential confounding effects of social context.