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686 International Jou rnal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, 9, 686-694
E-ISSN: 1929-4409/20 © 2020 Lifescience Global
Victimisation of African Foreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa
Shanta Balgobind Singh*
Department of Criminology & Forensic Studies, School of Applied Human Sciences, College of Humanities,
University of KwaZulu-Natal, Republic of South Africa
Abstract: Media reports of the conti nued violence a nd discrimination experienced by African Foreign Nationals1 in South
Africa have brought into the forefront victimisation of this sector, despite pledges by the government and law
enforcement agencies t o put a stop to it. This is also linked to current social mi lieu debates t aking place within
international trends on migration. Studi es and evide nce have shown tha t alth ough the attitudes towards foreign nationals
vary across South Africa's socio-economic and ethnic spectrum, foreigners who live and work in South Africa do face
discrimination by citizens, some government officials, members of the police, and by private organisations who are
contracted to manage their detention and deportation. This research, with a qualitative approach, explores the persistent
issues that threaten African Foreign Nationals. Fifty participants wer e selected through a purposive sampling technique.
The main aim of this research was to examine the issues that threatened the safety and security of African Foreign
Nationals in Durban, South Africa. It was found that offences such as physical assault (i.e. Grievous Bodily Harm - GBH) ,
arson, rape, verbal abuse, house robberies, property damage as well as discrimination were serious crimes perpetrate d
against African Foreign Nationals which was often characterised by xen ophobic violent attacks against them.
Keywords: Victimisation, South Africa, Migrants, Foreign Nationals, Discrimination.
INTRODUCTION1
The history of human societies may be expressed
as the history of migration. The earliest primitive tribes
were nomads who were migrants by profession. They
moved to all parts of the continents that they inhabited.
Freilich and Addad (2017) indicated that the United
Nations Population Division estimates that more than
100 million persons are living in countries that are not
their place of birth. This is probably an underestimate.
It does not include those living outside their own ethnic
‘policy' and more than 20 million designated by the
United Nations as refugees (Freilich & Addad, 2017).
Various types of foreigners live in South Africa:
refugees, asylum seekers, migrants, and immigrants. A
refugee is defined as “a person fleeing from individual
persecution, generalised human rights violations of
armed conflict in their country of origin. While seeking
refugee status the person is known as an “asylum
seeker (The United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHRC), 1998: 2).” In South Africa,
according to Schoeman (2019) a ‘‘foreign national’’
means an individual who is not a South African citizen
or does not have a permanent residence permit issued
in terms of the Immigration Act of South Africa.
*Address correspondence to this author at the Departmen t of Criminology &
Forensic Studies, School of Applied Human Sciences, College of Humanities,
University of KwaZulu-Natal, Republic of South Africa; Mob: +27 836925817;
E-mail: Singhsb@ukzn.ac.za
1The term Foreign Nationasls and migrants will be used interchangeably in this
article.
The International Organisation for Migration (2019)
defines a migrant as someone with a foreign birth, by
foreign citizenship, or by their movement into a new
country to stay temporarily (sometimes for as little as
one month) or to settle for the long-term. It is an
umbrella term, not defined under international law,
reflecting the common lay understanding of a person
who moves away from his or her place of usual
residence, whether within a country or across an
international border, temporarily or permanently, and
for a variety of reasons. The term includes some w ell-
defined legal categories of people, such as migrant
workers; persons whose particular types of movements
are legally-defined, such as smuggled migrants; as well
as those whose status or means of movement are not
specifically defined under international law, such as
international students.
South Africa has in the past two-three decades
received large numbers of legal and illegal immigrants
from African countries (Crush & Ramachandran, 2010).
The influx of foreigners into the country has resulted in
strong feelings of resentment among many South
Africans. This animosity towards black foreigners is
based on the belief among black South Africans that
“these people” are taking jobs and women and
committing crimes (Dodson, 2010). Hence, sometimes,
gruesome violence against foreigners is often seen by
the perpetrators as justified, meted out to people who
should not be in South Africa in the first place (Dube &
Politics , 2017). The objective of this research was to
interrogate the issues that threatened the safety and
security of African Foreign Nationals in Durban, South
Africa.
Victimisat ion of African F oreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 687
GLOBAL ATTITUDES TOWARD MIGRANTS
Dempster and Hargrave (2017), suggest that what
drives public attitudes towards refugees and migrants
can be highlighted in several key factors, citing
economic, cultural, and security issues to be the most
important real-world concern. This is much like Hellwig
and Sinno (2017), who have revealed studies
emphasising cultural elements focusing on threats to
national identity, religion, values and beliefs, ethnic
differences, or conservative social attitudes. Other
studies highlight the effect of security fears (Lahav &
Courtemanche, 2012; Wike & Grim, 2010), and
concern about crime (Fitzgerald, Curtis, & Corliss,
2012). These accounts speak to the complex and
multifaceted nature of sentiments towards immigrants.
In the European context, migration scholars have
found increased anti-immigrant sentiment where native
populations felt threatened politically (Ceobanu &
Escandell, 2010). Hence, increased social interaction
across diverse social groups can lessen negative
attitudes rather than enhance them. The connection
made between immigration and criminality through
discourses of fear reaches its apex with the
criminalisation of the illegal immigrant for example, in
Italy and Arizona for instance it is precisely a case
where the immigrant is no longer regarded as more
likely than a national citizen to commit a crime (Garner,
2015).
ANTI-IMMIGRANT ATTITUDES IN SOUTH AFRICA
In South Africa, the post-apartheid era has been
marked by a steady undercurrent of xenophobia2, both
attitudinal and behavioural. Over 550 incidents of
xenophobic violence have been recorded since 1994,
with thousands of foreigners displaced and hundreds
murdered in the process. In its 2020 South African
Report, Human Rights Watch refers to a total lack of
accountability for xenophobic crimes, for which
“virtually no one has been convicted… including the
attacks in 2019, the Durban violence of April 2015 that
displaced thousands of foreign nationals, and the 2008
attacks on foreigners, which resulted in the deaths of
more than 60 people across the country (Eisenberg,
2020)”. Crea, Loughry, O’Halloran, and Flannery
(2017) observes that African migrants are the
immigrant group most likely to experience the
behavioural consequences of xenophobia. Public
2In 2008 marked a major xeno phic outburst against migrants in South Africa.
attitudes towards immigrants and the government's
reaction to anti-immigrant sentiment must be
understood as part of political discourse. Following the
breakdown of the apartheid system, the new
democratic government discouraged the recruitment of
foreign workers in the country (Claassen, 2017). This
decision was made in an effort by the state to protect
‘indigenous' South African labour from foreign
competition. By extension, in the years after the
democratic transition, several politicians seem to have
promoted an anti-immigration message.
Nevertheless, to better understand xenophobic
opinions in South Africa, the 2006 South African
Migration Project (SAMP) survey on attitudes towards
immigration asked questions about foreigners from
specific countries. According to the public opinion data
from SAMP on South Africa, a majority of South
Africans believed that immigrants create
unemployment and drained the country’s economic
resources (Neocosmos, 2010). In the same way, South
Africans believe that immigrants are largely responsible
for the post-1994 crime wave in the country (Crush &
Chikanda, 2012). In 2012 more than half (55%) of the
nation’s adult population identified African immigrants
as the most undesirable foreign immigrant group
(Crush & Peberdy, 2018). Besides, crime statistics for
police operations regularly report the apprehension of
"illegal immigrants" in the same breath as arrests for
armed robbery, car-jackings, and rape. Officials and
politicians from all parties subscribe to a discourse in
which foreignness and criminality are assumed to be
closely correlated (Crush & Peberdy, 2018). To that
end, Crush and Peberdy (2018), concludes that the
battle for scarce resources has led to the
"criminalization of immigrants" where immigrants
become the "symbol of and target for all social
anxieties". Hence subject to victimisation affecting the
safety and security of African foreign nationals living on
South African land.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY OF THIS STUDY
The qualitative method was used to explore the
experiences of the victimisation of a group of foreign
nationals in the city of Durban in the KwaZulu-Natal
province. Participants resided in the city of Durban for
more than two years. All the participants had
experienced victimisation in some form or another.
This study utilised the purposive sampling
technique. The participants were purposefully selected
from churches, shops, and work sites. Wacquant
(2009) states that "the logic of purposeful sampling lies
688 International Jou rnal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 Shanta Balgobind Singh
in selecting information-rich cases, intending to yield
insight and understanding of the phenomenon under
investigation". Data collection was accomplished
utilizing semi-structured interviews that were conducted
on an individual basis.
The sampling size of this study was 50 participants
who were African foreign nationals, representing 16
countries within the African continent. Semi-structured
interviews were constructed in such a manner that
more neutral, socio-demographic information was
requested at the onset of the interview with more
sensitive questions following once the research
participant felt at ease and comfortable in the presence
of the researcher. Of the fifty participants, five were
females and forty-five were males. It is interesting to
note that out of the fifty participants who took part in the
research study, thirty-seven were entrepreneurs, two
were teachers, four were in the private sectors, one
waitress, one cashier, one student, one does “piece
jobs” and one was jobless. The number of years
participants spent in South Africa ranged between two
years and twenty-five years. The youngest participant
was aged twenty-four years and the oldest 50 years.
The questions were open-ended and participants were
allowed sufficient time to gather their thoughts and
answer the questions.
The open-ended responses facilitated
understanding of the respondents' experiences and the
meaning they attached to their suffering through
narratives and their viewpoints. Some questions were
sensitive, but no harm or discomfort was manifested by
the respondents, which meant that all the questions
were answered frankly and spontaneously. Being
aware of ethical issues in criminological research was
critically important and essential as it helps to prevent
participants from harm. The principles of privacy,
confidentiality, and anonymity were strictly adhered to.
Anonymity has been reflected in the reporting of
findings where the researcher uses the term
“participant”. However, due to the sensitivity of this
research, the researcher assured respondents that
their information will be confidential and anonymous. A
focus on themes that impacted the safety and security
of African Foreign nationals living in Durban, South
Africa as units of analysis was utilised. The original
words of participants are documented verbatim.
DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
Reasons for Migration
From the information provided by the participants,
some of them reported disturbing and alarming reasons
for leaving their home countries. These factors ranged
from poverty and its related socio-economic hardships
to strong oppression, wars, and violence. Participants
also highlighted that migration was not usually a choice
but rather the only available option for survival. From
the data analysis process, participants mentioned
political instability, economic crisis, unemployment, and
pursuit of education as some of the mentioned reasons
that lead African foreign nationals to leave their country
and migrate to their host countries. From the data
extracted, political instability was the major drive for
migration in most African countries.
Searching for greener pastures, better life, and
economic opportunities were reported to be the major
reasons for migrating to South Africa. The destination
to Durban depended on the presence of a friend, a
family member, or an acquaintance who had been in
the city for a while with whom the newcomer had been
in contact with some time, even before the decision to
leave the country of origin. This network-enabled
thousands of foreigners to reach the host community
due to the presence of one or more friends or family
members within the host city. Participant 2 from Kenya
confirmed that:
I selected South Africa because I had a
friend who was already here and based on
the stories all around the media of how
free South Africa was and how it was open
and how it was inclusive the society was
and also the economy was very vibrant.
To the best of my knowledge, the politics
were peaceful without and all races voted
without any death recorded unlike my
country Kenya where every time there’s
an election many people die.
Another participant (32) from Cameroon who had
been in South Africa for 25 years indicated that he
migrated to South Africa after apartheid,
It was a promising democracy where there
was freedom of expression in a new
democratic South Africa that was
promising and welcoming to people
around the world. One could see that
there were so many promises in terms of
economy, the socially integrated life and
for me, as a young person, I thought it was
the right place to be where you can
dream, live and develop yourself.
Victimisat ion of African F oreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 689
The idea of democracy is everyone’s dream and
most foreigners were attracted to this new dispensation
that characterised a new South Africa. Reinforcing the
above sentiments was Participant 11 from Congo who
revealed that:
I selected South Africa because at the
time I knew it was a peaceful country and
there was a rule of Law”. Some
participants mentioned the presence of
special laws that were meant to protect
foreigners from all sorts of delinquencies
and promised to offer the basic needs to
the immigrants, social, economic, and
political stability.
Participant 43 from Zimbabwe chose South Africa
“because of diversity I convinced myself that this is the
place I can be safe in one way or another and there are
special laws that protect foreigners.
Besides the hope in democracy, some participants
mentioned the issue of human rights and safety to be
their motivation to migrate to South Africa. Participant
46 from the Democratic Republic of Congo asserted
that:
I did select South Africa because from my
point of view South Africa was a country
that I had an understanding of and that
human security and human beings can be
protected because of human rights in
South Africa.
In summation of this section, the perception of
people from African countries about South Africa being
a democratic society, and a land of peace, is a serious
pull factor for African foreign nationals who decided to
leave their countries due to uncertainties, war conflicts,
and socio-economic challenges in search of not only
peace but also for green pastures that they hoped to
find in South Africa.
Violence and Crime against Foreign Nationals
South African communities have a history of using
violence and crime as a way of resolving issues.
Violent and criminal protests involve physical acts
against a person or property that may cause harm or
injury to that person or their property. Participants
mentioned that most African foreign nationals
experience waves of collective violence and crime by
the locals who usually target migrant-owned small
businesses in the country. One participant pointed out
the intensity of fear instilled in him when he came to
Durban. Participant 43 from Zimbabwe said:
I lived in communities and townships
namely KwaMashu and Lindane, I had an
experience where I was held at gunpoint
because they thought that I was selling
drugs to children”.
The wave of violence perpetrated on the foreigners
at times is intense and unbearable as some foreigners
are burnt alive through a concept they call ‘necklacing’,
where a tyre is put on a person’s neck and petrol is
poured onto them, after which the person is burnt alive.
Some of the comments were:
Violence and crime are the only threats we
are facing every day. My brother was
killed, and nothing was done (Participant
49).
Robbery is my greatest fear in Durban. I
fear my life as a foreigner, innocent people
are constantly killed, they are stabbed or
gunned down and most are foreigners
(Participant 44).
Some of the attacks are motivated by jealousy
which motivates local South Africans to be perpetrators
of violence and crime towards foreigners.
Social Challenges Experiences
Corruption as already alluded to is a social ill that
affects the safety and security of African Foreign
Nationals. According to Davies and Francis (2018),
mainstream criminology generally works within the
criminalisation of corruption. Bribing has an active side
of offering enticements by the ‘corruptor' and a passive
side of accepting bribes by the ‘corrupted'. The concept
of corruption in this study was generated when
reporting the issue of housing. Housing in South Africa
is generally a contentious issue that is usually seen as
political. Participants who took part in the study
highlighted that access to housing is a big problem for
poor and needy South Africans hence foreigners are
not spared at all when it comes to that. Participants
have acknowledged that access to housing is part of
their human rights, but unfortunately not afforded to
them by the government.
Due to a lack of access to housing, African Foreign
Nationals establish informal settlements which further
exposes them to attacks. Dimant and Schulte (2016),
690 International Jou rnal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 Shanta Balgobind Singh
observe South Africa be an illuminating case in the
study of informal settlements. According to (Cirolia,
Görgens, van Donk, Smit, & Drimie, 2017), more than
1.3 million households in South Africa live in informal
settlements, without access to adequate shelter,
adequate services, or secure tenure.
Foreigners face serious problems when they decide
to live in informal settlements together with a high
number of poor citizens living in these settlements or
shacks. The negative attitudes of local citizens towards
African Foreign Nationals is another factor causing
foreigners not to live in townships where
accommodation is cheaper. Consequently, they have
no option than finding accommodation in town or urban
areas because they seem to be safer and comfortable
despite being very expensive.
As a coping mechanism to the rental problem,
which is very expensive, foreigners apply the “sharing
strategy” which allows them affordability to compensate
for the rent. The sharing strategy is a strategy whereby
three to four or more foreigners rent a flat and share
rooms among themselves for the affordability of the
rent. These rooms will again be shared depending on
the number of people the room can accommodate.
Some single rooms can house five to six people
allowing them to easily pay the rent but also to save
money for other expenses including remittances.
Consequently, rooms or flats occupied by foreigners
mostly from African countries are overwhelmed. This
has serious health implications due to the living lifestyle
conditions affecting the welfare of people sharing the
room.
Participants highlighted that corruption is a problem
they are facing in Durban as local authorities ar e
threatening their existence in South Africa and are
constantly blackmailing them to pay them the little
money they have. It is unfortunate that the same
foreigners who are striving to make a living, are subject
to police bribery. This renders their economic condition
tougher because police officers extract money from
them due to their status of being non-nationals.
Xenophobic Attacks
Xenophobic attacks are the result of what is
happening in society, foreigners being the easy target
to be blamed for strains among community members.
When participants were asked about their experience
of threats on their safety and security in Durban, they
mentioned “xenophobia” as one of the worst attacks
that they experienced in the urban areas. Since most
foreigners are self-employed and those from the
township/rural areas see that they have achieved a
certain success as compared to locals, this attracts
hatred and jealousy. This is so due to the locals not
achieving much, although they are aware that South
Africa is their country and has many resources. The
immediate reaction is that locals turn to attack
foreigners because they feel undermined, poor, and
abandoned.
Karliner, Jacobs, Chen, and Mutha (2007), point out
that South Africa has been described as the most
hostile country in the world towards refugees and
migrants, but such attitudes should be understood
within the country’s narrow concept of national
belonging, endemic xenophobia and its apartheid past.
Thus, the enduring inequalities in South African society
have roots in apartheid history which have left a
serious strain on the African majority who went through
racial segregation and a serious level of discrimination
affecting their socio-economic well-being. In light of the
above perspective, apartheid becomes a serious
element to consider when exploring the behaviours or
the attitudes of local citizens towards foreign nationals
living in their midst.
Crush, Ramachandran, and Pendleton (2013)
define xenophobia as attitudes, prejudices, and
behaviour that reject, exclude, and often demean a
person, based on the perception that they are outsiders
or foreigners to a community or society. In the findings
of this study, xenophobia appears to assume an even
broader definition. Xenophobia, as understood in the
local context, is described as a series of crimes against
African Foreign Nationals which are violent leading to
physical beating, killing, and the looting of goods as
well as the destruction of properties owned by foreign
nationals. Thus African migrants are the immigrant
group that have experienced the behavioural
consequences of xenophobia.
The above suggests that xenophobia cannot be
seen as mere sentiments or negative attitudes towards
‘foreigners’ when in fact it involves serious criminal acts
such as murder, robbery, and the destruction of
properties and goods owned by non-citizens. Viewed
from a criminological perspective, the above-mentioned
criminal acts are serious, and therefore should be
treated as such. By considering xenophobia as such, it
should attract the attention of policymakers to think of
the outcomes of the attacks so that they can implement
policies as strategies or measures to prevent the
Victimisat ion of African F oreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 691
outbreaks from happening but also to punish these
crimes of massive destruction.
It can be argued that xenophobia is the result of
persistent social inequality in the South African
communities hence the blame goes to foreigners.
Participant 1 attested to the following:
The xenophobic attacks are a result of
what is happening in society now that
foreign nationals become the easy target
because they live with the locals. They
see that most foreigners are selfemployed
and those from the township come and
see that foreign nationals are working, and
they feel that they are taking their
employment. These days’ foreign
nationals have achieved a certain success
as compared to locals and that attracts
hatred and jealousy because they have
not achieved. As a result, they feel that
everybody owes them because they know
that their country is so rich but, yet they
are so poor, those are the results of the
post-regime. And they see that suddenly
the foreign nationals are living well, buying
cars and living in flats with water and
electricity and they appear good even
though they do it through hardship and
then the immediate reaction will be for
locals to attack them so that they can pay
themselves- what is called the
redistribution of wealth. They try to
distribute wealth in their way because they
feel undermined, poor, and abandoned,
therefore, they have to take it by force-
that’s why you see crime all over South
Africa and it will always be there if we
continue to live in inequality.
It is important to note that these xenophobic attacks
are usually in the form of violence and looting targeting
foreigners or their business. Xenophobic attacks are a
threat posed not only by ordinary people but also by
the people in authority. Participant 9 argued that:
Xenophobic sentiments do not come from
the people on the street but including
people from the office-officials who are
supposed to be protecting the foreigners.
Participant 43 claimed that xenophobic attacks are
regarded as threats by participants because:
Most South Africans think many black
African nationals from other countries
come here to take over their jobs which is
not true because: Firstly I came here
because of education and they are talking
about foreigners taking over their jobs.
Secondly, most of them are doing minor
jobs and mostly we came here to have
higher degrees and whatnot. So, it's not
true that we came here to take their jobs.
Most of the causes of the attacks against African
Foreign Nationals are based on the wrong assumption
that they are in the city illegally and want to compete
with locals for the jobs in all sectors. These negative
sentiments based on false assumptions lead to anger
which in turn manifests in crimes during the outbreak of
attacks. Indeed, xenophobic attacks are usually in the
form of violence and looting targeting foreigners and
their businesses. Participants have accused the
politicians to be the ones instrumental in exacerbating
xenophobia in the city. Another participant stated that:
I am saying it was politically motivated.
The king stood up and said that foreigners
must be attacked this is a sure thing which
I can say, and it was all over the news
(Participant 3).
This was about the infamous statements expressed
by the Zulu monarch King Zwelithini who referred to
foreigners as cockroaches. Hence, it can be argued
that the persistence of xenophobia in the city is partly
due to people occupying strategic positions that ignite
the attacks. This logic could also explain why no
person is being charged for criminal offences during
the violent attacks on foreigners regardless of the
extent to which foreigners ex perience violence.
However, it can be argued that xenophobic
prejudice, exaggerated hatred towards foreigners, have
significant costs for the targeted group because of
these negative attitudes toward them. Salih (2016),
reveals that what makes the matter worse is when
these attitudes extend to the next generations. As a
result, host countries generate derogatory terms and
expressions to stigmatise individuals of the out-group.
The impact is numerous, and the government should
ask if this behaviour is human and tolerable or what it
plans to do to ensure that the outbreak is prevented
from happening in the future.
692 International Jou rnal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 Shanta Balgobind Singh
Xenophobia also culminates in discrimination and
abuse. At its most basic level, discrimination is simply a
matter of identifying differences and can be positive or
negative (Tian, 2018). Discrimination in this study is
manifested in denial of rights, racist and prejudicial
treatment, and limited access to quality public services,
such as health care. Episodes described by
participants ranged from indifference to violence
(physical and psychological), including intimidation and
mockery. Different expressions of discrimination and
mistreatment associated with language barriers were
narrated by participants.
Xenophobia in South Africa is also marked by
intense criminal attacks against foreigners. These
include crimes such as murder, assault, robbery and
rape (Bennett, 2018, p. 183). Undeniably, violence and
crime have been acknowledged to be features of the
xenophobic attacks against African Foreign Nationals
living in Durban. Even though crime in the city affects
everybody as shown in this research, it can be argued
that violence is the manifestation of xenophobia in the
city of Durban and the country at large. African foreign
nationals are targets of some specific crimes when
identified as a "foreigner". Several participants in this
research reported having been victims of violence in
the city. During the attacks, participants reported
having experienced violence like physical violence,
looting of their business, the killing or murdering of
friends or relatives, and verbal abuse.
Human Rights Violations
The experiences of Foreign Nationals in South
Africa and the factors that affect their safety and
security can be considered a human rights issue.
Respect for the basic human rights of all persons in
each society offers an essential, accountable and
equitable basis for addressing and resolving the
differences, tensions, and potential conflicts that
interaction among different persons and groups with
different interests inevitably brings (Stillman et al.,
2015). Human rights is another social challenge faced
by African Foreign Nationals that threaten their safety
and security in the city of Durban. When responding to
the issues about their safety and security within the
city, participants reported that an absence of human
rights is one of the social challenges affecting or
threatening them within the city. It was reported by the
majority of participants that their human rights were not
respected, mostly when they visit public places to seek
assistance. Unfortunately, government officials or civil
servants are directly accused of people who do not
consider respecting the human rights of foreigners.
Places like Home Affairs and public hospitals are the
most cited by participants in this research.
Participants have reported abuse and victimisation
by home affairs agents when trying to obtain legal
documents. This has a long-term negative impact on
the social life of the individual. Being denied documents
by home affairs jeopardises the life condition of a
person, because in South Africa for each service a
person applies for, they might need to provide a legal
document such as an identity book (ID), marriage
certificate, or any other legal document offered by the
government. Not having the document hinders the
process and affect foreign nationals. Hence it becomes
challenging to function because of the limitations
created by the system. For instance, being denied a
legal document at home affairs complicates the
situation in the sense that without a legal document to
stay in South Africa, even at public hospitals, one
would not be attended to by nurses regardless of the
case. When it comes to employment, one cannot be
employed without the proper legal documentation
allowing for both works and stay in the country.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This research highlighted the victimisation of African
Foreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa. Participants
emphasised that most African Foreign Nationals living
in Durban face victimization constantly for a variety of
reasons including that they represent competition with
the locals for employment, housing, and other services.
The experience of African Foreign Nationals begins
from their home countries where they undergo different
types of intimidations provoking their decision to leave
their country of origin. The public attitude toward
Foreign Nationals has been identified as the triggering
factor of xenophobia, hence, the root causes of criminal
violence against migrants. The killing of African foreign
nationals cannot be justified merely as xenophobia but
rather crimes against humanity since these crimes are
a breach of either national and international legislation
affecting the human rights of a particular group of
people within a host society.
From a criminological perspective, the concept
xenophobia is not exclusively relevant to explain the
suffering experienced by African Foreign Nationals in a
host country. Throughout the process of xenophobia,
crimes such as murder, attempted murder, assault,
Victimisat ion of African F oreign Nationals in Durban, South Africa International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, Vol. 9 693
physical beating, damage to property, theft, looting,
and many other criminal activities committed by local
citizens against African Foreign Nationals have been
noted in existing literature, but what is absent is the
reaction of governments in the countries in which it
happens. To this end, the persistence of victimisation in
some specific geographic locations can be explained
by the lack of deterrent measures due to the mere fact
that actions or acts committed during the violent
outbreaks are not considered as crimes but rather
xenophobic excluding the criminal justice system from
taking action agains t perpetrators. Unfortunately, many
of the criminal justice organizations within some
countries are also xenophobic about the institutional
xenophobia whereby cases of foreigners have been
dismissed for the mere fact that one party is not a local
to the privilege of the local. As a recommendation,
there is a need to ascertain how African Foreign
Nationals victims of the violent attacks manage with
victimisation encountered in their daily lives.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to thank Dr. Samuel Fikiri
Cinini from whose Ph.D. thesis this article was
adapted.
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Received on 01-09-2020 Accepted on 30-09-2020 Published on 01-10-2020
DOI: https://doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2020.09.65
© 2020 Shanta Balgobind Singh; Licensee Lifescience Global.
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