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Notes on Economic Plants
Maya Medicinal Fruit Trees: Q’eqchi’Homegarden Remedies
AMANDA M. THIEL AND MARSHA B. QUINLAN*
Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman, Washington, DC, USA
*Corresponding author; e-mail: mquinlan@wsu.edu
Key Words: Ethnobiology, Ethnobotany, Ethnomedicine, Indigenous peoples–Central America,
Orchards.
Introduction
Five cultivated fruit trees are among the most
popular medical plant species that Q’eqchi’Maya
horticultural villagers of Alta Verapaz, Guatemala,
grow in their dooryards. Participant–observation
with informal interviews and 31 semi-structured
interviews amidst walking homegarden tours in-
form findings. Beyond their apparent nutritional,
ornamental, and shade values, Q’eqchi’use bitter
orange, Citrus xaurantium, for headaches, gastroin-
testinal problems, high blood pressure, cough, and
fever. Prevalent home garden tree Citrus xlatifolia
treats fever, throat, cough, and heart problems;
Mangifera indica treats fever and kidney pain; Persea
americana helps gastrointestinal and skin problems,
body pain, evil eye, and has abortive properties; and
Psidium guajava remedies gastrointestinal problems,
amoebas, and bites. In this paper, we review the
regional ethnomedical use and pharmacology of
these species. Outside pharmacological research
supports Q’eqchi’villagers’cultural reasons for these
phytotherapies.
Guatemala is a hotspot of biological and cultural
diversity; ecological zones range from coastal, to
highland, to lowland tropical, and over 20
Maya—among other—ethnic groups live through-
out the small country (McKillop 2004). Maya
homegardens have a long history of use and provide
biocultural resources with overlapping uses: food
and medicine are two common functions (Kumar
and Nair 2006; Mariaca Mendez 2012). Home
remedies—often homegarden medicinal
plants—are the first choice for health care, especially
in rural, impoverished areas (Quinlan 2004;
Vandebroek 2013; Weller et al. 1997).
Guatemalans regularly use medicinal plants in
home health care, as they are readily available, have
longstanding traditions of use, and are virtually free
(Adams and Hawkins 2007;Cosminsky2016).
Many Guatemalan medicinals show pharmacologi-
cal efficacy (Caceres 1996; Michel et al. 2007).
METHODS AND SETTING
This research took place in a village of Alta
Verapaz, Guatemala, which is home to approxi-
mately 700 people, of mostly Q’eqchi’ethnicity.
Abundant rain falls (2000–3000 mm annually) in
this lowland village. Evergreen rainforest grows
from limestone soil and temperatures range from
25 to 38 °C (McKillop 2004). Native palms, or-
chids, and bromeliads predominate (Standley and
Steyermark 1945).
Villagers simply call their homegarden (or door-
yard garden) area their lote,or“lot.”All gardened
and wild plants indeed grow around a household’s
lot, the rectangular parcel of land (usually 30 ×
60 m) where villagers build their house and live.
They own or rent additional plots for milpa maize–
based horticultural subsistence or small–scale com-
mercial production. Homegardens are outdoor liv-
ing spaces with work and social gathering areas.
Plants of all sizes providefood, medicine, ornament,
and shade.
METHODS
We conducted fieldwork here between June and
August 2016, and July 2018. This research builds
on village–wide participant–observation and infor-
mal interviewing (Bernard 2017). We sampled 26%
of the 100 village households for focused participa-
tion, and interviewed 31 consenting adult members
of those households (see Table 1for details). Five
dyads participated, two of which were interviewed
Economic Botany, XX(X), 2020, pp. 1–7
© 2020, by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A.
separately (two husband/wife pairs). In three dyads
(two mother/adult daughter pairs and one husband/
wife pair), the interviewees clearly indicated personal
knowledge of local plants independent from their
family member. Households were selected by strati-
fied convenience sampling according to the distance
and direction (north or south) from the central road.
We used two semi–structured interview tech-
niques. Interviews were in Spanish except with
two monolingual participants interviewed with a
Q’eqchi’translator. Initial open–ended interviews
assessed life course, cultural, and ethnobotanical
topics. Next, Thiel conducted walking homegarden
tours (Martin 2014) to elicit names and uses of
plants. She asked for the Spanish, Q’eqchi’,and
other names for each plant, then asked for the
plant’s local uses and probed for details regarding
parts, amounts, and preparations. She interviewed
31 informants between the ages of 19 and 70; 8
men and 23 women. Availability skewed the sam-
ple’s sex ratio: men spend daylight hours working
outside the home, while women remain near home.
VOUCHER SPECIMENS
The Guatemalan National Council for Protected
Areas granted permission for voucher collection.
We deposited vouchers at the University of San
Carlos Herbarium in Guatemala City.
Results and Discussion
Medicinal plant home remedies are often the
first choice for health care in rural, impoverished
areas (Quinlan 2004;Welleretal.1997)and
homegardens are uniquely situated to provide these
resources (Kumar and Nair 2006; Mariaca Mendez
2012). In this Q’eqchi’village, women generally
spend waking hours around home, and men spend
more time away from home in subsistence produc-
tion or wage labor. Women may generate income
with at–hand resources by selling their trees’fruit to
neighbors, grinding corn or making tortillas or ta-
males, or making fruit popsicles or sliced fruit to sell
to neighbors and school children. Village women
list more fruit tree uses than men do, plus more
medicinal plants—presumably the plants they
maintain in homegardens. Men list more non–
fruiting tree species than women, reflecting
Q’eqchi’labor division in which men regularly
gather fire and construction wood, while women
prepare food. This research does not draw conclu-
sive evidence about gender differences regarding
Alta Verapaz medicinal plant cultivation and use,
although ethnobotanical domains appear gendered
elsewhere (Mariaca Méndez 2012; Quinlan et al.
2016;Voeks2007; Wayland 2001). Our observa-
tions warrant further research.
Five fruit trees were among these Alta Verapaz
villagers’most frequently mentioned homegarden
medicines (Table 2). While variation in medicinal
plant cultivation and use is a village norm, there are
several species that villagers identify easily, species of
common knowledge. Each plant herein—listed in
order of prevalence—is reported in at least three
(12%) sampled village homegardens.
CITRUS X AURANTIUM L.
Seven interviews (27%) indicated a tea of
infused Citrus xaurantium (bitter orange) leaves
to cool and treat stomachache, colic, vomiting,
diarrhea, cough, fever, and high blood pressure.
Stomach complaints and fever are the most com-
mon uses, and informants may add other plants
(especially Citrus xlatifolia Tanaka ex Q. Jiménez
and Cymbopogon citratus [DC.] Stapf, Poaceae) to
improve the effect. One informant applies the leaves
directly to the forehead to treat headaches.
TABLE 1. DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS OF THE SAMPLE (N=31INDIVIDUALS IN 26 HOUSEHOLDS)
Variable Mean Median Minimum Maximum SD
Participant ages 35.1 31.5 19 70 12.5
IDs per species 1.64 1 1 7 1.19
Plants per participant 4.03 3 0 11 3.21
Proportion 1 0
Sex 0.74 ♀(23) ♂(8)
Interview language 0.935 Spanish (29) Q’eqchi’(2)
Household near road 0.5 Yes (13) No (13)
Interviewed individually 0.774 Yes (24) No (7)
Household member 0.677 ♀heads ♀Head (21) ♂Head (7) Adult ♀(2) Adult ♂(1)
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
TABLE 2. THE FIVE MOST FREQUENTLY MENTIONED GUATEMALAN Q’EQCHI’HOMEGARDEN FRUIT TREES AND THEIR MEDICINAL USES.
Latin name and
family
Spanish name Q’eqchi’
name
English
name
Medicinal
plant part
Illnesses treated locally Homegardens
reporting as
medicinal
Homegardens in
which present
Voucher
ID
Citrus xaurantium L.,
Rutaceae
Naranja Chiin Bitter orange Leaves Headache,
stomachache,
intestinal cramps,
high blood
pressure,
vomiting,
diarrhea, cough,
fever
714
AT024
Citrus xlatifolia Yu.
Tanaka, Rutacaeae
Limón/Limón
persa
Lamunx,
lamux
q’en
Persian
lime
Leaves Fever, sore throat,
cough, heart problems
4 8 AT017
Mangifera indica L.,
Anacardiaceae
Mango Mank Mango Leaves,
bark
Fever, kidney pain, unknown 4 13 AT013
Persea americana
Mill., Lauraceae
Aguacate o Avocado Leaves,
bark, pit
Diarrhea, ulcers, skin problems,
evil eye, stomachache, abortive
4 20 AT001
Psidium guajava L.,
Myrtaceae
Guayaba Pata Guava Leaves,
bark
Bites, stomachache, amoebas 3 9 AT025
NOTES2020]
Elsewhere in Guatemala, Q’eqchi’in Izabal in-
fuse C. xaurantium leaves to drink and apply
directly for night sweats and insomnia (Michel
et al. 2006). Guatemalan Caribs drink a leaf decoc-
tion for flatulence, the pericarp for vomiting and
diarrhea, the bud for “cardiac weakness”and ner-
vousness, and eat the fruit for fever (Girón et al.
1991:184). Countrywide, Guatemalans use bitter
orange leaves, flowers, peel, and bark for many
digestive, respiratory, nervous, and cardiac symp-
toms (Caceres 1996). Belizean Maya use C. x
aurantium leaf infusions topically for fever, and as
tea for gastrointestinal problems, colds, influenza,
fever, and blood clots, and with other plants for
various digestive, circulatory, and nervous system
ailments (Balick and Arvigo 2015).
Yucatec Maya drink the leaf infusion for various
forms of upset stomach, apply the infusion for
rheumatism, and decoct bark tea for diarrhea
(Anderson 2003). Haitians treat fever, flu, irregular
heartbeat, and emotional shock with C. xaurantium
leaf tea, use leaves topically for headaches, and fruit
topically to promote circulation, e.g., for bruises
(Paul and Cox 1995).
Knowledge of C. aurantium’s pharmacology re-
mains limited; however, biological assays find
gastroprotective and antiulcer properties
(Karthikeyan and Karthikeyan 2014), supporting
C. aurantium’s traditional use for gastrointestinal
problems, especially gastritis and ulcers. The whole
plant contains volatile oils and alkaloids including
synephrine, which shows activity against depres-
sion, and flavonoids with antianxiety, sedative, and
tranquilizing effects. The essential oil is anti–fungal
against Candida albicans, Lentinus lepideus, Lenzites
trabea, Polyporus versicolor,P. cyclopium,and
Trichoderma viride; antibacterial against Pseudomo-
nas aeruginosa,Staphylococcus aureus, and Streptococ-
cus pyogenes (Carvalho-Freitas and Costa 2002); and
an effective smooth muscle relaxant (Karthikeyan
and Karthikeyan 2014).
CITRUS XLATIFOLIA TANAKA EX Q. JIMÉNEZ
In four homegarden interviews (15%), villagers
report that Citrus xlatifolia (limón, lime) leaf tea and
fruit juice are useful for fever, sore throat, and
cough. One informant mentioned the leaf tea for
heart issues. Villagers often combine the leaves with
other plants, including C. x aurantium,Mangifera
indica L., Psidium guajava L., and Cymbopogon
citratus.C. xlatifolia has had multiple names (e.g.,
formerly C. latifolia Yu Tanaka, C. aurantiifolia
Swingle, synonym C. × aurantiifolia subsp. Latifolia
[Yu.Tanaka] S.Ríos, D.Rivera and Obón). We in-
clude C. aurantiifolia (etc.) reports here if authors
identify it by C. xlatifolia’s common names; limón
(Spanish), lamunx (Q’eqchi’), or Persian lime
(English).
Highland Maya use limón (or limón persa) fruit
for fevers, stomachache, appetite loss, ear infections,
and rheumatism (Orellana 1997). Indigenous and
Ladino Guatemalans use limón juice and dried pul-
verized fruit for respiratory and digestive problems,
fevers, hepatitis, rheumatism, and pain (Caceres
1996). Local Caribs use the leaf infusion for fever
(Girón et al. 1991).
Among Belizean Q’eqchi’,Zarger(2002)listsC.
xaurantiifolia leaves as a tea but does not specify
medicinal applications. Balick and Arvigo (2015)
report Belizean Maya medicinal use of C. x
aurantiifolia for cough, colds, “congested blood,”
and high blood pressure (Balick and Arvigo 2015).
Yucatec Maya consider C. xaurantiifolia to be
cooling and use the leaf tea for stomach upset and
the fruit with honey for catarrh (Anderson 2003).
Dominicans use the leaves and roots for fevers
(Quinlan 2004).
Pharmacological research finds C. xlatifolia as
antimicrobial against various microbes that produce
fever, cough, and sore throat. Leaf extracts attack
Gram–positive and Gram–negative bacteria com-
parably to standard antibiotics tobramycin,
gentamicin sulphate, ofloxacin, and ciprofloxa-
cin screened under similar conditions. Palmitic
acid in the essential oil is active against Myco-
bacterium tuberculosis, including multi–drug–resis-
tant M. tuberculosis strains. The fruit extract is fun-
gicidal against pneumonia–causing Aspergilus niger
and Candida albicans, causing mouth and throat
thrush infections (Al-Snafi 2016). Lime’shighan-
tioxidant flavones protect cell damage, particularly
from oxidation associated with respiratory and di-
gestive problems, hepatitis, and rheumatism
(Urbando-Rivera et al. 2005); and Citrus flavo-
noids, which are anti–inflammatory—especially in
the circulatory system (Benavente-Garcia et al.
1997)—thus should reduce fever and improve car-
diovascular health. Consistent with Q’eqchi’C. x
latifolia leaf tea for heart issues, experiments with
ingested fruit extract significantly decreases blood
pressure and heart rate in rodents, reduces systolic,
diastolic, and mean blood pressures, heart rate,
triglycerides associated with strokes, and LDL cho-
lesterol associated with coronary artery disease (Al-
Snafi 2016).
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
MANGIFERA INDICA L.
Mangifera indica (mango) grows in 13 (50%) of
the sampled homegardens. Villagers eat the mango
fruit or sell it to local shops. One woman sells sliced
mango with condiments to schoolchildren during
breaks. Four participants (15%) mentioned the
leaves and bark as medicinal. Two informants use
the leaves for fever; one also said the bark is useful
for kidney pain. The other two informants that
mentioned Mangifera as a medicine did not know
what conditions it could treat.
The Ch’orti’Maya and Ladinos in Eastern Gua-
temala use M. indica seed, bark, and “tender shoots”
for digestive problems, and the seed, tender shoots,
and leaves for respiratory illnesses (Kufer et al.
2005:1133). Guatemalan Caribs and Panamanians
use the leaf and bud tea as a tonic and for coughs
and bronchitis (Girón et al. 1991; Lewis and Elvin-
Lewis 2003). Yucatec Maya make M. indica leaf
infusions to wash and to drink for scorpion stings
(Anderson 2003). In Belize, M. indica leaves treat
bruises, cough, mucus, and menstrual cramps
(Balick and Arvigo 2015). In Dominica, M. indica
leaf tea is a remedy for loose bowels (Quinlan
2004).
Mango bark and leaves are pharmacologically
active. The bark extract has anti–inflammatory
and analgesic effects in rodent tests (Ojewole
2005), consistent with its Alta Verapaz fever use.
Mangiferin—a major constituent responsible for
Mangifera’s medicinal effect—has proved effective
for its antioxidant, antitumor, antiallergic, antibac-
terial, antiparasitic, antifungal, antidiabetic, and an-
tiviral properties in multiple trials (Shah et al. 2010;
Wauthoz et al. 2007).
PERSEA AMERICANA MILL
Four village residents (15%) report Persea amer-
icana (avocado) as a medicinal homegarden plant,
although it is present in 20 (77%) homegardens
sampled in this research. The remaining 16 infor-
mants mention it only for food. Villagers use
P. americana leaves for body pain, diarrhea, ulcers,
granos (skin bumps/pimples), and evil eye. They use
P. americana bark for stomachaches and the pit as
an abortive.
Literature from Guatemala, and elsewhere, indi-
cates similar P. americana medicinal uses. Eastern
Guatemalan Q’eqchi’use the seed as an abortive
(Michel et al. 2006). Guatemalan Caribs use the leaf
tea for urinary and bronchial infection, to detoxify,
and for cardiac weakness (Girón et al. 1991).
Guatemalans nationwide use P. americana seed,
bark, and leaf tea for skin bumps, bruises, rheuma-
tism, malaria, tumors, gastrointestinal trouble, and
parasites (Caceres 1996), headaches (Caceres 1996;
Orellana 1997), and the leaves and pit for wounds
(Orellana 1997). P. americana leaf tea is a treatment
for cough and colds and an external application for
bruises in Belize (Balick and Arvigo 2015). Domin-
icans infuse the leaves to treat loose bowels and
indigestion (Quinlan 2004).
Pharmacologically, aqueous extract of
P. americana leaves causes significant, dose depen-
dent analgesic and anti–inflammatory activity
(Ngbolua et al. 2019). It is antibacterial against
several diseases including diarrhea–producing
Escherichia coli and Staphylococcus aureus bacteria,
and antiviral against Herpes simplex virus–1and
human adenovirus type 3 acute respiratory disease.
The aqueous leaf extract produces significant anti-
ulcer activity in rats. Avocados are among the
world’s most potent antioxidant fruit, and tests on
the seed show similar antioxidant, free radical scav-
enging activity (Ngbolua et al. 2019). Biochemical
findings match local applications for pain, gastroin-
testinal and dermatological healing, plus the gener-
alized illness of evil eye.
PSIDIUM GUAJAVA L.
Villagers report using Psidium guajava (guava)
leaves and bark for medicine in three homegarden
interviews (12%). Two informants indicate the in-
fused leaves as medicinalfor dabbing on insect bites,
and in an unspecified tonic ingredient with the
leaves of three other plants. A third informant indi-
cates a cooled bark decoction to treat stomachache
and amoebas. Nine homegarden interviewees men-
tion P. guajava’s edible fruit while three identified
the plant as medicinal.
One Belizean Q’eqchi’community’sonly
P. guajava use is fruit–eating (Zarger 2002), while
Balick and Arvigo (2015) found Belizean Q’eqchi’
and Mopan Maya use P. guajava internally and
externally. They apply guava leaf infusion externally
for pain, to prevent measles and chickenpox scabs,
and for sores and itching, and decoct the P. guajava
bark tea for an external wash to treat skin wounds
and athlete’s foot. Internally, they drink the bark tea
for all manner of stomach upset: dysentery, diar-
rhea, vomiting, stomach discomfort, and pain.
Guatemalan Caribs use P. guajava leaf tea for
diarrhea (Girón et al. 1991). Guatemalan
NOTES2020]
highlanders drink P. guajava leaf and bark infusion
for diarrhea, dysentery, and intestinal cramps; gargle
the infusion for oral health; and apply or wash with
it for mens’and womens’genital discomfort and
itching and to disinfect wounds and treat sores on
the skin (Orellana 1997). Caceres (1996) cites the
above uses across Guatemala, adding that the leaf
and bark tea treat intestinal parasites and amoebas.
The Yucatec Maya similarly use P. guajava leaves for
wash to treat measles and granos (skin problems/
sores), and the bark for diarrhea (Anderson 2003).
In Dominica, P. guajava leaf tea is a treatment for
upset stomach, diarrhea, vomiting, and nausea
(Quinlan 2004).
Pharmacological literature on P. guajava supports
Q’eqchi’therapeutic applications, especially to treat
diarrhea and dysentery due to its significant anti-
spasmodic and antibacterial properties. P. guajava
leaf aqueous extract is an effective antioxidant, an-
tibiotic, and has anti–allergic agents that attenuate
T cell responses in mice. Experiments find that,
applied topically, guava–leaf–infusion reduces infec-
tion, speeds wound healing, and reduces pain and
swelling. It similarly heals acne through its antibi-
otic effect on Propionibacterium acnes and anti–
inflammatory effect on the sores (Gutierrez et al.
2008).
Conclusions
We presented five trees that Guatemalan
Q’eqchi’Maya villagers use for their edible fruits
and as home remedies. The regional cross–cultural
ethnobotanical literature reports similar uses of
these plants, and pharmacological literature points
to the efficacy of these treatments for a variety of
ailments. Our hope is that documenting this infor-
mation contributes to preserving useful ethnobo-
tanical knowledge for Alta Verapaz Q’eqchi’.
Acknowledgements
Grants were from the Society for Economic
Botany, the Society of Ethnobiology, and the
Garden Club of America/Missouri Botanical
Garden. Many thanks to Lic. J. Morales, Dr.
A. Medinaceli, and Alta Verapaz villagers.
Washington State University’s Institutional Re-
view Board granted approval for this research.
We followed the Code of Ethics of the Inter-
national Society of Ethnobiology (2006)andthe
Society for Latin American Ethnobiology (SOLAE
2015). We followed local customs to obtain
permission for research, a process Medinaceli
(2018) discusses further. We obtained free, prior,
and informed consent for each interview.
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