The Military Balance in the Cold War: US Perceptions and Policy, 1976-85
... The Soviet navy, which grew rapidly during the Cold War, started to show its power and influence in the open seas, especially after the 1970s. 24 Although the USSR's naval strategy and naval building program were quite different from those of the U.S., 25 they posed a serious challenge to the U.S. 's naval superiority during the Cold War (Table 7). ...
In this article, the rise of China is discussed in the light of economic and military data, and what the challenge from China means for the global leadership of the U.S. is analyzed. Changes in the indicators of the U.S. and China’s economic and military power over the last 30-40 years are examined and an answer is sought for the following question: What will the consequences of China’s rise be in terms of the international political system? To answer this question, similar ‘rise and challenge’ precedents are discussed to contextualize and analyze and the present challenge China poses. This article concludes that while improving its global status, China has been taking the previous cases’ failed challenges into consideration. China, which does not want to repeat the mistakes made by Germany and the Soviet Union, is hesitant to pursue an aggressive military policy and tries to limit its rivalry with the U.S. in the economic area. While Chinese policy of avoiding direct conflict and focusing on economic development has made it the biggest economic rival of the U.S, the rise of China initiates the discussions about the end of the U.S. and West-led international system.
Türkiye’nin neredeyse bir asırlık kalkınma ve modernleşme serüveninde yeni bir dönüm noktasındayız. Global güç dengeleri bugün batıdan, doğuya doğru kaymaktadır. Çin, Rusya ve hatta Hindistan gibi Doğu ülkeleri yeni dönemin küresel güç dengelerinin önemli oyuncuları konumundadır. Yeniden Asya girişimi gibi yeni projeler, Türkiye’nin de bu gerçeğin farkında olması gerektiğini ve bu doğrultuda da küresel ticari, iktisadi ve politik ilişkilerinde yeniden ayarlamalar yapması gerektiğini göstermektedir. Ancak, burada dikkat edilecek en önemli unsur: 21. yy’ın çok büyük ihtimalle bir Asya yüzyılı olacağı gerçeğidir. Bu anlamda da Avrasya’nın yükselişi ve yeni dünya düzeninin oluşum süreci, yeni dönemin temel odağı olacağa benzemektedir. Türkiye, bu yeni fırsatı kaçırmamalıdır.
Türkiye, özellikle de son 20 yılda, ulaştırma ve lojistikte, ciddi bir altyapı oluşturdu. Siyasi istikrar, makro-finansal istikrar ile birlikte ikili ekonomik ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi, bu çalışmada da altı çizilen noktalarda atılacak adımlarla Asya ile ticari ve daha genel anlamda ekonomik ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi noktasında kısa sürede hızlı ve etkin yol alınmasını kolaylaştıracaktır. Türkiye’nin Asya ülkeleri ile enerji, ticaret, yatırım, turizm, savunma, mühendislik, teknoloji, ulaştırma, iletişim teknolojileri ve lojistik sektörlerinde önemli bir iş-birliği potansiyeli bulunmaktadır. Tüm bu firsatların da Avrasyacılık değil, Asya’daki fırsatların da değerlendirilmesi çerçevesinde ele alınmasında ciddi faydalar görülmektedir.
Bu kitap da Türkiye’nin yakın hinterlandındaki önemli alternatif bir iktisadi çıkış yolu sunan yükselen Asya’daki fırsatlara odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma, başta Çin gibi küresel büyük oyuncular olmak üzere, bölgesel Asya ekonomilerinin Türkiye gibi potansiyel yeni büyük bir küresel oyuncu için barındırdığı önemli fırsatları incelemektedir. Asya ülkeleri, özellikle de Asya’daki BRICS ülkeleri ve ASEAN gibi alternatifler, Uzak Ülkeler Stratejisi belgesindeki ülkeler ile geliştirilecek ekonomik ilişkiler, dış ticaret dengesini sağlama ve cari açığın düşürülmesi noktasında önemli avantajlar sağlayacaktır. Bu çalışma, Rusya ve Kafkasya, Ortadoğu ve Güney Asya gibi daha derin analizler gerektiren bölgeleri kısaca özetleyerek; Türkiye’nin Orta Koridor, Yeniden Asya Girişimi ve Uzak Ülkeler Stratejisi girişimleri kapsamındaki EİT, Çin, ASEAN, TDT ve bir nebze de Asya kaplanları ülkelerine odaklanmaktadır.
Nitekim bölgesel nüfuz arayışı noktasında proaktif hareket etme gereği bugün hiç olmadığı kadar açıktır. Türkiye’nin Asya’da yükselecek gücü ve ekonomik etkinliği, Çin ve Rusya gibi, hatta Kuzey Kore gibi bölgesel güçlerin etkilerini sınırlama noktasında da önemli katkılar sunabilir. Tıpkı Çin’i Hint-Pasifik’te dengelemeyi amaçlayan dörtlü ittifak “Quad” ve FOIP (Serbest ve Açık Hint-Pasifik) vizyonu gibi, Orta-Koridor üzerinde de Çin gibi bölgesel ve küresel oyuncuların ekonomik etkilerinin dengelenmesi önem arz-eder.
Practices of comparing shape how we perceive, organize, and change the world. Supposedly innocent, practices of comparing play a decisive role in forming categories, boundaries, and hierarchies; but they can also give an impetus to question and change such structures. Like almost no other human practice, comparing pervades all social, political, economic, and cultural spheres. This volume outlines the program of a new research agenda that places comparative practices at the center of an interdisciplinary exploration. Its contributions combine case studies with overarching systematic considerations. They show what insights can be gained and which further questions arise when one makes a seemingly trivial practice – comparing – the subject of in-depth research.
Practices of comparing shape how we perceive, organize, and change the world. Supposedly innocent, practices of comparing play a decisive role in forming categories, boundaries, and hierarchies; but they can also give an impetus to question and change such structures. Like almost no other human practice, comparing pervades all social, political, economic, and cultural spheres. This volume outlines the program of a new research agenda that places comparative practices at the center of an interdisciplinary exploration. Its contributions combine case studies with overarching systematic considerations. They show what insights can be gained and which further questions arise when one makes a seemingly trivial practice - comparing - the subject of in-depth research.
In response to the beginning of the Egyptian-Israeli peace process, Algeria, Libya, Syria, South Yemen, and the PLO formed the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front at Tripoli in December 1977. This group sought to oppose the peace process—they were essentially a radical rejectionist spoiler movement. Scholars have paid little attention to the group as a whole, and certainly have not examined its relations with the United States. On the one hand, this is unsurprising, given that the Front failed to attain its initial objectives. On the other hand, the countries comprising the Front each played a role in the strategic shift away from the Arab-Israeli conflict and toward the Persian Gulf region, making this absence rather confusing.
This thesis examines American relations with the Front, a subject that has hitherto received no serious, focused scholarly treatment.
I present several arguments throughout this study. First, the United States did not engage with the Front as such, but instead lumped all the “radicals” and “rejectionists” together. This was mostly due to Egyptian President Sadat’s dismissive attitude toward the rejectionists. Second, the United States largely refrained from engaging bilaterally with the Front’s members, and when it did, it was often in ways divorced from the peace process. Relatedly, this general lack of engagement resulted in strained relations between the United States and the rejectionists. This is clearest in the cases of Libya and—especially—Syria, both of which the Reagan administration came into significant conflict.
Above all, this study shows that the peace process and the coming of the Second Cold War were intimately connected. Most accounts of Carter’s Middle East policy split it between Carter the Peacemaker from 1977 through the signing of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty in March 1979, and Carter the Cold Warrior from mid-1979 through 1981, and never the twain shall meet. I show how these were intimately connected, and how the rejectionists—especially the Front—played a role in that connection.
A subtheme of this thesis is Sadat’s intransigence. Most accounts highlight how Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin caused headaches for Carter in his attempts to bring peace to the region. I show how, while Begin was certainly a real source of frustration for Carter, the sympathetic portrayal of Sadat found in nearly every major English language work on the peace process is misguided, as it ignores the trouble Sadat himself caused by antagonizing his fellow Arabs, despite Carter’s pleas to refrain from doing so.
During the Jimmy Carter administration, U.S. defense policy went through a transition. In the mid-1970s, when Carter was elected, the armed forces were in search of themselves as a result of the American defeat in Vietnam and clashed with the new, fiscally-conservative president over such matters as weapons procurement and troop dispositions. Members of Congress and U.S. allies too did not see entirely eye-to-eye with Carter, and for similar reasons. By the end of the thirty-ninth president's term, however, the United States had adopted a more aggressive defense posture and increased military spending. This essay examines this shift and its causes.
As detailed in The Sword and the Shield: Britain, America, NATO and Nuclear Weapons 1970–1976, NATO was engaging in a force modernisation process driven by three imperatives.1 As NATO was the main vehicle for British defence policy, NATO strategy invariably impacted on UK decision making. UK conventional forces, especially those in West Germany, in turn bolstered NATO with Britain also offering a ‘second centre’ of nuclear decision within the Alliance. Britain had also long been a key player in the evolution of NATO strategy and in helping to decide force levels. In the controversial debates regarding NATO strategy which would evolve from 1976–1979 Britain would again prove itself a key player.
A Permanent Military“Hot” Wars in AsiaNew Technology and PersonnelIdeology and Anti - CommunismDesegregationMilitary Impact on American CultureThe End of the Cold WarBibliography
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