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Reinvigorating the social contract and strengthening social cohesion: Social protection responses to COVID‐19 (free access:https://doi.org/10.1111/issr.12245)
Abstract
en The COVID‐19 pandemic has exposed the vulnerability of those who are inadequately covered by social protection in more and less developed countries alike, and has exacerbated the fragility of a social contract that was already under strain in many countries. A weak social contract in the context of an exceptional crisis poses a very real risk to social cohesion. Nevertheless, many States have reasserted themselves as the guarantor of rights by protecting public health and incomes. By sustaining these measures, economic recovery will be supported which will help minimize risks that may weaken social cohesion. However, this is a fast‐moving, inherently unstable and protracted crisis. Social protection stands at a critical juncture. Decisive policy action will be required to strengthen social protection systems, including floors, as one of the cornerstones of a reinvigorated social contract.
Abstract
fr La pandémie de la COVID‐19 a mis en lumière la vulnérabilité des individus qui sont couverts de manière inadéquate par la protection sociale, que ce soit dans les pays plus ou moins développés, et a exacerbé la fragilité d'un contrat social qui subissait déjà des pressions dans certains pays. Un faible contrat social dans le contexte d'une crise exceptionnelle fait courir un risque très réel à la cohésion sociale. Néanmoins, de nombreux États se sont réaffirmés comme garants des droits, en protégeant la santé publique et les revenus. Le maintien de ces mesures sous‐tendra la reprise économique, qui permettra de limiter les risques pouvant affaiblir la cohésion sociale. Toutefois, cette crise évolue rapidement, se prolonge et s'avère de nature instable. La protection sociale se trouve à un moment décisif. Des mesures politiques déterminantes seront nécessaires pour renforcer les systèmes de protection sociale, y compris les socles de protection sociale, comme l'un des piliers d'un contrat social redynamisé.
Abstract
es La pandemia de COVID‐19 ha puesto de manifiesto la vulnerabilidad de quienes no cuentan con una cobertura adecuada de protección social, tanto en países desarrollados como en desarrollo, y ha exacerbado la fragilidad de un contrato social que ya estaba debilitado en muchos países. Un contrato social débil, en el contexto de una crisis excepcional, plantea un verdadero riesgo para la cohesión social. Sin embargo, muchos Estados se han reafirmado como garantes de los derechos al proteger los ingresos y la salud pública. El mantenimiento de estas medidas propiciará la recuperación económica, que, a su vez, ayudará a minimizar los riesgos de debilitamiento de la cohesión social. Sin embargo, esta crisis avanza rápidamente, es intrínsecamente inestable y será larga. La protección social se encuentra en un punto de inflexión. Serán necesarias medidas de política decisivas para fortalecer los sistemas de protección social, incluidos los pisos de protección social, que constituyen una de las piedras angulares de un contrato social revitalizado.
Abstract
de Die COVID‐19‐Pandemie hat die Verwundbarkeit jener an den Tag gelegt, die über keine ausreichende Sozialversicherungsdeckung verfügen, und zwar in weniger und stärker entwickelten Ländern gleichermaßen. Zudem hat sie die Anfälligkeit eines Gesellschaftsvertrags weiter erhöht, der in vielen Ländern bereits unter Druck stand. Ein schwacher Gesellschaftsvertrag im Kontext einer außerordentlichen Krise stellt eine überaus reale Gefahr für den sozialen Zusammenhalt dar. Allerdings haben sich viele Staaten als Garanten der Ansprüche erneut bewährt, indem sie das öffentliche Gesundheitswesen und die Einkommen absicherten. Mit Beibehaltung dieser Maßnahmen wird die Wirtschaftserholung unterstützt, was wiederum hilft, Risiken, die den sozialen Zusammenhalt schwächen könnten, zu minimieren. Die aktuelle Krise entwickelt sich jedoch rasch, ist an sich instabil und dauert an. Der Sozialschutz steht an einem Scheideweg. Entschlossenes politisches Handeln ist nötig, um die Sozialschutzsysteme, einschließlich einer sozialen Grundsicherung, als einer der Eckpfeiler eines neu erstarkten Gesellschaftsvertrags zu stärken.
Abstract
ru Пандемия COVID‐19 выявила уязвимость тех, кто недостаточно охвачен социальной защитой, как в более, так и в менее развитых странах. Она усугубила хрупкость общественного договора, который и без того находился в критическом состоянии во многих странах. Слабый общественный договор в контексте чрезвычайного кризиса является реальным риском для сплочённости общества. Тем не менее многие государства вновь заявили о себе как о гаранте прав, который защищает здоровье и доходы населения. Использование этих мер будет способствовать восстановлению экономики, что поможет минимизировать риски, которые могут ослабить сплочённость общества. Однако стоит отметить, что этот кризис имеет быстроразвивающийся, нестабильный и затяжной характер. Социальная защита переживает критический момент. Потребуются решительные политические меры для укрепления систем социальной защиты, включая минимальные гарантии, как одного из краеугольных камней перезагрузки общественного договора.
Abstract
zh 新冠疫情暴露了无论在发达国家还是欠发达国家, 未被社会保护充分覆盖的群体都是脆弱的, 疫情也使许多国家本已承受重压的社会契约更加脆弱。脆弱的社会契约叠加超常危机, 为社会凝聚力造成了切实的风险。但是, 许多国家通过保障民众健康和收入, 重新证明了自己作为权利捍卫者的能力。维持这些措施将支持经济复苏, 有助于最大限度地降低可能削弱社会凝聚力的风险。然而, 此次危机发展迅猛、极不稳定且旷日持久。社会保护正处于关键节点。需要采取果断的政策行动, 加强包括保障底线在内的社会保护体系, 使其成为重振社会契约的基石。
Abstract
ar بوصفها إحدى ركائز إعادة تنشيط العقد الاجتماعي.‐كشفت جائحة كوفيدالأرضيات19 عن هشاشة الأشخاص غير المشمولين بشكل مناسب بالحماية الاجتماعية في البلدان المتقدمة والنامية على حد سواء، وفاقمت من وهن العقد الاجتماعي الذي يتواجد على المحك في العديد من البلدان. ويطرح عقد اجتماعي ضعيف في سياق أزمة استثنائية خطراً حقيقياً على التناغم الاجتماعي. إلا أن العديد من الدول قد أعادت التأكيد على أنها حامية للحقوق من خلال حماية الصحة العمومية والأجور. وسيحظى التعافي الاقتصادي، من خلال مواصلة هذه التدابير، على الدعم الذي سيسمح له بالتقليل من المخاطر التي من شأنها أن تضعف التناغم الاجتماعي. ومع ذلك، فإن هذه الأزمة أزمة متغيرة بسرعة وتتسم بعدم الاستقرار وقد يطول أمدها. إن الحماية الاجتماعية تتواجد في منعطف خطير. لذا ينبغي اتخاذ خطوات سياساتية حاسمة لتعزيز نظم الحماية الاجتماعية، بما يشمل
Abstract
pt A pandemia de COVID‐19 expôs a vulnerabilidade daqueles que estão inadequadamente cobertos pela proteção social nos países mais e menos desenvolvidos, e exacerbou a fragilidade de um contrato social que já estava sob pressão em muitos países. Um contrato social despreparado no contexto de uma crise excepcional representa um risco muito real para a coesão social. No entanto, muitos governos se reafirmaram como responsáveis pelos direitos, protegendo a saúde pública e a renda. Sustentar estas medidas significa apoiar a recuperação econômica, o que ajudará a minimizar os riscos que podem enfraquecer a coesão social. No entanto, trata‐se de uma crise de rápida evolução, inerentemente instável e prolongada. A proteção social está em um momento crítico. Será necessária uma ação política decisiva para fortalecer os sistemas de proteção social, inclusive pisos, como um dos alicerces de um contrato social revigorado.
... Our results are robust to analyzing just the first peaks in each country (Table S14) or using a more stringent fitting of exponential decay (Table S15) -both of which reduce the sample size. The results support suggestions (14,15) that variation in resilience to COVID-19 reflects, among other things, variation in the nature and strength of the 'social contract' across countries. Different theories of the social contract (16) encompass both reciprocal trust among citizens (17), and between citizens and their government (political elite) (18,19). ...
... Despite all this we find a marked effect of trust, which adds to evidence that trust can support increased COVID-19 risk perception (23), decreased mortality early in the pandemic (24), and an earlier peak of new infections (25). Before the pandemic, the rise of neoliberalism since the 1980s and austerity policies since the 2008/9 financial crash had eroded the social contract between citizens and government in many nations (15). Most governments have responded to the pandemic with social protection policies to strengthen the social contract (15), and vaccination is also part of the social contract (26). ...
... Before the pandemic, the rise of neoliberalism since the 1980s and austerity policies since the 2008/9 financial crash had eroded the social contract between citizens and government in many nations (15). Most governments have responded to the pandemic with social protection policies to strengthen the social contract (15), and vaccination is also part of the social contract (26). Trust in institutions has increased in the short-term (27)(28)(29), but pandemics can erode trust in the long-term (30). ...
Why have some countries suppressed waves of the COVID-19 pandemic much more effectively than others? We find that the decay rate of daily cases or deaths from peak levels varies by a factor of ~40 between countries. This measure of country-level resilience to COVID-19 is positively correlated with trust within society, and with the adaptive increase in stringency of government interventions when epidemic waves occur. All countries where >40% agree most people can be trusted achieve a near complete reduction of new cases and deaths. In contrast, countries where governments maintain greater background stringency tend to be less trusting and less resilient. Building trust is therefore critical to resilience, both to epidemics and other unexpected disruptions, of which COVID-19 is unlikely to be the last.
... The majority cannot provide flexible targeting and timely provision after certain shocks (Schwan and Yu, 2018). During the COVID-19 pandemic, their capacity to target the people was limited due to misinformation and administrative constraints (Razavi et al., 2020). In addition, many programs were unable to handle the circumstance (Gerard et al., 2020;Razavi et al., 2020;Sparrow et al., 2020). ...
... During the COVID-19 pandemic, their capacity to target the people was limited due to misinformation and administrative constraints (Razavi et al., 2020). In addition, many programs were unable to handle the circumstance (Gerard et al., 2020;Razavi et al., 2020;Sparrow et al., 2020). ...
Inaccurate distribution is one of the major problems of social protection programs in developing countries. Program implementation experiences difficulties at the local level, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. This research aims to explain the institution of social protection programs in Indonesia and identify the deficiencies and ways to improve it in other developing countries. It analogically describes the institution as a phenomenon of ‘square peg for round hole’ to represent the mismatch between the state program design with local social constraints and the cultural-cognitive of the implementers. The result showed that complementing decentralization to the existing institution can overcome the problems. This study helped fill the void in understanding the crisis, which led to changing the implementation, thereby paving a way to revise the macro policy and improve the institution.
... Recent literature (Razavi et al. 2020;Weinberg 2022) evidences that the COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the fiscal social contract in many countries. The limited capacity of many governments to respond effectively to the crisis, mitigate its shocks, or protect the most vulnerable has eroded this contract (Razavi et al. 2020). ...
... Recent literature (Razavi et al. 2020;Weinberg 2022) evidences that the COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the fiscal social contract in many countries. The limited capacity of many governments to respond effectively to the crisis, mitigate its shocks, or protect the most vulnerable has eroded this contract (Razavi et al. 2020). Rieger and Wang (2021) studied people's perceptions of government in 57 countries from March to April 2020 and found that the perception of a tooweak response to the crisis corresponds to a decrease in trust in government. ...
The COVID-19 pandemic showed that many developing countries could not respond effectively to crises due to their limited capacity to diversify their social protection responses. Social protection systems depend mainly on government tax revenue capacity. Raising domestic revenue still represents a priority for most sub-Saharan African countries, which continue to face high tax non-compliance. This research investigates whether there is a link between citizens' perceptions of governance and individual tax compliance in sub-Saharan Africa. We employ a logistic regression model and use Round 7 of the Afrobarometer, which contains information on Africans' views on democracy, governance, economic reform, civil society, and quality of life for 32 countries. Furthermore, in addition to a regression analysis, the study proposes a binary mediation analysis to investigate the direct and indirect effects of governance perception on individual tax compliance, with trust in institutions serving as a mediator. The main results suggest that perceptions of governance and attitudes towards tax compliance are positively associated, and their impact differs by country.
... Notwithstanding that COVID-19 primarily affects older people and those with existing health conditions, there has been widespread concern about the social and economic impact of the pandemic on adolescents and young people (OHCHR 2020) given that previous crises -the 2008 global financial crisis, the Ebola epidemic in West Africa, and the AIDS pandemic -resulted in heightened inequalities (Antonopoulos 2009;Jones and Marsden 2010;Onyango et al. 2019;Razavi et al. 2020). Ethiopia and Bangladesh both face existing governance challenges. ...
... As the pandemic continues to evolve, research is drawing attention to the important role of social protection in mitigating the impact of the pandemic for the most vulnerable (see Gerard, Imbert, and Orkin 2020;Gentilini et al. 2020;Razavi et al. 2020). In a systematic review of social protection programming, Abdoul-Azize and El Gamil (2021) find that governments in LMICs predominantly implemented programmes targeting the poorest and most vulnerable citizens -unlike high-income countries, which focused on stabilising macroeconomic impacts, and in contrast to previous pandemics, where international institutions played a more significant role. ...
The socioeconomic impact of COVID‐19 on adolescents and youth in lower‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) who have migrated for work, are among the urban poor, or have been forcibly displaced is not well understood. To address this knowledge gap, this article draws on in‐depth qualitative interviews undertaken between April and July 2020 with 249 adolescent girls and boys and 24 community key informants in Bangladesh and Ethiopia. These two countries have divergent social protection systems and thus provide a useful comparative lens to understand state provisioning for the most disadvantaged, including vulnerable young people, in crisis contexts. Despite rapid implementation of restrictions to halt viral spread, the mobilisation of social protection in response to the pandemic's socioeconomic effects has lagged. Using a lens of structural violence, findings underscore that socially marginalised young people are the most disadvantaged by state failures to deliver essential services or protection. There has also been insufficient support from humanitarian and development actors in responding to the challenges of the pandemic. The article concludes that identifying and addressing how structural inequalities shape access to and inclusion in social protection mechanisms can contribute to more effectively targeted measures to support the most disadvantaged, especially during crises.
... They were successful because the damage to the real economy discredited austerity ideation and opened the door to a different public finance paradigm (Ferragina & Zola, 2020;Upadhaya et al., 2020) Covid-19 has not supplanted the neoliberal paradigm because the merits of budget discipline and fiscally responsible government persist. Damage to the real economy notwithstanding, countries cannot spend their way into oblivion, and once the fallout from Covid-19 shows true signs of abating, governments may well reign in their spending binges, tighten their belts, and normalize their balance sheets (Hanniman, 2020;Chohan, 2020c) Punctuated Equilibrium/Path Clearing Covid-19's crisis punctuated the prevalent orientation of economic crisis management because of its damage to the real economy, which led to a new economic equilibrium in which Keynesian stimulus programs were forcibly enacted to protect lives and livelihoods, thus displacing the longstanding austerity-response equilibrium with an expansionary fiscal (and Keynesian) equilibrium (Grossi et al., 2020;Razavi et al., 2020) Covid-19 has only accelerated trends that were already underway, and so it is a path-clearing accelerator rather than a true disruptor. For example, social protections are not new ideas per se, and there was emergent political will for these ideas that merely required a powerful exogenous force to clear the path ahead and accelerate their uptake. ...
... The literature also gives considerable weight to exogenous shocks that may either reinforce the status quo through "positive" feedback or revert/subvert the status quo (Skogstad, 2017) through "negative" feedback (Williams, 2009). In the context of this paper, one account is that Covid-19 was a shock with negative feedback that has undermined the prevalent neoliberal austerity status quo in public finance (Ferragina & Zola, 2020;Upadhaya et al., 2020), thus initiating large-scale government stimulus spending around the world (Razavi et al., 2020;Grossi et al., 2020; see also Table 1). Another account, however, is that Covid-19 has been a path-clearing accelerator of changes that were already underway (Bertin et al., 2021;Dimian et al., 2021), such as stimulus through income protection measures, employment protection programs, and Universal Basic Income ("UBI," see Bertin et al., 2021;Bichia, 2017;Chohan, 2017Chohan, , 2021b. ...
The aim of this article is to explore the nature of policy change in the domain of public finance (fiscal policy) in the wake of the coronavirus disease (Covid-19) pandemic as well as for a post-Covid era. It draws upon the literatures of path dependency and ideational change in public policy to consider three broad questions: (1) whether the pandemic really is a critical juncture for policy change; (2) whether the extant neoliberal austerity paradigm has faced lasting ideational displacement by Keynesianism; and (3) whether Covid-19 has really punctuated the existing fiscal policy equilibrium or rather served as a path-clearing accelerator of public finance trends that were already underway. The article then suggests three potential future trajectories: Keynesian, neoliberal, and mixed/other to consider how the path of policy change might materialize in the fiscal realm in the post-Covid era.
... We test for demographic and public-health-related factors some of which significantly influence spread of the infection in within-country analysis 10 . Then inspired by suggestions 11,12 that variation in resilience to COVID-19 partly reflects variation in the nature and strength of the 'social contract' across countries, we look at the effects of government interventions and trust. We consider the stringency of deliberate government interventions to limit social contact and thus R e which is expected to result in greater resilience 9 . ...
... Our results support suggestions 11,12 that variation in resilience to COVID-19 reflects, among other things, variation in the nature and strength of the 'social contract' across countries. Different theories of the social contract 31 emphasise reciprocal trust among citizens 32 , and/or between citizens and their government (political elite) 33,34 . ...
We characterized > 150 countries’ resilience to COVID-19 as the nationwide decay rate of daily cases or deaths from peak levels. Resilience to COVID-19 varies by a factor of ~ 40 between countries for cases/capita and ~ 25 for deaths/capita. Trust within society is positively correlated with country-level resilience to COVID-19, as is the adaptive increase in stringency of government interventions when epidemic waves occur. By contrast, countries where governments maintain greater background stringency tend to have lower trust within society and tend to be less resilient. All countries where > 40% agree “most people can be trusted” achieve a near complete reduction of new cases and deaths, but so do several less-trusting societies. As the pandemic progressed, resilience tended to decline, as adaptive increases in stringency also declined. These results add to evidence that trust can improve resilience to epidemics and other unexpected disruptions, of which COVID-19 is unlikely to be the last.
... The late 1980s witnessed the start of the internet and its growing role in society. Perhaps more importantly, there could be a connection to tensions arising from neoliberal policies which were defended on rational arguments, while the economic fruits were reaped by an increasingly small fraction of societies (23)(24)(25). ...
... Importantly, the trend reversal we find has its origins decades before the rise of social media, suggesting that while social media may have been an amplifier other factors must have driven the stagnation of the long-term rise of rationality around 1975 to 1980 and triggered its reversal. Perhaps a feeling that the world is run in an unfair way started to emerge in the late 1970s when results of neoliberal policies became clear (23)(24)(25) and became amplified with the rise of the internet and especially social media. ...
Significance
The post-truth era has taken many by surprise. Here, we use massive language analysis to demonstrate that the rise of fact-free argumentation may perhaps be understood as part of a deeper change. After the year 1850, the use of sentiment-laden words in Google Books declined systematically, while the use of words associated with fact-based argumentation rose steadily. This pattern reversed in the 1980s, and this change accelerated around 2007, when across languages, the frequency of fact-related words dropped while emotion-laden language surged, a trend paralleled by a shift from collectivistic to individualistic language.
... There is limited information available to date on the actual impact of social protection in mitigating the economic and health effects of the pandemic and related restrictions on economic activities. These different documents stress however how social protection can be particularly effective as a form of national crisis response (Gilligan, 2020), though most countries lack clear strategic approaches on how to expand and modify their social protection systems in response to the health crisis (Razavi et al., 2020;Glynn-Broderick, 2020; Abdoul-Azize and El Gamil, 2020). Box 1. Social Protection as a major response to mitigate COVID-19 economic disruptions Social protection measures have been the most widely type of responses deployed by governments in both LMICs and HICs as a way to mitigate the effect of the economic disruptions induced by COVID-19. ...
... (Gentilini et al., 2020). Those interventions (in the form of cash transfer, food transfer or voucher, other in-kind support, child care services, unemployment benefits, free health care, subsidized social insurance or security payments) have been instrumental in reducing the health, social and financial difficulties of those who have been affected by the economic contraction induced by COVID-19 mobility restriction measures (Gilligan, 2020;Razavi et al., 2020;Glynn-Broderick, 2020). Continuous efforts are necessary at national and international level to support the horizontal scalability of these programmes and ensure the coverage of the maximum number of people. ...
As part of the work implemented by CGIAR on COVID-19, the COVID-19 Research Hub Working Group 4 “Address food systems’ fragility and build back better” was tasked with implementing a global assessment of the impacts of COVID-19 on food systems and their actors, focusing specifically on the consequences that the pandemic had brought on the food security and nutrition of those who have been affected by the crisis. This includes formal and informal actors of the food supply chains (from producers to street vendors) as well as consumers, in both rural and urban environments. Building on this assessment, the task was then to draw on key principles of resilience in the context of humanitarian and food security crisis, to identify preliminary elements of a food system resilience research agenda.
... Similarly, prediction errors related to expectations derived from social institutions (e.g., during the COVID-19 pandemic may contribute to feelings of social threat and concomitant allostatic load as an individual attempts to reorient themselves in a social environment that changes faster than social institutions can cope (Razavi et al., 2020;Slavich, Roos, & Zaki, 2022). The process of acculturation is another potential source of mismatch between internalized models of expected behaviors and actual actions taken by others (Gendron et al., 2020). ...
Classic theories of stress and health are largely based on assumptions regarding how different psychosocial stressors influence biological processes that in turn affect human health and behavior. Although theoretically rich, this work has yielded little consensus and led to numerous conceptual, measurement, and reproducibility issues. Social Safety Theory aims to address these issues by using the primary goal and regulatory logic of the human brain and immune system as the basis for specifying the social-environmental situations to which these systems should respond most strongly to maximize reproductive success and survival. This analysis gave rise to the integrated, multi-level formulation described herein, which transforms thinking about stress biology and provides a biologically based, evolutionary account for how and why experiences of social safety and social threat are strongly related to health, well-being, aging, and longevity. In doing so, the theory advances a testable framework for investigating the biopsychosocial roots of health disparities as well as how health-relevant biopsychosocial processes crystalize over time and how perceptions of the social environment interact with childhood microbial environment, birth cohort, culture, air pollution, genetics, sleep, diet, personality, and self-harm to affect health. The theory also highlights several interventions for reducing social threat and promoting resilience.
... A crucial concern is that the economic impact of the pandemic may disproportionately hit the most vulnerable segments of the population, leading to a surge in economic inequality with potential risks for social cohesion and stability (Razavi et al., 2020). Several studies, in fact, highlight an increase in both poverty and wage inequality in all European countries (Almeida et al., 2021;Furceri et al., 2020;Palomino et al., 2020) and that the impact is worst for lower-paid workers and jobs, for women, and for some sectors, such as the restaurant-hotels one (Adams-Prassl et al., 2020;Brunetti et al., 2021;Hoshi et al., 2022;Mongey et al., 2020). ...
Using Italian Labour Force Survey data for the period 2019Q1-2020Q4 and apply- ing quantile regression model accounting for sample selection bias, the paper inves- tigates the effects of the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic on the wage distribu- tion of employees, exploiting differences across sectors and by working from home arrangement. The findings reveal that the pandemic seems to positively affect wages of the entire workforce. However, this short-term advantage might be temporary as potentially driven by occupational changes in employment composition, whereas teleworking arrangement entails a wage premium for all workers. Low paid workers, employed in hotel/restaurant sector and not teleworking during the outbreak, face a reduction in wages (− 13.7%), while employees of public administration and educa- tion sectors exhibit a wage premium. When considering the joint effect of COVID- 19 and working from home arrangement, estimates show that, despite few excep- tions, wages of teleworking employees have been not affected by the coronavirus. Finally, we also control for self-selection issue by implementing the inverse prob- ability weighting estimator.
... In the longer run, it remains to be seen if governments will pursue a "high road" strategy that sustains and integrates the mostly temporary measures hitherto adopted into national social protection systems, while building participatory mechanisms for program design and accountability, or if they will fall back on a "low road" strategy and limit their response to minimalist "safety nets" and stop-gap measures, leaving large gaps in protection (Razavi et al. 2020). Feminist economics analysis can also provide useful insights into these policy responses. ...
... While falling outside of the parameters of prevailing employment protection schemes, the importance of these current and future workers to the Canadian economy and society more broadly, justified more inclusive coverage. The pandemic provided an opportunity to step away from 'palliative' protection (Razavi et al., 2020) to more universal protections that would strengthen social cohesion and resilience to future crisis, rather than leaving the most vulnerable members of society exposed. ...
Since January 2020 Canadian federal immigration policy has been shaped by the need to contain the spread of COVID-19 balanced against the need to protect the economy. This paper provides a critical review of key administrative trends and immigration policy responses and their significance for different groups of migrants. Using the newly developed CERC Migration Covid-19 Immigration Policy Tracker (2022), we 1 identify key trends in policymaking and practice beginning January 2020 through August 2022, and evaluate their impact on refugee claimants and refugees, immigration detainees, economic immigrants, temporary foreign workers and international students, and family class immigrants. We find that while the federal government responded with rapid border closures for non-citizens, it immediately began to carve out exceptions for non-discretionary purposes. Ultimately, essential mobility into Canada was defined according to economically driven criteria with the pandemic sometimes used as an excuse to exclude migrants considered undesirable, particularly asylum seekers, and to achieve administrative efficiencies. We conclude that while successful in reacting swiftly to modernize its operations and meet ambitious permanent levels targets, despite the lofty rhetoric recognizing the contributions of migrant workers and refugee claimants, ad hoc policymaking did not substantially deviate from the status quo. The government failed to take advantage of opportunities to undertake systemic changes and build a more inclusive citizenship and immigration model that would better promote equity, rights, and protections for migrants and asylum seekers who continue to be made vulnerable by Canada's immigration and refugee policies.
... As a human-centered policy, social protection has a crucial function in helping individuals through changes in their personal lives, in the workplace, and in the broader economic and social landscape (Razavi, Behrendt, Bierbaum, Orton, & Tessier, 2020). Strong government will, translated into efficient plans and policies, regulatory structures, and consistent economic methods is essential if this goal is to be realized by 2030, since the 2030 Agenda including SDG objectives 1.3 and 3.8, has less than eight years left to be completed (Bierbaum & Schmitt, 2022;Durán Valverde, Pacheco-Jiménez, Muzaffar, & Elizondo-Barboza, 2020). ...
The purpose of the research is to assess the state of social security throughout the globe in relation to different regions and income groups. The purpose of the study’s findings is to draw the attention of researchers, policymakers, and all other relevant individuals to the present state of this problem, which is intimately connected to many others. For instance,
investing in social protection is a crucial lever for the SDGs, contributing to a wide range of targets, such as the poverty elimination (SDG 1) and hunger (SDG 2), the promotion of good health and well-being (SDG 3), gender equality (SDG 5), decent work and economic growth (SDG 8), the reduction of inequalities (SDG 10), and peace, justice, and strong institutions (SDG 16) (Hagen-Zanker et al., 2017; ILO, 2021; Novitz, 2020). It helps the environmental pillar of sustainable development, specifically SDG 13, by easing the “just transition” to more environmentally friendly businesses and social structures, which benefits both the economy and society. Therefore, the study assessed global regions and income groups using ten indicators from the International Labor Organization (ILO) database that provide statistics on the social support systems of countries and regions,
such as the percentage of the population covered by at least one social protection cash benefit, the percentage of children covered by social protection benefits, the percentage of women giving birth received maternity benefits, and the percentage of people who are blind or visually impaired who receive social protection benefits. The Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) method based on CRITIC was employed for this objective. To avoid using subjective judgments, the CRITIC approach (one of the objective weighing methods) was used. The world’s regions and income groups were then assessed using the Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) technique.
... 4 The universalist aim of the SPF is also echoed in the SDG 1.3. The global COVID-19 pandemic has captured the attention of scholars and policy-makers alike concerning the existing gaps in social protection measures, and spurred the debate around future policy directions (Razavi et al. 2020). ...
Tanzania has expanded its social protection framework significantly over the past
decade, but the country continues to grapple with important gender inequalities. This paper
examines, first, the evolution and effects of Tanzania’s social protection policies since the 2000s,
from the perspective of working-age women. Drawing on a scoping review of diverse evidence,
the paper shows that despite progressive legislative reforms and policy efforts to extend social
assistance and insurance arrangements, significant inequalities in access to social protection persist
for women across the formal and informal sectors. Second, this paper explores, through
microsimulations, the potential benefits of introducing a child grant scheme for families as an
instrument for gender-responsive social protection expansion. The simulation findings indicate
that introducing child grants allocated to the main caregiver has great potential to promote
women’s empowerment and the achievement of SDGs in Tanzania.
... 101. Devereux, 2021Büscher et al, 2021;Razavi et al, 2020. 102. ...
The World Cities Report 2022 envisages an optimistic scenario of urban futures that relies on collaborative and effective interventions to tackle multidimensional poverty and inequalities; promote vibrant, resilient, diversified urban economies and productive urban futures; build healthy and thriving cities; strengthen the drive towards green urban futures; promote well-planned and managed urbanization processes; and ensure inclusive digital economies for the future.
The optimistic scenario envisions concerted policy action facilitated by the implementation of the New Urban Agenda. It has now been over five years since the New Urban Agenda was adopted at the Habitat III summit in 2016 and the implementation framework must be amplified to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by making transformative progress in addressing the multiple challenges confronting cities both now and in the future.
The Report reaffirms that the vision for the future of cities must embody the “new social contract” in the form of universal basic income, universal health coverage and universal housing and basic services. This proposal was first articulated in the 2021 UN-Habitat report Cities and Pandemics: Towards a More Just, Green and Healthy Future and remains more urgent than ever.
... Street children who have benefited from social care and services are able to participate in societal activities hence develop a sense and feeling of belonging. This finding affirms Razavi et al (2020) assertion that social protection can contain and reduce inequalities. A male beneficiary indicated that; ...
Globally, over 100 million children are living on the street, most of them in less developed countries, and the number is expected to rise as countries urbanize (Endris and Sitota in Int J Educ Liter Stud 7:94–99, 2019; Raemdonck and Seedat-Khan in Child Fam Soc Work 23:297–306, 2017). These children face numerous problems on the streets including but not limited to abuse, neglect, stigma, and social exclusion. This paper examined the role of social protection in building social cohesion using a comprehensive qualitative content analysis. The study affirmed that social protection for street children builds social cohesion. Male street children who are beneficiaries of social protection program reciprocated by supporting others developed self-esteem and built relationship across socio-cultural barriers. The female counterparts on the other hand reported providing in-kind services, built relationships with their families, and created platforms to mentor other girls. The children have managed to reduce public resentment and developed a sense of belonging. The study has demonstrated the value of social protection for street children and the resultant social cohesion.
... The concept is connected to numerous positive social outcomes in the academic literature, including economic productivity, environmental sustainability, greater social stability, increased peace, and increased physical activity [3][4][5][6][7]. More recently, social cohesion has also been associated with an effective response to and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic [8][9][10]. ...
Social cohesion is recognised as the glue that holds societies together and is connected to numerous positive social outcomes. Many authors have defined the term and its dimensions, leading to a wide range of different perspectives. Indeed, an array of dimensions have emerged as researchers have conceptualized social cohesion based on the theoretical assumptions of their disciplines. This wide range of disciplinary contributions has created a rich but muddled research field. In line with the growing recognition of social cohesion, there is a need to better understand social cohesion’s evolution and status within broader academic research. Thus, this study has two main objectives: (i) to analyse the nature and evolution of literature related to social cohesion and (ii) to identify the thematic areas related to social cohesion research and their connections to specific disciplines. To achieve this, a bibliometric analysis of 5027 journal articles listed in the Web of Science (WoS) was conducted. Through this, a substantial increase in research activity was noted, and the broad, multidisciplinary nature of the research is also illustrated. However, there remains room for further collaboration across disciplines as well as research exploring how different social groups and institutions contribute to social cohesion.
... It remains difficult to pinpoint what precisely caused the observed stagnation in the long-term trend around 1980 visible in the PCA analyses of German and Spanish, but particularly clear in all indicators of change in American English. However, one could speculate that there is a connection to tensions arising from the increasing neoliberal policies which were defended on rational arguments, while the economic fruits were reaped by an increasingly small fraction of societies (Dehm, 2018;Duménil and Lévy, 2005;Razavi et al., 2020). ...
... There has been significant interest in the potential role of formal social protection systems and income support for urban residents during the pandemic. 59 policy approaches to social protection have usually provided cash directly to the lowest-income, mostmarginalised people to address chronic poverty. Current debates on social protection are focused on how to extend these schemes 'vertically' (by increasing the benefit value or duration of assistance) or 'horizontally' (by adding new beneficiaries). ...
Synthesising evidence on the pandemic’s impacts in urban areas, this issue paper outlines a set of policy priorities and develops a framework with guiding principles for co-creating inclusive, forward-looking pathways out of the crisis.
... The ripple effects of this disaster within the deeply stratified social structure of the United States have exacerbated a range of acute and far-reaching interconnected health, economic, and social disparities that differentially affect systematically disadvantaged populations. Note that we restrict our analysis to the U.S. because disasters are characterized by the unique sociopolitical contexts in which they occur (Tierney, 2019), and because varied national responses to the pandemic have resulted in wide-ranging topologies of disruption and loss (Razavi et al., 2020) with differing implications for educational systems. Drawing on this interdisciplinary framing of disasters, responses within school psychology and other areas of health service psychology must be predicated on an intersectional understanding of multisystem, multilevel disruption and its effects. ...
The health, economic, and social challenges associated with coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) present a range of threats to students' well-being, psychoeducational experiences, and outcomes, spurring fears for a "lost generation." In this article, we present COVID-19 as a large-scale multisystemic disaster causing massive disruptions and losses, with adversities moderated by the intersectional nature of systemic inequity. We first synthesize the broad effects of COVID-19 as they relate to equity and social justice, followed by the major implications for students and schools, with a focus on intersectional systemic issues. We then propose foundational considerations and resources intended to usher a paradigm shift in how school psychologists' roles and activities are conceptualized in the years to come, ending with key imperatives for practice and graduate education in school psychology. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... Despite all the efforts and targeted resources, at present we can still only partially see and estimate what its full impact will be (see e.g. Razavi et al., 2020 on the pandemic crisis's impact on social cohesion; Valensisi, 2020 in the case of the global rise in poverty). The pandemic brought the economic cycle to a halt all over the world, and this health crisis has been accompanied by a financial crisis that is larger in scale than the previous global financial crisis (Shehzad et al., 2020). ...
With rising spending during the COVID-19 pandemic, the state has become involved in decision-making in areas where it has held back for years. In the case of housing the state’s role has declined sharply since 1989, and the expectation that housing is the private responsibility of each individual and his or her family has strengthened over time as has the homeownership norm. Many measures introduced in the acute phase of the pandemic related in some way to housing and housing quality, such as efforts to ensure social distancing, reduce social contacts, etc. State interventions correspond to the normative assumption that, with some exceptions, the state should not get involved in housing. In this study, we examine the effects of three global crises – the financial crisis, housing affordability, and the pandemic – based on how citizens rank the priorities of the welfare state. Special attention is paid to housing support and how young people differ in evaluation of welfare state priorities. This means people who on the one hand largely make up the net payers in the welfare state and those who have been affected most by the current crisis in housing affordability. The changes in public opinion during the pandemic resemble a Mikado game, a game of pick-up sticks, with health care being deemed the highest priority set apart from the barely distinguishable cluster of other welfare state provisions.
... In the longer run, it remains to be seen if governments will pursue a "high road" strategy that sustains and integrates the mostly temporary measures hitherto adopted into national social protection systems, while building participatory mechanisms for program design and accountability, or if they will fall back on a "low road" strategy and limit their response to minimalist "safety nets" and stop-gap measures, leaving large gaps in protection (Razavi et al. 2020). Feminist economics analysis can also provide useful insights into these policy responses. ...
This article provides a contextual framework for understanding the gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 pandemic and its health, social, and economic outcomes. The pandemic has generated massive losses in lives, impacted people’s health, disrupted markets and livelihoods, and created profound reverberations in the home. In 112 countries that reported sex-disaggregated data on COVID-19 cases, men showed an overall higher infection rate than women, and an even higher mortality rate. However, women’s relatively high representation in sectors hardest hit by lockdown orders has translated into larger declines in employment for women than men in numerous countries. Evidence also indicates that stay-at-home orders have increased unpaid care workloads, which have fallen disproportionately to women. Further, domestic violence has increased in frequency and severity across countries. The article concludes that policy response strategies to the crisis by women leaders have contributed to more favorable outcomes compared to outcomes in countries led by men.
HIGHLIGHTS
• Women from lowest-income households and marginalized groups bore the brunt of the COVID-19 crisis.
• Globally, more women than men are employed in sectors hardest hit by the pandemic.
• Essential and frontline workers at higher risk of exposure are predominantly women.
• Migrant workers are especially vulnerable to job loss, benefit exclusions, and travel bans.
• Countries with women leaders had more favorable outcomes during the pandemic.
... In September, 946 thousand mobile numbers consisting of PAUD teachers and parents received the internet subsidy, and around 7,2 million additional internet vouchers were distributed in October 2020 (Eko BH, 2020a). By protecting income and health, the economic recovery will reduce the impact of lack of social cohesion (Razavi, Behrendt, Bierbaum, Orton, & Tessier, 2020). ...
The outbreaks of Covid-19 influence the Indonesian education nationally, including early childhood education (PAUD). Since the school closures in March, the teachers have attempted to implement the distance learning. This study is conducted in a school in Kendal. The teacher shared her experiences in conducting the learning based on the emergency curriculum. It is found that the government has given the support by publishing the twelve books for the learning at home policy and providing the internet data. Most of the books are about playing with children and positive communication. Parents’ roles in distance learning have greater proportion than the teachers. Parents in this situation have the duties to supervise the learning, to conduct the learning, and to assist teachers in assessment. The teachers construct the weekly lesson plan, communicate the steps of learning process, and evaluate the students’ progress. However, both teachers and parents experience barriers due to the lack of skills in using technology and inability to provide learning materials to support six aspects of child development.
In this commentary, I argue that the systemic inequities driving and resulting from the wide-ranging immediate and long-term effects of COVID-19 are the key issue around which our field should rally as we reconceptualize school psychology in the 21st century. I offer this commentary as complementary to the growing body of scholarship describing reforms and practices to address the current and long-term challenges of COVID-19, as well as to broader calls to address systemic racism wherein critical consciousness and interrogation of the roles of systematic racism in the field are prerequisite to action and sustained practice change. I first enumerate the multisystem, intersectional complexities of the COVID-19 disaster, synthesizing scholarship on how it has been particularly detrimental to minoritized communities and students, as a basis for fostering critical awareness. I then propose three core ideological shifts as the basis for expansive reflection and re-envisioning across all areas of professional activity. I conclude with implications for graduate educators and scholars to support fieldwide transformation as the field endeavors to rise to the challenge of this historic unfolding and advance social justice and antiracism.
Impact Statement
COVID-19 as more than a matter of health or disparities thereof—indeed, it is a disaster—because of the consequences across all domains of life and social systems. School psychology’s short and long-term responses to COVID-19 and advancing social justice and antiracism should be grounded in ideological shifts foundational to lasting change in rhetoric and other practices. These include centering the most marginalized, uprooting white supremacy in our field, and conceptualizing trauma and associated professional responses intersectionally.
With the acceleration of population ageing, healthy ageing is becoming an imperative for all. Social protection systems have an important role to play in this endeavour. Through a life cycle approach, social protection systems can support i) the prevention of disability in old age (i.e. by addressing the social determinants of health and rehabilitation), ii) effective access to long-term care without hardship for those who need it, and iii) decent work in the care economy. To do so will require adopting a gender-transformative approach. Indeed, women are disproportionately represented among both older persons and long-term care providers in their diversity. Further, to adequately contribute to healthy ageing and effective access to long-term care without hardship as a rights-based entitlement, social protection systems will need to build strong coordination between health care, social care and other social policies. This article highlights the key entry points for social protection systems to contribute to the United Nations Decade of Healthy Ageing, building on the rights-based approach of human rights and international social security standards.
The COVID-19 pandemic has created one of the largest medical, financial, and social disruption in history. In the fight against this virus, many European governments have turned to collecting and using online data (for various technological applications) as a key strategic remedy. This study consists of data from a national representative survey in the Netherlands focusing on the extent to which data-driven technologies from the government can count on the support of the general public. By focusing on trust perceptions, risk beliefs and privacy concerns, we introduce a typology consisting of three subgroups: the sceptical, the carefree, and the neutral respondents. It was found that each of the three groups exhibit unique demographic characteristics. In addition, findings also revealed that these three identified groups have different support levels for specific digital solutions from the government. These findings contribute to an important and timely debate and entail relevant policy implications with regard to the democratic legitimation of data-driven technologies in times of COVID-19.
Globally, governments are faced with the double challenge of controlling the COVID-19 pandemic while ensuring the social and economic survival of their citizens. The urban poor are uniquely affected by the impact of the pandemic, requiring comprehensive social protection measures to cushion the poor and vulnerable individuals and families. Informed by a social justice theoretical framework, this chapter focuses on the social protection responses by the Ugandan government against the COVID-19 pandemic. Instead of protecting its vulnerable population against life-threatening social and economic risks, the Ugandan government has focused more on controlling the pandemic at the expense of other social services. Findings reveal the exclusionary nature of social protection measures and the tendency of relief strategies to benefit a few undeserving instead of the poor and needy individuals and families; shocks or crises can exacerbate inequalities, and so can policy responses to mitigate the impact of these crises or shocks. The chapter recommends adaptable and flexible social protection strategies that are underpinned by a social justice lens. The chapter further points to the need to establish a specific database to guide social protection for the most vulnerable for now and in case of future emergencies. This goal could be achieved through strengthening community surveillance to maintain the social protection during emergencies and the need for social safety nets for the most vulnerable in society, even in a liberalised society.
This contribution discusses whether humanitarian aid is a suitable tool for expressing global solidarity in the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the distinction between the concepts of humanitarianism and solidarity, as well as the example of the so-called “refugee crisis,” it provides a mixed answer: humanitarian aid and solidarity are, principally, different things, hardly comparable and, at times, even contradictory. However, the corona pandemic presents an opportunity for localization of humanitarian aid, which is an opportunity for greater solidarity with those most in need. To make humanitarian aid a real tool for expressing global solidarity, one would have to regard the recipients of aid as equals and strengthen their agency, as well as that of local and grassroots organizations in the most affected areas - much as the localization agenda demands.
As the rate of new COVID-19 cases accelerates across the developing world, it exposes the potentially
devastating costs of job losses and income reversals. Unconditional emergency cash transfers can mitigate
the worst immediate effects of the COVID-19 crisis on poor and near-poor households that do not currently
have access to social assistance or insurance protection. This paper provides estimates for a Temporary
Basic Income (TBI), a minimum guaranteed income above the poverty line, for vulnerable people in
132 developing countries. A TBI amounts to between 0.27 and 0.63 per cent of their combined GDPs,
depending on the policy choice:
i. top-ups on existing average incomes in each country up to a vulnerability threshold;
ii. lump-sum transfers that are sensitive to cross-country differences in the median standard of living; or,
iii. lump-sum transfers that are uniform regardless of the country where people live.
A temporary basic income is within reach and can inform a larger conversation about how to build
comprehensive social protection systems that make the poor and near-poor more resilient to economic
downturns in the future.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic poses a severe threat to public health worldwide. We combine data on demography, contact patterns, disease severity, and health care capacity and quality to understand its impact and inform strategies for its control. Younger populations in lower income countries may reduce overall risk but limited health system capacity coupled with closer inter-generational contact largely negates this benefit. Mitigation strategies that slow but do not interrupt transmission will still lead to COVID-19 epidemics rapidly overwhelming health systems, with substantial excess deaths in lower income countries due to the poorer health care available. Of countries that have undertaken suppression to date, lower income countries have acted earlier. However, this will need to be maintained or triggered more frequently in these settings to keep below available health capacity, with associated detrimental consequences for the wider health, well-being and economies of these countries.
The universal and unconditional nature of a basic income raises questions about how such schemes affect work incentives and the type and quality of work undertaken. Against the backdrop of current trends in the world of work (including the rise in non-standard employment and work insecurity, high informality, the threat of technological unemployment and the persistent unequal distribution of unpaid work), and growing concerns that the economy and existing welfare policies are failing to deliver for parts of the population, this paper examines the role of basic income schemes in influencing four work-related outcomes:
• participation in paid work and financial work incentives;
• conditions of paid work;
• the valuation and distribution of unpaid work; and
• formal and informal work.
Proxy-means tests (PMTs) are popular for poverty-targeting with imperfect information. In a widely-used version, a regression for log consumption calibrates a PMT score based on covariates, which is then implemented for targeting out-of-sample. The performance of various PMT methods is assessed using data for nine African countries. Standard PMTs help filter out the non-poor, but exclude many poor people, thus diminishing the impact on poverty. Poverty-focused econometric methods such as using quantile regression generally do better. We also characterize the optimal informationally-feasible solution for poverty targeting and compare it to econometric methods. Even with a budget sufficient to eliminate poverty with full information, none of the targeting methods studied bring the poverty rate below about three-quarters of its initial value. The prevailing methods are particularly deficient in reaching the poorest. A basic-income scheme or transfers using a simple demographic scorecard often do as well, or even better, in reducing poverty.
Proxy-means testing is a popular method of poverty targeting with imperfect information. In a now widely-used version, a regression for log consumption calibrates a proxy-means test score based on chosen covariates, which is then implemented for targeting out-of-sample. In this paper, the performance of various proxy-means testing methods is assessed using data for nine African countries. Standard proxy-means testing helps filter out the nonpoor, but excludes many poor people, thus diminishing the impact on poverty. Some methodological changes perform better, with a poverty-quantile method dominating in most cases. Even so, either a basic-income scheme or transfers using a simple demographic scorecard are found to do as well, or almost as well, in reducing poverty. However, even with a budget sufficient to eliminate poverty with full information, none of these targeting methods brings the poverty rate below about three-quarters of its initial value. The prevailing methods are particularly deficient in reaching the poorest.
This working paper is a joint publication of the gender bureau and social security department of the ILO. It reviews existing evidence on the impact of cash transfers programs on five outcomes -- poverty, nutrition and health, education, training and employment, and personal empowerment -- in literature on five countries -- Brazil (Bolsa Familia), Chile (Chile Solidario, Ethical Family Income), India (MGNREGS, IG Widows' Pension Schmeme, and IGMSY), Mexico (Progreso/Oportunidades), and South Africa (Old Age Pension and Child Support Grant).
Building on Green and Janmaat's previous work on education, equality and social cohesion, this book analyses the various mechanisms that hold different societies together and how these are withstanding the strains fo the current economic crisis. In an original, and highly interdisciplinary, mixed method approach, drawing on evidence from historical soicology, political science and political economy, Green and Janmaat identify four major traditions of social cohesion in developed western and east Asian societies, each with specific institutional and cultural foundations. An extensive statistical analysis of contemporary administrative and attitudinal data for over 30 countries demonstrates that there are still distinctive 'regimes of social cohesion' in 'liberal,' 'social market' and 'social democratic' countries and that they achieve social bonding in quite different ways. As the crisis of globalization unfolds in the wake of the global financial crisis, social cohesion in each regime is vulnerable at different points.
This paper explores debates in social policy choices and whether such provisions ought to be guided by principles of 'universalism,' or more selectively through targeting. The author discusses the forces behind the shift from universalism toward selectivity in using social policies to combat poverty in the developing countries. He reviews lessons from such policies and considers the administrative difficulties of targeting in the poor countries. The paper focuses on the cost-effectiveness of poverty reduction efforts, the political economy bases of policy choices, and the consequences of policy choices for individual incentive.
en Digitalization is transforming societies and economies worldwide at an unprecedented scale and pace. In the wake of automation and digitalization, new forms of employment have been emerging in various occupations and sectors, such as the digital platform economy. The emergence of new forms of employment, such as work on digital platforms, requires that existing social protection systems adapt to the specific situation and needs of such workers, as to realize the human right to social security for all. Current social protection coverage for workers on digital crowdwork platforms reveals significant gaps in social security coverage. Where such coverage exists, it is often provided through the workers’ previous or additional jobs, or indirectly through their spouses or other family members. This raises questions about digital platforms free riding on the traditional economy with regard to the financing of social security. How can social protection systems adapt to changing forms of work to ensure full and effective coverage for workers in all forms of employment, including those in “new” forms of employment? How can workers in all types of employment, including those on digital platforms, be protected in an adequate and comprehensive way, combining contributory and non‐contributory mechanisms and based on equitable and sustainable financing mechanisms, so as to ensure adequate social protection to all?
Abstract
fr La numérisation transforme les sociétés et les économies du monde entier à un rythme et à une échelle sans précédent. Dans un contexte d’automatisation et de numérisation, de nouvelles formes d’emploi émergent dans nombre de professions et de secteurs, telles que l’économie de plateforme numérique. Afin de concrétiser le droit humain à la sécurité sociale pour tous face à l’émergence de nouvelles formes d’emploi, notamment sur les plateformes en ligne, les systèmes de protection sociale doivent s’adapter aux situations et besoins spécifiques des travailleurs. A l’heure actuelle, les travailleurs des plateformes numériques ne sont vraiment pas assez couverts par les systèmes de protection sociale. Lorsqu’ils sont couverts, c’est souvent grâce à un emploi antérieur ou à un emploi supplémentaire, ou encore à leurs conjoints ou à d’autres membres de leur famille. Cette situation soulève des questions autour des plateformes en ligne, qui profitent de l’économie traditionnelle sans apporter la moindre contrepartie financière pour la sécurité sociale. Comment les systèmes de protection sociale peuvent‐ils s’adapter aux formes d’emploi émergentes pour garantir une couverture complète et effective aux travailleurs dans tous les secteurs, y compris au sein des «nouvelles» formes de travail? Comment les travailleurs de toutes les formes de travail, dont les travailleurs des plateformes numériques, peuvent‐ils bénéficier d’une couverture exhaustive et adaptée – grâce à la combinaison de régimes contributifs et non contributifs ainsi qu’à des mécanismes de financement équitables et durables –, de manière à garantir une protection sociale adaptée pour tous?
Abstract
es En todo el mundo, la digitalización está transformando las sociedades y las economías a una escala y a un ritmo sin precedentes. La automatización y la digitalización han generado, en diversas profesiones y sectores, la aparición de nuevas formas de empleo, como la economía de plataformas. La aparición de estas nuevas formas de empleo requiere que los sistemas de protección social existentes se adapten a la situación y a las necesidades específicas de los trabajadores de plataformas, a fin de materializar el derecho humano a la seguridad social para todos. La actual cobertura de protección social para los trabajadores de plataformas digitales de trabajo colaborativo presenta numerosas brechas. Los trabajadores de plataformas que se benefician de una cobertura de seguridad social suelen recibirla como resultado de empleos anteriores o adicionales, o indirectamente por medio de sus cónyuges u otros miembros de la familia. Esto plantea interrogantes acerca de las plataformas digitales que hacen caso omiso de la economía tradicional en lo relativo a la financiación de la seguridad social. ¿Cómo pueden los sistemas de protección social adaptarse a los cambios en las formas de empleo para garantizar una cobertura completa y efectiva a todos los trabajadores, cualquiera sea su forma de empleo? ¿Cómo proteger a los trabajadores de todo tipo de empleo, incluso de plataformas digitales, de manera adecuada e integral, combinando mecanismos contributivos y no contributivos, y sobre la base de mecanismos de financiación equitativos y sostenibles, para garantizar una protección social adecuada para todos?
Abstract
de Die Digitalisierung verändert Gesellschaften und Volkswirtschaften auf der ganzen Welt in einem noch nie da gewesenen Ausmaß und Tempo. Einhergehend mit der Automatisierung und der Digitalisierung haben sich neue Beschäftigungsformen in zahlreichen Berufen und Branchen entwickelt, etwa die digitale Plattformwirtschaft. Mit der Entstehung dieser neuen Beschäftigungsformen wie der Arbeit über digitale Plattformen müssen sich die bestehenden Sozialschutzsysteme an die besondere Situation und die speziellen Bedürfnisse der betroffenen Arbeitnehmer anpassen, damit das Menschenrecht auf soziale Sicherheit für alle umgesetzt werden kann. Die aktuelle Sozialschutzdeckung der Arbeitnehmer digitaler Crowdwork‐Plattformen weist bedeutende Lücken auf. Existiert eine solche Deckung überhaupt, so wird sie häufig durch die frühere Beschäftigung der Arbeitnehmer, durch weitere Erwerbstätigkeiten, oder indirekt durch ihren Ehepartner oder andere Familienangehörige sichergestellt. Dies wirft Fragen danach auf, ob die digitalen Plattformen im Bereich der Finanzierung der sozialen Sicherheit ungebührend von der traditionellen Volkswirtschaft profitieren. Wie können sich die Systeme der sozialen Sicherheit an die sich verändernden Arbeitsformen anpassen, um eine umfassende und wirksame Deckung für die Arbeitnehmer in allen Beschäftigungsformen, einschließlich der „neuen“Beschäftigungsformen zu gewährleisten? Wie können die Arbeitnehmer in allen Beschäftigungsformen, einschließlich derjenigen, die über digitale Plattformen tätig sind, angemessen und umfassend geschützt werden, durch eine Kombination beitragsgestützter und nicht beitragsgestützter Mechanismen und auf der Grundlage fairer und nachhaltiger Finanzierungsverfahren, damit ein angemessener Sozialschutz für alle gesichert ist?
Abstract
ru Цифровизация преобразует общество и экономику всех стран мира в невиданных масштабах и с небывалой скоростью. Вследствие автоматизации и цифровизации в различных профессиях и секторах, таких как экономика цифровых платформ, возникают новые формы занятости. Появление новых форм занятости, в том числе на цифровых платформах, требует адаптации существующих систем социального обеспечения к конкретной ситуации и потребностям работников, чтобы каждый из них мог реализовать своё право на социальную защиту. Текущий охват социальным обеспечением работников цифровых платформ, занятых выполнением микрозаданий, отмечен существенными недостатками. Зачастую защита обеспечивается на прежнем или дополнительном месте работы либо косвенно через супругу или других членов семьи. Возникают вопросы о том, что цифровая экономика с точки зрения финансирования социального обеспечения паразитирует на традиционной экономике. Как системы социального обеспечения могут адаптироваться к изменению форм труда, чтобы гарантировать полный и эффективный охват работников всех форм занятости, включая «новые» формы? Как работники всех форм занятости, включая работников цифровых платформ, могут получить достаточную и всеобъемлющую защиту во стороны программ, как предполагающих уплату взносов, так и свободных от них, на основе справедливых и устойчивых механизмов финансирования, с тем чтобы гарантировать адекватную социальную защиту для всех?
Abstract
zh 数字化正以前所未有的规模和速度改变着全球社会与经济。随着自动化与数字化, 新的就业形式涌现于各种职业和部门, 例如数字平台经济。数字平台工作等新就业形式的出现要求现有的社会保护制度适应平台工人的具体情况和需求, 以便实现人人享有社会保障的权利。数字集群工作平台工人目前的社会保障覆盖状况显示, 覆盖面方面存在巨大差异。平台工人即便享有社会保障覆盖, 也通常是通过他们原来的工作或其他工作提供, 抑或由配偶或其他家庭成员间接提供。这引发了数字平台在社会保障融资方面搭传统经济便车的质疑。社会保护制度如何适应不断变化的工作形式, 以确保为各种就业形式的工人, 包括“新”就业形式工人, 提供全面、有效的保障?各就业类型工人, 包括数字平台工人, 如何能够获得充足、全面的保护, 如何使缴费和非缴费制相结合、融资机制平等可持续, 以确保人人享有充足的社会保护?
Abstract
ar تعمل الرقمنة على تحويل المجتمعات والاقتصادات في جميع أنحاء العالم بوتيرة وسرعة غير مسبوقتين. ففي أعقاب الأتمتة والرقمنة، ظهرت أشكال جديدة من العمالة في مختلف المهن والقطاعات، مثل اقتصاد المنصات الرقمية. ويتطلب ظهور أشكال جديدة من العمالة، مثل العمل على المنصات الرقمية، تكيف أنظمة الحماية الاجتماعية القائمة مع الوضع الخاص لهؤلاء العمال واحتياجاتهم، بغية استيفاء حق الإنسان في الضمان الاجتماعي للجميع. وتكشف التغطية الحالية للحماية الاجتماعية للعاملين على منصات العمل الجماعي الرقمية عن ثغرات كبيرة في التغطية بالضمان الاجتماعي. وحيثما توجد مثل هذه التغطية، فهي تُوفَر غالباً من خلال الوظائف السابقة أو الوظائف الإضافية للعمال، أو بشكل غير مباشر من خلال أزواجهم أو أفراد الأسرة الآخرين. ويثير هذا تساؤلات حول الانتفاع المجاني للمنصات الرقمية من الاقتصاد التقليدي فيما يتعلق بتمويل الضمان الاجتماعي. فكيف يمكن لنظم الحماية الاجتماعية التكيف مع أشكال العمل المتغيرة لضمان التغطية الكاملة والفعالة للعاملين في جميع أشكال العمل، بما في ذلك أشكال العمل "الجديدة"؟ وكيف يمكن حماية العمال في جميع أنواع العمالة، بما في ذلك العاملين في المنصات الرقمية، بطريقة كافية وشاملة تجمع بين الآليات القائمة على الاشتراكات وغير القائمة عليها، والتي تستند إلى آليات التمويل المنصفة والمستدامة، بغية ضمان الحماية الاجتماعية الكافية للجميع؟
Abstract
pt A digitalização está transformando as sociedades e economias em todo o mundo em uma escala e ritmo sem precedentes. No rastro da automação e digitalização, novas formas de emprego estão surgindo em diversas ocupações e setores, tais como a economia de plataforma digital. O surgimento de novas formas de emprego, como o trabalho em plataformas digitais, exige que os sistemas de proteção social se adaptem às situações específicas e às necessidades desses trabalhadores, a fim de cumprir o direito humano de seguridade social para todos. A cobertura de proteção social atual para trabalhadores informais nas plataformas digitais (como crowdwork) revela a presença de importantes lacunas na cobertura da seguridade social. Onde a cobertura existe, muitas vezes ela é suprida por empregos anteriores ou adicionais dos trabalhadores, ou de maneira indireta, através dos cônjuges ou outros familiares. Esta situação levanta questões sobre o oportunismo das plataformas digitais às custas das economias tradicionais com relação ao financiamento da seguridade social. Como podem os sistemas de proteção social se adaptar às formas de trabalho em constante mudança, de maneira a assegurar uma cobertura completa e eficaz para trabalhadores em todos os tipos de emprego, inclusive nessas “novas” formas de emprego? Como podem os trabalhadores em todos os tipos de emprego, inclusive os que estão em plataformas digitais, ter uma proteção adequada e ampla, combinando mecanismos contributivos e não contributivos e com base em mecanismos de financiamento equitativos e sustentáveis, de maneira a garantir uma proteção social adequada para todos?
This article presents the findings of a review of the impact of non-contributory cash transfers on individuals and households in low- and middle-income countries, covering the literature of 15 years, from 2000 to 2015. Based on evidence extracted from 165 studies, retrieved through a systematic search and screening process, this article discusses the impact of cash transfers on 35 indicators covering six outcome areas: monetary poverty; education; health and nutrition; savings, investment and production; work; and empowerment. For most of the studies, cash transfers contributed to progress in the selected indicators in the direction intended by policymakers. Despite variations in the size and strength of the underlying evidence base by outcome and indicator, this finding is consistent across all outcome areas. The article also investigates unintended effects of cash transfer receipt, such as potential reductions in adult work effort and increased fertility, finding limited evidence for such unintended effects. Finally, the article highlights gaps in the evidence base and areas which would benefit from additional future research.
(http://www.social-protection.org/gimi/gess/RessourcePDF.action?ressource.ressourceId=55171) This paper reviews proposals for a Universal Basic Income (UBI) in light of ILO standards. Some UBI proposals have the potential to advance equity and social justice, while others may result in a net welfare loss. The ILO Social Protection Floors Recommendation (No. 202) includes a number of principles which are highly relevant to guide the debate on UBI, namely: (i) adequacy and predictability of UBI benefits to ensure income security, set at least at the national poverty line; (ii) social inclusion, including of persons in the informal economy; (iii) social dialogue and consultation with stakeholders; (iv) enactment of national laws regulating UBI entitlements, including indexation of benefits; (v) coherence with other social, economic and employment policies, and (vi) sustainable and equitable financing. The impact of a UBI on poverty and inequality depends on the level of benefits and the source of funding. Based on these principles, the paper shows that some models of UBI can be in accordance with ILO standards, while others are not.
Examines the latest IMF government spending projections for 187 countries between 2005 and 2020; (ii) reviews 616 IMF country reports in 183 countries to identify the main adjustment measures considered by governments in both high-income and developing countries; (iii) applies the United Nations Global Policy Model to simulate the impact of expenditure consolidation on growth and employment; (iv) discusses the threats of austerity to welfare and social progress; and (v) calls for urgent action by governments to adopt alternative and equitable policies for socio-economic recovery.
A miracle is an extraordinary event that happens in defiance of all expectations. For decades after the developmental miracle first occurred in East Asia, scholars and pundits have debated the origins of this miracle; and for decades after the Asian financial crisis, they will debate how this wonder came to a crashing end. Just as there is no definitive scholarly consensus on the origins, there is also likely to be little consensus on the end.
It is by no means evident that conclusions drawn from European experiences with social protection may be transposed to the developing countries. There are, after all, very substantial economic, demographic and cultural differences to take into account. One way of bridging the divide between the two groups of countries is to look at the history of the now-rich powers and to ascertain the extent to which their responses to protests against poverty and injustice remain relevant to the situations of low-income populations today. Through trial and error, and measured responses to movements protesting hardship and injustice, the governments of the then-emerging welfare states were slowly able to develop effective anti-poverty policies. Social security systems were gradually brought into being. This long history undoubtedly holds fascinating lessons for the poor countries that are going through sometimes unspeakable hardships today. However, the diversity of outcomes in terms of social protection in the now-rich powers is equally fascinating. Present-day European systems vary greatly. Identifying quite what their effects are in terms of reducing poverty and enhancing or obstructing economic growth is crucially important.
Labour market institutions, including collective bargaining, the regulation of employment contracts and social protection policies, are instrumental for improving the well-being of workers, their families and society. In many countries, these institutions have been eroded, whilst in other countries they do not exist at all. Labour Markets, Institutions and Inequality includes empirical case studies, from both developed and developing countries, which examine the role of institutions in ensuring equitable income distribution. The volume discusses the effect of macroeconomic, labour and social policies on inequality, highlighting how specific groups such as women, migrants and younger workers are affected by labour market institutions. Expert contributions demonstrate that in order to reduce inequality, countries must strengthen their labour market institutions through comprehensive policy formulation.
Caring work involves providing a face-to-face service to recipients in jobs such as child care, teaching, therapy, and nursing. Such jobs offer low pay relative to their requirements for education and skill. What explains the penalty for doing caring work? Because caring labor is associated with women, cultural sexism militates against recognizing the value of the work. Also, the intrinsic reward people receive from helping others may allow employers to fill the jobs for lower pay. Caring labor creates public goods--widespread benefits that accrue even to those who pay nothing. For example, if children learn skills and discipline from teachers, the children's future employers benefit, with no market mechanism to make the pay given to care workers reflect these benefits. Even when the public or not-for-profit sectors do step in to hire people to provide such services for those too poor to pay, the pay is limited by how much decision makers really care about the poor. Finally, the fact that people feel queasy about putting a price on something as sacred as care limits the pay offered--as paradoxical as it is to pay less for something when it is seen as infinitely valuable!
Market reforms began in parts of Asia after World War II and led to macroeconomic policies and governance that brought rapid and fairly evenly shared growth, with an emphasis on promoting capable civil services, community involvement, and good basic education and health. For historical and cultural reasons, reforms began decades later in most of Latin America. To bypass ossified bureaucracies, operating under largely democratic governments with elements of civil societies, Latin American reforms were under strongmen, or caudillos, who undertook macroeconomic reforms due to conviction or expediency or both. The leaders used teams of technocrats who operated alongside and above preexisting bureaucracies. Reforms began first and went furthest in Chile. After case studies of Chile, Argentina, Peru, Mexico, and Venezuela, the author concludes that Latin American reforms will not really serve their people or be secure until, like the Asian reforms, they stress competent and honest governance, shared growth, and basic education and health.
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