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Deviance, politics, and the media
... Sejak Prabowo Subianto dan Gibran Rakabuming dideklarasikan sebagai pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden pada pilpres 2024, berbagai media massa gencar menerbitkan berita kandidat tersebut (Abdurrahman, 2023). Hal ini terjadi karena, pertama, politik bergantung pada media karena kehidupan politik tidak terpisah dari peran media massa (Dunaway & Graber, 2022;Hall, 2018). ...
... Pada pemberitaan Prabowo Gibran terlihat adanya bias ideologi pemilik untuk memasukkan propaganda pihak tertentu dengan tujuan komersil (Hall, 2018;Perloff, 2021;Wolfsfeld, 2022 ...
... Media adalah tempat seseorang memperoleh informasi mengenai realita politik, bingkai yang disajikan media akan mempengaruhi pembaca dalam menafsirkan peristiwa. Biasanya peristiwa politik dikemas lebih dramatis sehingga mudah untuk mempengaruhi pandangan khalayak(Hall, 2018;Perloff, 2021;Wolfsfeld, 2022). Hal ini terjadi pada pembingkaian yang dilakukan Radar Semarang terhadap kandidat Prabowo Gibran. ...
Latar Belakang: Pilpres 2024 memicu banyak polemik di kalangan masyarakat. Majunya Gibran sebagai cawapres mendamping Prabowo dinilai tidak etis. Pasalnya berdasarkan putusan MK 141/PUU-XXI/2023, Gibran tidak memenuhi syarat usia minimal. Bukan bertindak sebagaimana mestinya, Radar Semarang justru menjadi wadah kandidat 02 untuk berkampanye dalam bentuk produk jurnalistik. Tujuan: Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui framing yang dibangun media online Radar Semarang pada pemberitaan Prabowo Gibran. Metode: Analisis yang digunakan adalah konsep framing Robert Entman melalui empat perangkat analisis yaitu define problem, diagnose causes, make moral judgement, dan treatment recommendation. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan paradigma konstruktivistik. Teknik pengumpulan data dimulai pada tanggal 2-31 Januari 2024. Periode tersebut dipilih karena mendekati masa akhir sekaligus masa tenang kampanye Pilpres 2024. Setelah melalui seleksi data, terpilih 19 artikel. Hasil: Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pembingkaian berita yang dilakukan media online Radar Semarang terhadap isu pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden Prabowo Gibran menunjukkan adanya keberpihakan. Keberpihakan dapat dilihat dari dominasi Prabowo Gibran pada berita pilpres 2024, penekanan terhadap judul maupun isi berita yang mengarah pada kesan baik, penggunaan metafora yang cenderung menjatuhkan kandidat lawan, menampilkan fakta yang dikehendaki media juga memasukan propaganda kepentingan beberapa pihak. Dari sisi jurnalistik, wartawan belum menerapkan prinsip cover both side dalam membuat produk jurnalistik. Hal ini menyebabkan peran Radar Semarang sebagai arus komunikasi politik tidak berjalan dengan baik. Radar Semarang berusaha menjadi wadah membangun citra bagi Prabowo Gibran untuk berkampanye demi memperoleh dukungan suara. Oleh karenanya, konstruksi realitas yang dilakukan Radar Semarang mampu menggiring opini publik.
... The presence of the hierarchy of whiteness in films also allows for carceral ideologies to invade other social based services (see Hall, 2018). The prison industrial complex has spread throughout the region, as states use similar logics to create drug epidemic-related solutions beyond incarceration. ...
Research continues to demonstrate the role films play in reproducing and solidifying stereotypes of particular groups. Acting as a cultural medium, filmic representations mirror dominant attitudes present in society while also reproducing and molding new perceptions of particular stereotypes. By highlighting the construction of the hierarchy of whiteness through the lens of the Appalachian region, the following demonstrates the connection between filmic representations and the support for economic, social, and political carceral encroachment into the region. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, we analyze 20 films set within or related to the Appalachian region to showcase the construction and connection of a “lesser white” group to carceral ideologies that promote punitive and damaging policies.
... From the cognitive perspective, the less well defined the stimulus, the greater the contribution of the perceiver (Fensterheim and Tresselt, 1953). Hall (1974) observes that the media exert their maximum effect on labeling an unfamiliar or ambiguous situation. The ambiguity and indeterminacy embedded in the multifaceted nature of international reality necessitates journalists to provide accounts that suit their preconceived conceptions. ...
... The live blog is a form of court reporting wherein a journalist depicts detailed exchanges, interactions and happenings taking place in the courtroom which are published in real time on a news website (Hall-Coates 2015, Small andPuddister 2020) and has quickly become an everyday part of many legal professionals' working life (Flower and Ahlefeldt 2021). As a form of news report, live blogs convey and shape societal understandings of legal proceedings (Hall 1974, Hans and Dee 1991, Ericson et al. 1991 and reflect a growing trend in safeguarding open justice by opening up the courtroom to a wider audience. This is particularly pertinent in jurisdictions where another form of coverage -filming proceedings, also known as cameras in court -is partially or completely banned. ...
Reporting from trials using live blogs to continuously inform readers about courtroom events have rapidly become an established part of legal life and are often assumed to fulfill demands of open justice. However, a deep sociolegal understanding of how legal professionals perceive live blogs as affecting procedural justice is currently missing, as is a thick understanding of what transparency means to legal professionals. As more detailed knowledge on contemporary transparency will contribute to understanding the acceptance and resistance to open justice and specific reporting formats, this study focuses on the interlinking of legal professionals, transparency and live blogs. A qualitative cross-cultural approach finds that legal professionals consider Bentham’s tenets to be partially transformed, in particular regarding the original truth function. Rather than enabling truths, legal professionals perceive live blogs as a threat to truths. Nevertheless, live blogs are considered to provide good enough transparency in relation to specific jurisdictional contexts.
... The live blog is a form of court reporting wherein a journalist depicts detailed exchanges, interactions and happenings taking place in the courtroom which are published in real time on a news website (Hall-Coates 2015;Small and Puddister 2020) and has quickly become an everyday part of many legal professionals' working life (Flower and Ahlefeldt 2021). As a form of news report, live blogs convey and shape societal understandings of legal proceedings (Hans and Dee 1991;Ericson, Baranek, and Chan 1991;Hall 1974) and reflect a growing trend in safeguarding open justice by opening up the courtroom to a wider audience. This is particularly pertinent in jurisdictions where another form of coveragefilming proceedings, also known as cameras in courtis partially or completely banned. ...
... Moore 2014). It is therefore important to understand how trials and legal professionals are framed in this medium as live blogs define social reality, producing and circulating cultural meanings (Hall 1974, Hjarvard 2013, Strömbäck 2008. Live blogs thus contribute to the construction and shaping of public perceptions and knowledge of the justice system, the courts and its actors (see also Biressi and Nunn 2003, Hans and Dee 1991, Ericson et al 1991. ...
Journalistic live blogging entails the conundrum of capturing emotions in a context where they should be absent in order to snap up the sensational in the subtle drama of the courtroom and present it in a way that attracts readers, thus making it clickable.
Applying an inductive frame analysis of live blogs and drawing on criteria of newsworthiness and an emotion sociological framework, this article shows two frames of understanding criminal trials are constructed in live blogs: prosecutorial power and teamwork. These frames serve to construct and reconstruct understandings of criminal trials in Sweden. The frames are partially embedded in the legal sphere thereby reproducing the ideological underpinnings of unemotional rationality whilst concomitantly conveying a more contemporary understanding wherein reason and emotion are conflated. The study shows further that the media frame shapes how criminal trials are reported in live blogs leading to a somewhat distorted understanding of trials being conveyed. Legal professionals are made newsworthy by drawing on news values, in particular on emotionalization, which constitutes a crucial tool for the live blogging journalist.
... Moore, 2014). It is therefore important to understand how trials and legal professionals are framed in this medium as live blogs define social reality, producing and circulating cultural meanings (Hall, 1974;Strömbäck, 2008;Hjarvard, 2013). Live blogs thus contribute to the construction and shaping of public perceptions and knowledge of the justice system, the courts and its actors (see also Hans and Dee, 1991;Ericson et al, 1991;Biressi and Nunn, 2003). ...
Journalistic live blogging entails the conundrum of capturing emotions in a context where they should be absent, snapping up the sensational in the subtle drama of the courtroom and presenting it in a way that attracts readers, thus making it clickable.
Applying an inductive frame analysis of live blogs and drawing on criteria of newsworthiness and an emotion sociological framework, this article shows two frames of understanding criminal trials are constructed in live blogs: prosecutorial power and teamwork. These frames serve to construct and reconstruct understandings of criminal trials in Sweden. The frames are partially embedded in the legal sphere thereby reproducing the ideological underpinnings of unemotional rationality while concomitantly conveying a more contemporary understanding wherein reason and emotion are conflated. The study shows further that the media frame shapes how criminal trials are reported in live blogs leading to a somewhat distorted understanding of trials being conveyed. Legal professionals are made newsworthy by drawing on news values, particularly emotionalisation, which constitutes a crucial tool for the live blogging journalist.
... Los medios no necesariamente inoculan sus mensajes en su público: también pueden ser artífices de un discurso legitimador de conductas mayoritarias o de una acción que sea considerada como inadecuada. Así, en palabras de Stuart Hall (1993): ...
... The state attributes to itself not only the monopoly of legitimate violence, but also the power to define it through claiming the monopoly of legitimate discourse (see Balibar 1996). Hence, the state also has the power to label organizations and claims as being political and therefore legitimate, or non-political and therefore illegitimate, illegal, and even criminal (see Hall 1974). ...
... The birth of 'Reception Research' in mass communication research goes back to Stuart Hall's [12] Encoding and Decoding in television discourse. Pertti uttered that reception research in media studies is related to cultural studies, and the Birmingham Center suggests that reception theory has other roots [10]. ...
... Identity, in this perspective, as a radical lesbian feminist who was a central figure of the early women's movement put it, is "what you can say you are according to what they say you can be" (Johnston, 1973in Fullmer et al., 1999. The mainstream media has a strong influence in terms of setting the standards of what is regarded as "normal" or "acceptable" against what is "deviant" (Gross, 2001: 11; see also Hall, 1993). ...
This article extends the conceptualization of silence in public relations beyond strategic communication. It develops a new theoretical framework to explain the mechanisms through which suffering and pain felt inside the body translate into silence, exclusion from public debate, and communication gaps in health communication. This happens through intermediate steps that involve, among others, the role of the media in the narrative construction of the body and the self. This framework advances an understanding of public relations oriented towards civil society and is based on the empirical case study of involuntary childlessness (i.e. not having children not by choice): even in the age of ubiquitous communication, despite affecting about 25% of the adult population of virtually all developed countries, this issue is shrouded in taboo and seldom heard of. The analysis makes the case for a more material, indeed embodied, approach to conceptualizing silence in public relations.
... 3 1960s and '70s academic work on deviancy and political marginality, for example, frequently employs a model of an integrated working class and an extra-legal and subcultural lumpenproletariat (cf. Hall 1974;Horowitz and Liebowitz 1968;Taylor and Taylor 1968). Horowitz and Liebowitz (1968: 293) clearly express this thesis when they write: 'If any group has emerged as the human carrier of the breakdown between political and private deviance, it has been the lumpenproletariat, or the non-working class. ...
A critical and provocative exploration of the political, conceptual and cultural points of resonance between Deleuze's minor politics and Marx's critique of capitalist dynamics, engaging with Deleuze's missing work, The Grandeur of Marx. This book explores the core categories of communism and capital in conjunction with a wealth of contemporary and historical political concepts and movements - from the lumpenproletariat and anarchism, to Italian autonomia and Antonio Negri, immaterial labour and the refusal of work. This book will serve as an introduction to Deleuze's politics and the contemporary vitality of Marx for students and will challenge scholars in the fields of social and political theory, sociology and cultural studies.
... resistance? As Hall (1974Hall ( /1993 argues, such constructions of political/nonpolitical boundaries "are themselves, political acts and reflect the structure of power and interest" (p. 63). ...
Background/Context
Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital has been employed extensively in sociological, educational, and anthropological research. However, Bourdieu's conceptualization of cultural capital has often been misread to refer only to “high status” or dominant cultural norms and resources at the cost of overlooking the meaningful and productive practices of nondominant and marginalized cultural communities.
Focus of Study
By reconceptualizing Cohen's politics of deviance, this paper leans on post-structuralist thinkers to develop a conceptualization of the cultural repertoires of marginalized communities, hereafter referred to as deviantly marked cultural repertoires, that places at the center labeled practices of deviance. It is posited that in these labeled deviant cultural practices—which are often overlooked, shunned, and ignored—are valuable and meaningful experiences of learning and development.
Research Design
Using scenes from the HBO series The Wire as a cultural text, a materialist analysis is conducted to demonstrate empirically the pedagogically rich processes of deviantly marked cultural repertoires.
Conclusions
This paper argues for a research agenda on the learning and development present in the often overlooked, shunned, ignored, and marked/labeled practices of deviance as a way to explore the transformative pedagogical possibilities in marginalized youth cultures.
... This early sociological approach with its concern with processes of labelling and symbolisation influenced the early development of cultural studies (Hall 1973), but it has also proved seminal in prompting a more strategic view of social power. Howard Becker's (1967) notion of a 'hierarchy of credibility' helps us to map the evident patterns of elite access within the news media (and documented across countless empirical studies) and explains this with reference to the social structure and cultural mores of the wider society. ...
... This seems to explain how dominant social groups through the media can control the society in which they operate. Hall (1974) maintains that the news media reproduces the voices of the powerful who become the primary definers of events. The voices of the powerful are translated into the public views through the mass media and this ultimately serves as the foundation of a set agenda for public discussion and public opinion formation (West and Turner 2004;Baran 2002;Wilson and Wilson 2001;Rogers and Dearing 1987). ...
... In order to reach a mass audience, however, activists engage in what John B. Thompson (1995) refers to as 'struggles for visibility'. Images of violent confrontation thus provide a crucial resource for attracting media attention, while at the same time, violent performances can be decontextualized and reinserted into hegemonic narratives that seek to marginalize young militants as criminals or 'deviants' (Gitlin, 1980;Hall, 1974). As Stuart Hall suggests, through selecting, presenting, structuring, and shaping, mass media carry out the 'labor of making things mean ' (1982: 64). ...
The Battle of Genoa has become an iconic sign of wanton destruction, evoking images of tear gas, burning cars, and black clad protestors hurling stones and Molotov cocktails at advancing lines of heavily militarized riot police. In this article, I explore the complex relationship between performative violence and mass-mediated constructions of violence during the anti-G8 protests in Genoa. Performative violence is a specific mode of communication through which activists seek to produce social transformation by staging symbolic rituals of confrontation. Young militants enact performative violence in order to generate radical identities, while producing concrete messages challenging global capitalism and the state. At the same time, dominant media frames reinterpret the resulting images as random acts of senseless violence, undermining activists more generally. I further argue that the prevailing ‘diversity of tactics’ ethic reflects the broader networking logics associated with anti-corporate globalization movements themselves.
... 270). On the other hand, dominant media packages employ various techniques, including trivialization, marginalization, disparagement, and a focus on violence and internal division, to deflect and contain radical dissent (Gitlin, 1980;Hall, 1974). Consequently, anticorporate globalization movements receive more favorable press coverage to the extent that they engage in peaceful protest, emphasize reforms, and include institutional actors. ...
This article brings together the anthropological, sociological, and related literature on media, emotion, and performance to explore the role of counter-summit protests within anti-corporate globalization movements. Counter-summit actions produce both external and internal effects, allowing activists to communicate political messages, while generating deeply felt emotions and political identities. However, activists eventually tire while public interest may wane as protests become routine. Moreover, the most unpredictable, free form actions which produce high levels of affective solidarity among core activists often elicit media frames that stigmatize or trivialize protesters. Through comparative ethnographic accounts of mass mobilizations in Prague and Barcelona and subsequent media analysis, I argue that counter-summit protests are important networking tools, but they are difficult to reproduce over time, while the emotional and media impacts of counter-summit actions are often contradictory. I further suggest that grasping the affective dimensions of protest requires an engaged and embodied ethnographic praxis.
... An examination of the infiltration phenomenon and the social reaction to this phenomenon demonstrates the convergence between two apparently opposite processes: on the one hand a tendency towards criminalization-handling a political conflict with criminal categories, and on the other hand, a tendency towards politicization-granting a political meaning to a behaviour which its content is criminal (Horowitz and Liebowitz, 1968;Cohen, 1973;Hall, 1974). Israel's policy of preventing the return of the Palestinian refugees-including the military strikes and reprisals ('retaliatory policy'), the killing of unarmed infiltrators and their expulsiongave birth to new types of infiltration, part of which were more violent and murderous. ...
Do you remember the word 'infiltrators'? I don't think the infiltrators' story has been told. A Palestinian writer still needs to tell that story. Back when Israel was established, when they had a census, we were refugees in Lebanon. Two years later, when we came back, we came in as infiltrators, we came to Dir-Asad. Whenever the police came, we hid. When a school supervisor came, the teachers always hid me because I was illegal. And do you know how this can affect a 7-year old boy; what sort of complexes and hostilities between the regime and your childhood. During that time in Dir-Asad I remember a man with a beautiful voice, who used to come at night to the neighbor's house at the edge of the village, play the Rabbaba and sing his story: how he left his home and crossed the border, and how he returned [...] I wanted to imitate this man (The Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish, Hadarim interview, 1996, p. 174).
... Some studies have pointed to the tendency of the media to portray political conflict in terms of individual pathology rather than ideological opposition (Hillyard, 1982;Iyengar, 1991). Other analyses have been devoted to demonstrating that the media play an important role in managing political conflicts by legitimating the severe measures taken to control unrest and opposition (Hall, 1974;Halloran et al., 1970;Murdock, 1973). Schlesinger (1991) has criticised Hall et al.'s notion of "primary definition" which assumes that official sources' access to the media is largely secured by their place in the social structure, and that their privileged definitional power to dominate the public domain follows accordingly. ...
This article examines how the Israeli quality daily newspaper Haaretz reported Palestinian casualties during the first year of the Palestinian uprising. While Palestinian casualties received few headlines and were reported on the inner pages, Haaretz did not ignore them and, unlike the other major Hebrew newspapers, reported their numbers consistently and reliably. Palestinian casualties, however, were reported as people killed in the course of armed clashes, although the majority of those injured and killed by military fire were in reality unarmed civilians. The newspaper accepted the dominant assumptions and definitions of reality, according to which the Israeli army was forced to react to the escalation in Palestinian violence, but ignored the causal link between the Israeli reaction and the Palestinian behaviour. The wide use of the phrase “killed in clashes” to describe the Palestinian deaths, along with the emphasis placed on those events in which armed Palestinians were killed, legitimated the high number of civilian casualties and contributed to the construction of the uprising as an armed conflict justifiably oppressed by military means.
... Dado que los movimientos sociales llevan a cabo sus batallas, en parte, para transformar los presupuestos establecidos de la realidad política, los medios de comunicación facilitan un terreno crucial para las políticas del significado. Las imágenes de confrontación violenta pueden servir tanto para atraer la atención de los medios mediante lo que John B. Thompson (1995) ha denominado "luchas por la visibilidad", como para descontextualizar dichas performances violentas y reinsertarlas en las narrativas hegemónicas que persiguen marginalizar a los jóvenes activistas militantes como criminales y "desviados" (Gitlin 1980;Hall 1974). Los medios estan activamente comprometidos en la producción de la realidad social. ...
... approach has been endorsed by media scholars (see Hall, 1974;Moores, 1993;Schrøder, 1994), and his scholarship on the problems of ethnographic authorship and the benefits of ''thick description'' has received ample attention (Ang, 1996;Darling-Wolf, 2003;Gillespie, 1995;Morley, 1992Morley, , 1996Press, 1996). But even where communication scholars assert the value of Geertz's work, his ideas seem to float above rather than dwell within research in our field. ...
Though the anthropologist Clifford Geertz has been tremendously influential across the humanities and social sciences, his impact on media and communication scholarship remains unclear. Geertzian theory, this article argues, can rejuvenate global communication studies by providing a foundation to build a theory of translocalism. The article first highlights the theoretical affinities between Geertz's interpretive anthropology and communication studies. The following sections explicate Geertz's perspectives on the local and on meaning. Then, we explore how Geertz's notion of the local can serve as a context for a new understanding of power in global communication studies. In light of this, the article then turns to an analysis of the notion of translocalism as it transpires in Geertz's work. The final section elaborates the implications of translocalism for global communication studies through a discussion of global television formats and foreign news correspondents.
A revisão da noção de pânico moral nos Estudos Culturais: hegemonia, cultura midiática e representação 31 São Paulo, Brasil, v. 7, n.
Exemplifying conjunctural analysis continues in this chapter with a detailed look at PTC. Although similarly conjuncturally-focused to RTR, it was significantly different in several ways, crucially in being a sustained piece of empirical research designed to understand the harsh sentencing of three juveniles. This concrete starting point, validated by Marx’s methodological ruminations, guided the whole project’s movement from particular cases to the general crisis of hegemony they signified. The step-by-step outline of the book’s four parts demonstrates the constant movement from simple to more complex understandings, as more determinations are uncovered, via critique and re-theorising. Thus, the critique of the common sense understanding of the role of the police, courts and media that revealed an overreaction was replaced with the idea of ‘moral panic’ in Part I. However, this term proved insufficiently historical when put to the empirical test and so became re-theorised, in Part III, as a symptom of the ‘crisis of hegemony’ that began in the 1960s. This same methodological strategy is shown to be at work also in understanding the role of social anxiety in the reception of media messages, in Part II of the book, and in the ‘politics of mugging’ in the somewhat neglected concluding Part IV.
Criminologists can enhance their theoretical grasp of their subject through an understanding of contemporary political economy because this provides insights into politics, crime and state policy within and across nation-states. Understanding how this plays out is very much part of the “research agenda for global crime” (Hall and Scalia 2019). In this article, we present a comparative study of European statecraft during the Cold War and today, noting the parallels and contrasts in the construction and demonization of the “enemies of the west.” We present detailed analysis of how a “strategy of tension”—by which we mean the use of violent criminal actions by state agents to engender a climate of fear that blames the violence on a dangerous “public enemy”—was enacted by the secret services of the United States and the United Kingdom, in alliance with the Italian government, between 1946 and 1980, alongside some more fragmentary evidence of the way in which contemporary policies are framed around the “War on Terror,” forming the contours of a contemporary “strategy of tension.”
Sumner’s best-known work, The Sociology of Deviance: An Obituary (1994), is the focus of this chapter. Against a disciplinary backdrop where theoretical reflection was becoming increasingly marginalised, Sumner produced an epic intellectual history of the formation, heyday and demise of the sociology of deviance, arguing that the concept of deviance was bound up with the social democratic societies of modernity and was thus no longer an appropriate way of seeing. He suggested its replacement by the sociology of censures. The chapter guides the reader through this dense and detailed work, before ending with reflections on its reception and its ongoing intellectual legacy.
In 2009, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) employed a multipronged communications campaign to encourage Arab Americans in Detroit, MI, to apply for employment. Adapting Althusser’s notion of interpellation, this article examines how this government agency’s communications exacerbated the conditional, incomplete status of Arab American citizenship in post-9/11 America. At this precarious time, facially inclusive gestures can be understood as exclusive practices. This beckons more scholarly attention to how government communication implicates citizenship.
This paper is concerned with the empirical study of how three groups of workers attempted to gain control over the organisation of and rewards from their own labour. By examining their experiences it may be possible to show how, even without bureaucratic or other management constraints, workers’ choices are still limited by the markets for the goods and services they produce as well as for their labour, and that by organising together in co-operative enterprises they do not escape the contradictory tendencies towards individualism as a form of motivation and social co-operation as a necessary precondition for organised production. In attempting to answer why this is the case we are obliged to examine the plight of any co-operative organisation or similar attempt at collective worker autonomy in the context of a monopolistic market economy.
The question of 'why' and 'how' certain individuals are drawn towards behaving in a way that contravenes the 'Law of the Land' is not an easy one to address. Researchers from various different fields have nevertheless attempted to develop theoretical explanations for the existence of different types of crime and why some individuals commit such acts. Crime and Criminality draws on criminology, sociology, psychology and neuroscience to offer a balanced perspective of crime, the criminal and criminality. Coverage includes: • a comprehensive discussion of theoretical approaches to criminal behaviour, including biological, social and 'rational choice' approaches; • an analysis of legal and social definitions of crime and how these definitions influence the way specific behaviours are labelled as criminal; • an examination of different types of crime and criminals, from delinquents to 'psychopaths' and sex offenders; • an exploration of different ways in which crime is predicted, including risk assessment and offender profiling and an overview of investigative techniques. Addressing a broad range of topics and offering a synthesis of competing theoretical explanations of criminality, this book is essential reading for students taking courses in criminology, criminal psychology, criminal behaviour, forensic psychology and psychological criminology.
Anticipating two poignant anniversaries in northern Irish politics in 1988, the Guardian’s Ireland correspondent had this to say about the events in Duke Street on 5 October 1968: ‘the BBC in Northern Ireland would not go near it, such was the esteem in which Stormont was held at Ormeau Road. The campaign was as much a fight for airtime as it was for civil rights.’1
Under the light of Althusser's theory of Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs) Thomas Hardy can be considered as a true subject of his society, one who tries to strengthen the pillars of his society through depicting characters who have to be in the mainstream of the current ideological discourses of his age. Hardy's creation of Oak and the role assigned to him as a true Subject is the revelation of Hardy's own self as a good subject of the society. Oak hails his own community, in general, and Bathsheba, in specific, and leads them toward their subjectivity.
Key words: 1. Under the Greenwood Tree 2. Louis Althusser 3. ISAs 5. hailing 6. interpellation
There is an emergent interest by criminologists in theorising problems that arise when states breach conventional legal norms. This article considers the criminalisation of ‘whistleblowing’ by Manning, Assange and Snowden that revealed illegal actions by the state and major breaches of US and western security intelligence operations. The article asks what such developments mean for the conceptual and normative status of politics and crime constituted in the western liberal frame? It is about criminologists who rely on that paradigm and the need to counter neo-conservative agendas. The article analyzes liberal constitutional democracies with an emphasis on the US. It draws on the work of German theorists Schmitt and Benjamin who stand outside the liberal tradition to highlight how modern states frequently suspends the rule of law and relies on their own sovereign power to declare ‘states of emergency’ to render their own criminal conduct lawful.
Basé sur une recherche empirique, cet article propose une présentation de l’expérience carcérale de femmes détenues pour des actes commis en lien avec des groupes armés contestataires. Cette étude de cas révèle qu’indépendamment du refus de l’État de leur reconnaître le statut de prisonnières politiques, ces détenues « spéciales » font l’objet de mesures spécifiques qui ont un impact important sur leur vécu de la détention, mais également sur leur engagement politique. À travers leurs relations entre détenues tout comme à travers leurs interactions avec le personnel, les prisonnières politiques développent des pratiques et des stratégies qui leur permettent de poursuivre entre les murs de la prison la lutte politique contre l’État. Dans un contexte de lutte armée, la prison semble devenir un foyer de résistance et un espace de luttes dont l’enjeu est la quête d’une légitimité politique.
A generation ago, Hall et al.'s (1978) work Policing the Crisis gave a sophisticated analysis of the British media's mundane ability to 'encode' events so as to help produce a moral panic about mugging. Although this work remains relatively neglected in its home country, it has begun to be utilized for empirical analysis in North America. This article suggests, however, that Hall et al.'s analysis remains a poor import. This is not, however because of its age or cultural specificity. Instead Policing the Crisis fails, quite simply because it repeats in its own analysis the same 'ideological practices' (albeit at a higher logical level), which it discovered in its empirical investigation of the British media.
This paper offers an overview of recent developments within the field of media audience research. In particular, the paper addresses the criticisms of the ‘new’ or ‘revisionist’ audience research made from both liberal and marxist perspectives. The paper argues that while some versions of cultural studies media work may have developed a romanticised model of the ‘reader’, the project of understanding how audiences get pleasures and meanings from media materials remains central to the analysis of popular culture.
This article examines U.S. Supreme Court Justice Warren Burger's majority opinions in the Miller obscenity cases from a critical media studies perspective. Three primary assumptions common to a direct effects, transmission model of communication are identified as guiding Burger's opinions in these cases: (a) Mediated communication exerts a powerful influence over its audience; (b) it can affect audiences uniformly; and (c) halting the message at its source will protect the people from its negative effects. The implications of the Chief Justice's subscription to a direct effects model are discussed, with particular emphasis on their relevance for communication scholars and practitioners.
Under article 25.2 of the Spanish Constitution the incarceration of a person should aim to re-educate and socially rehabilitate. Along the same line, Art. 59.2 of the General Penitentiary Law of 21 September 1979 asserts that treatment in prisons, should aim to motivate the incarcerated to become law abiding and to respect themselves, their family, peers, and society. This is allegedly achieved by them serving their sentences under conditions that reflect their individualized scientific grade (Art. 72 GPL). How do these aims translate into practice for a group of individuals, ETA members, condemned for offenses committed in reaction to a perceived oppressive majoritarianism? It is hypothesized that the Spanish state either rehabilitates the deviants thus showing them the error of their ways and directs them to normality through a highly individualized assessment based on politically constructed common factors, or contains and civically and politically excludes those who resist.A Foucauldian approach is used to analyze the mechanisms of power and, the security and penal apparatuses erected to manage and discipline this collective, more precisely of governmentality, normalization, and of biopower. Particular attention is paid to the techniques used to ‘normalize’ and govern this collective. At first sight, one would think that only disciplinary mechanisms in a penitentiary setting need be used to achieve the earlier stated aims given that they have a ‘captive audience’; however, in reaction to an intransigent collective with an embedded political praxis, the State has adopted a hybridized system of power. The system combines individual and collective security mechanisms, and legal instruments to achieve this objective. In managing risk, the Spanish penal apparatus has adopted strategies that involve politically and civically castrating those that are deemed too high a risk and incorrigible.
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