Grammatikalisierung: Eine Einführung in Sein und Werden grammatischer Formen
... Whereas type A prepositions are "real prepositions," that is simple lexemes, type B prepositions are more complex and do not allow for the kind of movement by R-pronouns. What Zwarts calls type A prepositions are essentially "primary prepositions," whereas type B are secondary prepositions which are more recent and derived from elements of other word classes (see, for example, Diewald 1997). ...
... A reviewer asks why there are no PAs with außer 'except', but it is not counted among primary prepositions and was only rarely used as an adverb. 15 For the distinction between primary and secondary prepositions, see Di Meola (2000), Diewald (1997). 16 For a discussion of adverbs and their relations to prepositions from a synchronic point of view, see Geuder (2019). ...
... (16) a. conversion from nouns: kraft 'by virtue of', dank 'thanks to', trotz 'in spite of' b. conversion from participles: entsprechend 'according to', ausgenommen 'with the exception of' c. derivations with -s or -lich: abseits 'away from', links 'to the left', rechts 'to the right', hinsichtlich 'with regard to' d. univerbation of P N: infolge 'due to', anstelle, anstatt 'instead', anhand 'by means of', zuliebe 'for the sake of', in Anbetracht 'in view of', mit Blick auf 'with regard to' Some authors also count wegen and während among primary prepositions (Diewald 1997:66, Helbig & Buscha 2007, although these elements also have some characteristics typical of secondary prepositions. They can be traced back to other word classes: wegen > dative plural of the noun Wegen 'ways', während 'while'> während, participial form of währen 'to last'. ...
Pronominal adverbs in German, which consist of da ‘there’, hier ‘here’, or wo ‘where’ as first element and a preposition as second element, like davor ‘before’, hierbei ‘hereby’, worin ‘wherein’, have often been explained by a movement of the first element out of the complement position of the preposition. This article points out some of the problems of movement analyses and presents an alternative account based on the diachronic development of pronominal adverbs. It is argued that the pattern after which pronominal adverbs are formed can be traced back to the univerbation of two adverbs with spatial meaning. This is accompanied by processes often associated with grammaticalization, such as semantic bleaching, phonological reduction, and a loss of separability in the standard variety. Some of the reduced forms are obligatory in phrasemes and particle verbs, thus constituting a split which can occur during grammaticalization. The reduction of the first element of pronominal adverbs and a doubling of the first element can be seen as part of a grammaticalization cycle.
... In classic grammaticalization studies, this feature is captured in developmental clines pinpointing semantic change which transgresses cognitive domains and finally results in semiotic change from descriptive meaning to indexical meaning/function. This scale of semiotic change from descriptive (i.e., "characterizing" or "referential" as in the scale below) to indexical (phoric or deictic) has been proposed in several variants (e.g., Sweetser 1988;Traugott 1989;Abraham 1991;Diewald 1997). A maximally abstract version of it, combining the different proposals, could look like the following: referential concrete > referential more abstract > text connective (phoric) > deictic A well-known example is the grammaticalization of future markers, which start out as lexical signs denoting volition of the subject, and end up as deictic auxiliaries, i.e., grammatical, paradigmatically integrated items, marking future time reference. ...
... 12 There has been a lively discussion about the degree of grammaticalization of the dative-passive in the past decades, which, however, cannot be taken up here (cf. e.g., Eroms 1990;Diewald 1997;Askedal 2005;Leirbukt 2013;Lenz 2013). Meanwhile, the case is settled, and the bekommen-passive is accepted as a regular member of the voice category (Duden 2022: 376-384). ...
... e.g. Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer 1991, Hopper & Traugott 1993, Diewald 1997. ...
... These lexemes contain mainly pre-positions as in währenddessen15 For the distinction between primary and secondary prepositions cf. di Meola(2000),Diewald (1997).16 For a discussion of adverbs and their relations to prepositions from a synchronic point of view cf. ...
Pronominal adverbs in German, which consist of either da 'there', hier 'here' or wo 'where' as first element and a preposition as second element, like davor 'before', hierbei 'hereby', worin 'wherein', have often been explained by a movement of the first element out of the complement position of the preposition. This paper points out some of the problems of movement analyses and presents an alternative account based on the diachronic development of pronominal adverbs. It is argued that the pattern after which pronominal adverbs are formed can be traced back to a univerbation of two adverbs with spatial meaning. This univerbation is accompanied by processes often associated with grammaticalization like semantic bleaching, phonological reduction, and a loss of separability in the standard variety. Some of the reduced forms are obligatory in phrasemes and particle verbs, thus constituting a split which can occur during grammaticalization. The reduction of the first element of pronominal adverbs and a doubling of the first element can be seen as part of a grammaticalization cycle.
... Der Grund ist, dass sich die relevanten Gesten in der Domäne der Abtönung ansiedeln lassen. Auf die verbalen Modalpartikeln hinweisend gibt Diewald (1997) an, dass ihre abtönende Funktion als eine grammatische zu betrachten ist, während Molnár (2008) behauptet, es handle sich nicht um grammatische, sondern um pragmatische Elemente, und dementsprechend sei eine Analyse im Rahmen der Grammatikalisierungstheorie zu verwerfen. ...
... Dies erklärt zugleich auch, warum Fixierung in der Tabelle eingeklammert ist. 6 5 Die Angaben zu den Modalpartikeln basieren auf früheren Arbeiten zur Partikelgrammatikalisierung, insbesondere Abraham (1991), Autenrieth (2002Autenrieth ( , 2005 und Diewald (1997 ist nicht immer leicht zu ziehen (vgl. die Diskussionen, ob Modalpartikeln grammatische Elemente sind oder nicht und wie eng oder weit man den Grammatikbegriff fassen sollte -ausführlicher dazu auch Auer /Günthner 2003). ...
... All above mentioned argumentations dwell on the observation that in a number of languages, the semantic equivalents of modern German modal particles are located in the left periphery, more specifically in ForceP or related projections dedicated to clause type and illocution. Given the presence of left-peripheral sentence particles in Old Germanic, some of which have been considered semantic (and even formal) equivalents of various modern German modal particles (Ferraresi 2005 for Gothic;Hentschel 1986;Abraham 1990 and later;Wauchope 1991;Diewald 1997;Fritz 2005 for historical German), the question arises if the cross-linguistic argument considered in the work cited above can be properly extended to the previous stages of the Germanic languages. ...
... The overall interpretation is that the modern German modal particles ja, doch etc. display formal and semantic equivalents already in OHG times, during which they are also allowed to appear clause-initially. This analysis is adopted by Abraham (1990Abraham ( , 1991aAbraham ( , 1991b, Wauchope (1991) and Diewald (1997): The hypothesis that modern German ja is the formal continuation of OHG ia, which lost its original ability to appear clause-initially, is problematic in several respects. First, it is unattractive because it implies the reanalysis of a formerly left-peripheral element into a strict clause-internal category. ...
The paper deals with the semantic and pragmatic properties of inu and ia, two representatives of the Old Germanic system of left-peripheral sentence particles which are attested in early German but are no longer available in present times. The traditional treatment of these particles as interrogative sentence mood operators is rejected because sentences containing inu and ia are not uttered as requests for information. Instead, it is argued that inu and ia interact with the speech act of the utterance and assign expressive meaning to propositions, which makes them similar to modern German modal particles. But at the same time, there is no historical relation between the two systems, i.e. the current class of modal particles cannot be regarded the successor of the older one. The paper proposes a scenario showing that modal particles emerge independently, and sketches a reanalysis process which accounts for their inability to appear in the left periphery of the clause.
... The meaning of the Konjunktiv II or past subjunctive is relatively difficult to describe, as it exhibits a great variety of subtle, context-driven meaning distinctions. However, there seems to be relative consensus among scholars (cf., for example, Diewald (1997), Durrell (1991), Thieroff (1992), Willmans (1906) to relate the meaning of the past subjunctive to 'irreality', as it "characterizes the statement as not in agreement with reality, be this because we perceive or know it to be contrary to reality, or because it is at least presently not actualized or not experienced as such. This mood is therefore a mood of irreality" (Wilmanns 1906:227, my translation). ...
... Finally, Lehmann introduces the parameter of 'variability', i.e. the mobility or shiftability with respect to other signs, which generally decreases with increased grammaticalization. Diewald (1993Diewald ( , 1997 makes use of these criteria to show that the German modal verbs fall into two groups: the deontically used modal verbs are less grammaticalized, whereas the epistemically used modals are more strongly grammaticalized. Her analysis can, however, be taken one step further. ...
This volume contains selected papers from the 5th ICLC, Amsterdam 1997. The papers present cognitive analyses of a variety of constructions (phrasal verbs, prepositional phrases, transitivity, accusative versus dative objects, possessives, gerunds, passives, causatives, conditionals), in a variety of languages (English, German, Dutch, Polish, Greek, Hebrew, Japanese, Thai, Fijian). Besides analyses of ‘objective construal’, the volume reflects the increasing interest in subjectivity (grounding and speaker involvement). It also includes, lastly, contributions on the acquisition and agrammatic loss of constructions.
... Universal tendencies recognized in grammaticalization processes are captured in grammaticalization clines, scales and paths, and operationalized in grammaticalization parameters (see e.g. Heine, Claudi, & Hünnemeyer 1991;Lehmann 1985Lehmann , 1995Lehmann [1982; Hopper & Traugott 2003;Diewald 1997;Heine & Narrog 2011). ...
... A maximally abstract version of this scale, which has been proposed in several variants (e.g. Sweetser 1988;Traugott 1989;Abraham 1991;Diewald 1997) is the following: referential concrete > referential more abstract > text connective (phoric) > deictic. ...
The distribution and frequency of individual heterosemes of a hyperlemma in basic communicative types, which are distinguished according to their primary expression of dialogicity (i.e. their factual communicative immediacy/distance), is shown to be dependent on the interplay of i) the heteroseme’s basic word class function, ii) its degree of grammaticalization, and iii) the presence of secondary (embedded or simulated) communicative situations (i.e. conceptual immediacy/distance) in the linguistic material. The items investigated are
denn
‘then’,
ruhig
‘quiet’, ‘silent’, ‘peaceful’ and
vielleicht
‘maybe’ in German, which as hyperlemmas incorporate a number of distinct heterosemes (
denn
, for example, is used as conjunction, comparative particle, modal particle etc.). The focus of this corpus-based investigation is on the modal particle functions of the three hyperlemmas. The corpora used are distinguished according to primary degree of communicative immediacy/distance.
... B. Nominalisierungstendenzen, Muster im Partikelgebrauch oder logisch-kombinatorische Effekte der Verwendung von Konnektoren (Müller 2018: 80). Während die Grammatikalisierungsforschung (Diewald 1997, Haspelmath 2002) sich mit Systemwandel beschäftigt, interessiert die diskursgrammatische Forschung an der Morphologie also vor allem die Norm im eingeführten Sinn nach Coseriu: Also nicht nur für das, was üblich ist, sondern für die jeweils zu einer bestimmten Zeit an einem bestimmten Ort vorherrschenden Normalitätserwartungen, den sprachlichen Normalismus (Link 2004 Mitte des 20. Jhs. ...
... Thurmair (2020) argues that halt can only occur in the Nachfeld, where it functions as a discourse particle rather than an MP. Hence, as an MP it is restricted to the Mittelfeld, as any other MP, whereas its new functions in the periphery may result from grammaticalization or pragmaticalization (see Diewald, 1997;Authenrieth, 2002). ...
... A similar semantic contribution is provided to its host sentence, that is, a binary relation between two utterances (for a similar development of German denn 'then', cf. Diewald 1997). ...
In this article the different functions of Italian poi are described and analysed from a cartographic perspective. We show that in addition to its use as a temporal adverb ( after , then ), poi can be used as a temporal or logical connective adverb, as a discourse marker and as a modal particle. These functions can be correlated with different positions in the clause and with differences in the internal structure of the element itself. Finally, we identify the syntactic environments and sentence types in which poi occurs in its function as a modal particle, as well as the special interpretations that are associated with its presence.
... I start with a fairly neutral characterization of grammaticalization, focusing on what happens in such developments, that is, on grammaticalization as a linguistic effect: 3 2 For instance (see also Joseph 2004Joseph , 2021, looking just at the literature from the early years of this scholarly movement, one can cite textbooks and surveys (e.g. Diewald 1997, Heine, Claudi, & Hünnemeyer 1991, Hopper & Traugott 1993Lehmann 1982Lehmann /1995, dictionaries or similar compendia (Lessau 1994;, several singly-authored studies (e.g. Bowden 1992;Heine 1993Heine , 1997Kuteva 2001;Ziegeler 2000, to name a few), and numerous edited volumes (including, among many others, Pagliuca 1994, Ramat & Hopper 1998 ...
The notion of ‘grammaticalization’ — the embedding of once non- (or less-) grammatical phenomena into the grammar of a language — has enjoyed broad acceptance over the past 30 years as a new paradigm for describing and accounting for linguistic change. Despite its appeal, my contention is that there are some issues with ‘grammaticalization’ as it is conventionally described and discussed in the literature. My goal here is to explore what some of those problems are and to focus on what grammaticalization has to offer as a methodology for studying language change. Drawing on case studies from the history of English and the history of Greek, I reach a characterization of how much of grammatical change can legitimately be called “grammaticalization” and how much is something else. In this way, I work to achieve a sense of what grammaticalization is and what it is not.
... MPs emerged from their counterparts through the process of grammaticalization (e.g., Hentschel, 1986;Abraham, 1991;Meibauer, 1994;Diewald, 1997;Wegener, 1998;Autenrieth, 2002); and interestingly, they exist in parallel to their counterparts. One research question that arises out of this fact concerns whether there is (a) a polysemous, or (b) a homonymous relation between the MP and the counterparts. ...
This paper focuses on the developmental tendencies and mechanisms underlying the unfolding of mood systems in Romance complement clauses. In view of the fact that the subsequent dynamics of change can be better understood and motivated against the backdrop of the Latin system, we take the basic structure of the Latin mood system as the reference and necessary starting point of our analysis. After briefly discussing the basic approaches to the mechanisms of mood change in the relevant research literature that puts forward notions like ‘modal harmony’, ‘regrammation’, ‘lexicalization’, and ‘conventionalization’, the article develops a modal–semantic perspective that casts a different light on the convergent and divergent developments of mood in the complement clause domain of Romance languages. The modal–semantic approach allows, apart from a coherent description and analysis of the developments, recasting the question of whether mood, especially the subjunctive, also comes with its own semantic value(s) in complement clauses. This modal–semantic approach not only provides a coherent description and analysis of the developments but also allows for a re-examination of the abstract semantics of the subjunctive mood (in complement clauses), spelling out its basic semantic features.
The German language distinguishes between three major forms of passive. They are differentiated according to the auxiliary used to form the passive. In that manner the different types of passive are termed “werden-passive” “sein-passive,” and “bekommen-passive.” This paper will show the complexity and the link between the syntax and semantic elements of the German passive in Role and Reference account and present two different constructional schemas. An analysis of the data has shown that the three passives express differences in terms of valency, case marking, and undergoer selection. Semantically, there are differences in perspective between the three passives. While the sein-passive expresses a state, the werden-passive expresses a process, and the bekomm-passive allows for marked undergoer selection. All three passives allow to put the focus on different parts of the sentence.
Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit dem Phänomen der MPn des Deutschen und mit einem Vorschlag zu ihrer Erwerbsförderung im DaFUnterricht für italienischsprachige Lernende. Nach einer Darstellung des Phänomens der MPn und der damit verbundenen Herausforderungen für den DaF-Unterricht wird ein Vorschlag für die Entwicklung eines deutsch-italienischen Lexikons gemacht, das den Erwerb der deutschen MPn erleichtern kann. Dies erfolgt am Beispiel der Lexikoneinträge der MPn bloß und etwa, die als Modell für die Entwicklung eines vollständigen Lexikons dienen können, das insbesondere im DaF-Unterricht auf höheren Niveaustufen direkte Anwendung finden kann.
Pragmatic markers (PM) play an important role in the generation and organization of oral speech in any language. This article is devoted to a comparative study of the use of PM eto samoe (ES) in different types of Russian speech, recorded in three corpora: the corpus of everyday Russian speech “One Speaker’s Day” (real, mostly dialogic speech), the corpus of Russian monologue speech “Balanced Annotated Textbook Library” (monologues obtained under experimental recording conditions) and the Multimedia subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus (various types of quasi-spontaneous speech, partially prepared or stylized speech as colloquial). According to the results of the analysis of the corpus material, the uses of the PM ES are divided into four types: hesitative marker (the most frequent), boundary marker, self-correction marker, and xeno-marker. The last two types are used by speakers much less frequently than the first two. The features of the implementation of all these types of marker ES vary somewhat from one corpus to another. In general, ES is used more often in dialogic speech than in monological speech; more often in colloquial speech than in oral public speech and film speech. The frequency of the use of ES may be an indicator of the degree of naturalness and spontaneity of oral discourse.
The grammar of a language constantly changes. Synchronically this change is manifest in the emergence of alternate grammatical constructions. The side-by-side of old and new variants is part of a speaker’s language competence. Thus, a greater awareness of variation, which would allow learners to contextualize different variants, at least receptively, is demanded for the teaching German as a foreign language. The present paper investigates how five different textbook series of German as a foreign language deal with five different language change phenomena: (1) explicitly in productive exercises and grammatical overviews, (2) (for three of the five textbooks) implicitly in their audio- and reading material, which was compiled into a corpus. The distribution of variants was compared with the distribution in authentic texts, available in corpora of written and spoken speech. It turns out that the productive exercises aimed at the acquisition of grammatical constructions are limited to constructions, which are typical for written language use, although some textbooks draw attention to grammatical variants. In audio-material and reading texts, grammatical variation between new and old constructions, which is manifest most clearly in the distinction between oral and written speech, is present, but remains uncommented. On the basis of these data the paper argues for a more authentic approach and a more tolerant attitude towards phenomena of grammatical change in teaching German as a foreign language, which also includes their adequate production.
This collection presents novel insights into the micro- and macro-variation of causal clauses from a cross-linguistic perspective. It contains a general introduction to the topic setting the scene and nine chapters based on data from Dutch, German, English, Icelandic, Chinese, and Japanese. Topics discussed in the individual chapters involve, inter alia, external, internal and linear syntax of adverbial clauses expressing a causal relation, their semantic interpretation and information-structural properties, verb position, volitionality, and the development of particular causal conjunctions. The findings gained here are of synchronic and diachronic nature and offer new theoretical perspectives on how causal dependency relationships are expressed by inherent causal morpho-syntactic patterns. They also provide a deeper comprehension of how sentential modifiers work, emerge, and develop in general. This volume is an asset to grammarians, syntacticians, theoretical, and historical linguists.
The chapters in this volume present a state of the art of grammaticalization research in the 2010s. They are concerned with the application of new models, such as constructionalization, the ongoing debate about the status and modelling of the development of discourse markers, and reveal a renewed interest in the typological application of grammaticalization and in the cognitive motivations for unidirectionality. The contributors consider data from a wide range of languages, including several that have not or marginally been looked at in terms of grammaticalization: Chinese, Dutch, (varieties of) English, French, German, Japanese, Maltese, Old Saxon, Spanish, and languages of the South Caucasian and Zhuang Tai-Kadai families. The chapters range from theoretical discussions to fine-grained analyses of new historical and comparative language data. This volume will be of interest to linguists studying morphosyntactic changes in a range of languages, and in particular to those interested in models for grammatical change.
Germanic languages have been recognized as having not only intensifying or focus particles, but also so-called modal particles. The relevant items are specialized discourse markers joined by characteristic syntactic properties. After an introductory overview of the complex field, the contributions of the current volume capitalize on, but also work much further beyond the baseline of the established insights. They offer analyses of (a) new data types within and sometimes across several Germanic languages (e.g. varieties/stages of German, Dutch, or Norwegian), encompassing different classes of particles and a variety of syntactic-semantic as well as usage-based aspects; (b) the classical dichotomy between languages like German and English when it comes to the availability of modal particles both synchronically and diachronically; (c) crucial integrated insight from non-Germanic languages such as French, Hungarian, Italian, Mandarin, or Vietnamese. A number of mostly interface-based proposals of several languages as well as further generalizations are put on the table for both expert and novice readers in the field.
Discourse particles have often been treated as a phenomenon restricted to Germanic languages (Abraham 2020) and they still raise questions about their nature as an independent category. This book reveals that this phenomenon exists in other languages as well, and provides evidence for their nature as a separate category. The volume brings together a collection of nine papers that focus on three research topics: a) the diachronic development of discourse particles; b) their syntactic analysis; and c) the study of their semantic-pragmatics. Furthermore, it also discusses other issues less often dealt with in the literature but of great interest for linguistic theory, such as the acquisition of discourse particles by children or the analysis of elements not usually considered discourse particles but whose historical path or microvariation indicates otherwise. Additionally, the book offers a cross-linguistic perspective as it discusses various languages including Basque, Catalan, German, Italian, Laz, Mandarin Chinese, Old English, Portuguese, and Spanish.
Search of unchangable parts of speech in German linguistic is most interesting. Particles, along with other auxiliary words (adverb, conjunction, preposition) form a class of words whose problems are still the subject of active discussion today, due to their polisemy and variety of functions. Of particular interest in this regard are the colored particles, which gave special light-shadows to the meaning presented in the sentence. The search of particle semantics in comparison with homonymous units provides the possibility of interesting conclusions.The ability to represent particles in a sentence structure is also special. They have a definite place in the sentence, which also emphasizes the peculiarities of their functioning.
This volume explores how Diachronic Construction Grammar can shed new light on changes in a central and well-researched domain of grammar, namely modality. Its main goal is to show how constructional analyses can help us address some of the long-standing questions that have informed discussions of modal expressions and their development, and to illustrate the processes that are involved in these developments on the basis of data from languages such as English, Finnish, French, Galician, German, and Japanese. The studies in this volume are organized around three interrelated topics. The first of these concerns the organization of modal constructions in a network. A second focus area of the studies in this volume concerns the developmental pathways that modal constructions follow diachronically. The third topic that ties the contributions of this volume together is the contrast between constructionalization and constructional change.
Grammaticalization theory is neither a theory of language nor of language change; its goal is to describe grammaticalization, that is, the way grammatical forms arise and develop through space and time, and to explain why they are structured the way they are (see section 2). Grammaticalization is defined as a process which is hypothesized to be essentially unidirectional (see section 3).
Der Beitrag widmet sich einer diachronen Korpusuntersuchung zur Kasusrektion von Sekundärpräpositionen im Deutschen Textarchiv (DTA) und im DWDS-Kernkorpus über den Zeitraum von 1497 bis 1999. Untersucht werden exemplarisch die denominalen Präpositionen dank und laut sowie die deverbalen Präpositionen während und entsprechend . Dabei zeigt sich, dass die bisherigen Erklärungsansätze für die beobachteten Entwicklungstendenzen zu kurz greifen: Ein einheitliches Bild ergibt sich bei der Entwicklung der hier untersuchten Präpositionen nicht. Für die Hypothese, der Wechsel der Kasusrektion werde zur Differenzierung vom Spenderlexem genutzt (Di Meola 2006), sprechen zwar die Entwicklung von laut zur Dativrektion und der Übergang von dank zur Genitivrektion, dagegen spricht allerdings, dass die ursprüngliche Genitivpräposition während ihre Rektion recht lange und stabil beibehält.
This paper is concerned with changes on the level of morphology in grammaticalization and degrammaticalization. Using data from a wide variety of languages, grammaticalization is shown to have various effects, ranging from the loss of inflection in primary grammaticalization to the development of bound morphemes or new inflectional classes in secondary grammaticalization. By contrast, in degrammaticalization new inflections may be acquired and erstwhile bound morphemes may become free morphemes. The morphological changes attested in grammaticalization and degrammaticalization are further contrasted to related processes that involve morphological change, such as category shifts, lexicalization, and exaptation.
To appear on: https://oxfordre.com/linguistics/
Nur tote Sprachen sind unveränderlich. Zum Wesen lebender Sprachen gehört indes, dass sie variieren und der Veränderung unterliegen. Sprachlicher Wandel setzt sprachliche Variation voraus, aber nicht jede Variation fuhrt zum Wandel. Sprecher/innen und Schreiber/innen variieren ihre Sprache - häufiger unbewusst als bewusst - im Gebrauch. Ein Wandel zeigt sich in der Regel als nicht geplantes Ergebnis des kumulativen Zusammenwirkens eines bestimmten intentionalen Sprachgebrauchs Vieler. Sprachliche Variation und sprachlicher Wandel finden mithin da statt, wo Menschen Sprache verwenden, also in der sprachlichen Interaktion zwischen zwei oder mehr Kommunizierenden, die wiederum verschiedenen sozialen Gruppen angehören können. Sprachliche Varianten sind dabei nicht allein Indikatoren einer bestimmten Herkunft oder Sozialisation. Ihnen lasst sich auch ein sozialer Wert zuschreiben, so dass sie bevorzugt verwendet bzw. unterdrückt - mehr oder weniger bewusst zur stilistischen Markierung oder zur Selbstpositionierung - oder sogar als Stereotype verwendet werden. Solche Verhaltensweisen können den Sprachwandel bisweilen in Richtungen lenken, die im Resultat wenig ökonomisch erscheinen
This book offers new perspectives into the description of the form, meaning and function of Pragmatic Markers, Discourse Markers and Modal Particles in a number of different languages, along with new methods for identifying their ‘prototypical’ instances in situated language contexts, often based on cross-linguistic comparisons. The papers collected in this volume also discuss different factors at play in processes of grammaticalization and pragmaticalization, which include contact-induced change and pragmatic borrowing, socio-interactional functional pressures and sociopragmatic indexicalities, constraints of cognitive processing, together with regularities in semantic change. Putting the traditional issues concerning the status, delimitation and categorization of Pragmatic Markers, Discourse Markers and Modal Particles somewhat off the stage, the eighteen articles collected in this volume deal instead with general questions concerning the development and use of such procedural elements, explored from different approaches, both formal and functional, and from a variety of perspectives – including corpus-based, sociolinguistic, and contrastive perspectives – and offering language-specific synchronic and diachronic studies.
Wohin steuern Korpora die Historische Sprachwissenschaft? : Überlegungen am Beispiel des ´Neuhochdeutschen´. - In: Historische Sprachwissenschaft / hrsg. von Péter Maitz. - Berlin u.a. : de Gruyter, 2012. - S. 201-225. - (Studia Linguistica Germanica ; 110)
In this article, I investigate the diachronic development of a construction in Modern Spanish. It consists of an epistemic or evidential modifier followed by the complementizer (hence Adv+C) that heads root clauses (Seguro Adv que C viene ‘Surely he/she will come’). I demonstrate that the distributional, semantic, and pragmatic properties support a monoclausal analysis for Modern Spanish Adv+C as well as for its historical source construction. I propose a cartography analysis associating Adv+C and the source construction with a low position in Rizzi’s split CP. Supported by corpus data, I identify a verum focus construction (Aff+C) as the origin of Adv+C. I claim that the loss of the verum interpretation triggers the reanalysis of the construction. This ultimately gives rise to its productive extension to other epistemic and evidential modifiers.
No presente artigo, apresentamos a rede polissêmica da preposição alemã
über, que é resultante da pesquisa produzida para a dissertação
de mestrado. Como base teórica, fizemos uso dos preceitos da linguística cognitiva,
mais especificamente dos estudos de polissemia que se baseiam na semântica cognitiva.
Para definir a rede semântica polissêmica, utilizamos o modelo de Polissemia
Sistemática apresentado por Andrea Tyler e Vyvyan Evans na obra The semantics
of english prepositions - spatial scenes, embodied meaning and cognition
(2003) e o adaptamos para a análise da preposição über. Neste
artigo, exporemos os significados mais produtivos para esta preposição.
This article examines the genesis and use of the German subordinate conjunction trotzdem. We begin by investigating the perception of this grammatical phenomenon in contemporary grammars and popular language guides. Based on analyses of corpora, both ‘from below’ and ‘from above’ (Elspaß 2015), we attempt to answer the questions of how often trotzdem has appeared as a subordinate conjunction since the 19th century, whether it is a phenomenon of conceptual immediacy or distance, and what kind of regional distribution of usage can be observed. In the course of this analysis, we focus on both existing corpora and our newly compiled corpus of historical newspapers, which draws on digitized newspapers from GoogleBooks and ANNO – AustriaN Newspapers Online. The analyses show that trotzdem appears as a subordinate conjunction throughout the periods examined. It is a supra-regional phenomenon that is used quite commonly in German, predominantly in the northern and central eastern regions, and both in the language of immediacy and distance. During the 19th century, a three-stage grammaticalization process occurred (trotz dem, daß > trotzdem/trotz daß > trotzdem), whereby compound spelling and the loss of daß emerged and spread; the speed of this process, however, varied in different German-speaking regions. Today, both trotzdem and trotzdem dass are in use, whereby – according to our preliminary observations – the first variant is prevalent in the language of distance and the second in the language of immediacy.
The paper is concerned with the semantics of the French particle bien in spoken interaction. It argues that linguistic structures are shaped by their use in interaction and thus have to be described in relation to their interactional context. Bien is commonly described as a modal adverb (e.g. Il est bien habillé. ‘He is well dressed’) or as an adverb of degree (e.g. Il est bien grand pour son âge. ‘He is rather tall for his age’). In certain contexts, however, it appears to be used as a modal particle, as argued in this paper (e.g. C’est bien la première fois que ça m’arrive. ‘It’s [MP] the first time that happens to me’). The study shows that this use can be related not only to a number of syntactic and structural restrictions but also to specific sequential patterns, to a particular stance of the speaker toward the proposition expressed and to a specific discourse function. The latter consists in referring to contextual elements that are in contrast to the proposition of the current utterance. Bien thus functions as a kind of contextualization cue and as an instruction to the hearer to take the proposition into account.
Unsere Sprache wandelt sich unablässig. Beispiele dafür lassen sich in der Alltagssprache täglich aufs Neue entdecken. Meistens handelt es sich um Fälle lexikalischen Wandels, wie die Entlehnung von Wörtern aus einer anderen Sprache in das Deutsche. Eine besondere Rolle spielt hier in den letzten Jahren das Englische. Bekannte Beispiele solcher Entlehnungen sind Wörter aus der Computersprache wie scannen, e-mailen, chatten, aber auch Punk oder Hooligan sind aus dem Englischen entlehnt. Aus anderen Sprachen sind Lexeme wie Plateau (aus dem Französischen), Cello (aus dem Italienischen) oder Fatzke (aus dem Polnischen) übernommen worden. Informationen über die Geschichte einzelner Wörter können wir aus etymologischen Wörterbüchern beziehen.
Eines der interessantesten Ergebnisse der modernen Linguistik ist, dass Menschen zwei grundsätzlich verschiedene Arten der Artikulation zur Verfügung stehen, um miteinander zu kommunizieren. Lange Zeit gingen selbst Linguisten davon aus, dass menschliche Sprachen notwendigerweise an die Artikulation von Lauten gebunden sind. Erst Mitte des letzten Jahrhunderts haben erste linguistische Studien gezeigt, dass neben Lautsprachen noch eine zweite Gruppe natürlicher Sprachen existiert, die Gebärdensprachen (vgl. Stokoe 1960; Klima/Bellugi 1979). Dem Menschen stehen demnach zwei Modalitäten für natürliche Sprachen zur Verfügung:■
die lautlich-auditive Modalität der Lautsprachen
■
die gestisch-visuelle Modalität der Gebärdensprachen.
Laute werden mithilfe der Stimmlippen, der Zunge und des Unterkiefers im Vokaltrakt gebildet und auditiv wahrgenommen. Gebärden werden im Gegensatz dazu mithilfe der Hände, Arme, des Oberkörpers und des Gesichts gebildet und visuell wahrgenommen. Entgegen landläufiger Vorurteile verfügen Gebärdensprachen über dieselbe grammatische Komplexität wie Lautsprachen und mit ihrer Hilfe lassen sich dieselben Sachverhalte in derselben Geschwindigkeit ausdrücken wie mit Lautsprachen. Dies bedeutet, dass grundlegende grammatische Strukturen genauso wie kognitive Repräsentationen und Prozesse bei natürlichen Sprachen weitgehend modalitätsneutral sind.
Unsere Sprache wandelt sich unablässig. Beispiele dafür lassen sich in der Alltagssprache täglich aufs Neue entdecken. Meistens handelt es sich um Fälle lexikalischen Wandels, wie die Entlehnung von Wörtern aus einer anderen Sprache in das Deutsche. Eine besondere Rolle spielt hier in den letzten Jahren das Englische. Bekannte Beispiele solcher Entlehnungen sind Wörter aus der Computersprache wie scannen, e-mailen, chatten, aber auch Punk oder Hooligan sind aus dem Englischen entlehnt. Aus anderen Sprachen sind Lexeme wie Plateau (aus dem Französischen), Cello (aus dem Italienischen) oder Fatzke (aus dem Polnischen) übernommen worden. Informationen über die Geschichte einzelner Wörter können wir aus etymologischen Wörterbüchern beziehen.
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