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War Making and State Making as Organized Crime

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... As formas de organização previstas por Tilly são os tribunais e as assembléias representativas (TILLY, 1985, p. 181) e as atividades são a defesa de modo geral e a legislação adequada ao propósito estatal (TILLY, 1985, p. 181 A quarta, e última, variável de formação dos Estados nacionais, 'Extração/Taxação' (Extraction), observa o processo de "adquirir os meios para realizar as três primeiras atividades -guerra, construção estatal e proteção" 14 (TILLY, 1985, p. 181). As formas de organização extrativas previstas por Tilly são as estruturas fiscais e contábeis e as atividades "variam da pilhagem total ao tributo regular à tributação burocratizada" 15 (TILLY, 1985, p. 181 Tilly (1975Tilly ( /1985 Tilly (1985). E, finalmente, o capítulo 6 apresenta as considerações finais da tese. ...
... As formas de organização previstas por Tilly são os tribunais e as assembléias representativas (TILLY, 1985, p. 181) e as atividades são a defesa de modo geral e a legislação adequada ao propósito estatal (TILLY, 1985, p. 181 A quarta, e última, variável de formação dos Estados nacionais, 'Extração/Taxação' (Extraction), observa o processo de "adquirir os meios para realizar as três primeiras atividades -guerra, construção estatal e proteção" 14 (TILLY, 1985, p. 181). As formas de organização extrativas previstas por Tilly são as estruturas fiscais e contábeis e as atividades "variam da pilhagem total ao tributo regular à tributação burocratizada" 15 (TILLY, 1985, p. 181 Tilly (1975Tilly ( /1985 Tilly (1985). E, finalmente, o capítulo 6 apresenta as considerações finais da tese. ...
... E, apesar de todas as mudanças ao longo dos séculos, os "estados continuam sendo as formas proeminentes de autoridade política no [...] mundo" 18 (PAINTER&JEFFREY, 2009, p. 21). "A partir de 1648, o fim das guerras proporcionou as principais ocasiões em que a criação de novos estados ocorreu" 19 (TILLY, 1975, p. 636 Tilly (1975Tilly ( /1985 (WEBER, 1978, p. 54). Dada organização é entendida como uma instituição política propriamente dita quando suas operações são contínuas e compulsórias, podendo ser considerada como um Estado na medida em que sua equipe administrativa sustente com êxito a reivindicação ao monopólio do uso legítimo da força física na execução de sua ordem. ...
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Israel é um Estado fundamentado nas leis judaicas com um regime político democrático permeado por elementos controversos, como a disputa territorial com a Palestina, a consequente insegurança interna e regional e as disputas étnicas e religiosas entre seus cidadãos. Esses elementos são peças fundamentais para a compreensão dos processos políticos e da cidadania, uma vez que aspectos históricos étnicos e religiosos regram a política israelense, confrontando-se com certos princípios democráticos, como a igualdade de direitos, a participação e a contestação política e a liberdade de expressão. Há seletividade na cidadania israelense, uma vez que os princípios que regem o sistema político priorizam a maioria judaica e discriminam os árabes palestinos cidadãos de Israel (PCI). Nesse sentido, o propósito da pesquisa é compreender como o processo de formação do Estado de Israel contribuiu para a desigualdade da cidadania dos árabes PCI. Quais as instituições e os mecanismos que foram responsáveis pela conquista e pela manutenção da maioria étnica judaica em detrimento da igualdade da cidadania dos árabes palestinos nativos, os quais habitavam o território disputado e dominado pelo movimento nacionalista judaico sionista para o estabelecimento de um Estado judaico? Argumenta-se que a reprodução de um modelo colonial europeu possibilitou ao movimento sionista a organização de instituições fundamentais no período pré-Estado que garantiram a supremacia judaica na Palestina e um regime democrático que privilegia a maioria judaica. O objetivo da tese é apresentar uma narrativa histórica interpretativa macropolítica institucional que revele o processo causal (e seus mecanismos) que explica a relação entre a variável independente (formação do Estado nacional) e a variável dependente (desigualdade da cidadania), a partir da análise das variáveis do modelo militarista de formação do Estado de Charles Tilly. A operacionalização das variáveis foi realizada por meio do delineamento de processos (case-centric explaining outcome process-tracing) para identificar as entidades (instituições), as atividades (ações/eventos) e os mecanismos (evidências) que explicam a discriminação dos árabes PCI – e também dos árabes palestinos de modo geral. Destacaram-se, fundamentalmente, o papel do modus operandi settler colonialist na construção do exclusivismo e da desigualdade da cidadania dos árabes PCI e a diferença entre o caso israelense e o modelo europeu, na medida em que o Estado de Israel é um projeto colonial e não um ‘efeito não intencional’ da organização e centralização da violência e da guerra. A solução de dois Estados permanece na retórica da comunidade internacional, contudo sua viabilidade está cada dia mais distante devido à falta de vontade política por parte do Estado de Israel. A manutenção de práticas coloniais e settler-colonialists apenas contribuem para a deterioração do status democrático de Israel e para o aprofundamento da discriminação e da violação dos direitos fundamentais dos árabes PCI e dos árabes palestinos que aguardam há décadas o retorno ao seu território de origem.
... Finally, by 1953 it was merged with the Housing Credit Union (Caja de Habitación Popular) into the autonomous and permanent Housing Corporation (Corporación de la Vivienda, CORVI). 52 Literature on state building has documented this tendency of institutions created in the context of a threat to self-perpetuate, calling it a ratchet effect (Tilly 1985). When new bureaucracies are created it is very unlikely that they will disappear after the threat is over (Tilly 1985;Legrenzi 2004). ...
... 52 Literature on state building has documented this tendency of institutions created in the context of a threat to self-perpetuate, calling it a ratchet effect (Tilly 1985). When new bureaucracies are created it is very unlikely that they will disappear after the threat is over (Tilly 1985;Legrenzi 2004). ...
... As Tilly (1985Tilly ( , 1990 has masterfully described, bureaucracies interact with taxation to shape state building. Congruently, the creation of CORFO and the CRA meant an increased demand for fiscal income that was met, in part, by a comprehensive tax reform. ...
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In 1939 an earthquake destroyed south-central Chile, especially the city of Chillán. This event was arguably the most catastrophic socio-natural disaster in Chilean history, yet it has been mostly ignored in historical research. This article shows that the earthquake triggered a critical juncture for the Chilean state and was a determining factor in some of the most important institutional developments of the period. Using primary sources, the article describes this juncture, focusing on the destabilizing effect of the earthquake and linking it to the creation of two new state institutions, the Production Development Corporation (CORFO) and the Reconstruction and Assistantship Corporation (CRA), together with other important changes in state capacities. It concludes that the disaster is crucial in understanding the Chilean transition from an exporting economy to an import-substituting one after 1940, and to account for the strength of the Chilean state in the decades to come.
... In this case, war and violence are intrinsically connected by state making and state formation. Naturally, researchers find answers from the seminal work of Tilly (1985) on understanding high-scale violence. Lessing (2015) formally coined the concept of criminal wars. ...
... The state's formation in Latin America diverges from the European states' state-building process (Centeno 2002). Nevertheless, they concur that political elites sometimes faced warlords and bandits disputing the central authority (Hobsbawm 2000;Olson 1993;Tilly 1985). However, it is not uncommon to think that criminal wars are also part of the process of state-building in the region. ...
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Violence rising in Latin America since the early 1990s has puzzled media, policymakers and academia. Characterising high scales of violence in non-political confrontations has been one of the main challenges. The main argument of this essay is that the hybrid criminal nature of violence in Latin America by non-state organisations has pushed the discussion to several misinterpretations and conceptual stretching that produces fog rather than clarity. Instead, this essay proposes a concept of criminal war that can capture the complex nature of violence in Latin America by drawing convergences and divergences from diverse fields of literature and confronting usual mischaracterisations in current Latin American research.
... A segunda possibilidade é a proteção estatal, em que os principais benefícios são as rendas ilícitas provenientes de negócios ilícitos, tal como visto na histórica conivência do Estado brasileiro com o jogo do bicho. Terceiro temos a parceria, na qual o Estado conta com "força coercitiva das organizações criminosas para neutralizar ameaças de terceiros", beneficiando a construção do estado em si, como bem visto na construção dos Estados europeus ao longo de sua história (Tilly, 1985). No entanto, para Lessing (2020), um conceito mais adequado seria a quarta tipologia, a simbiose, em que Estado e organizações criminosas compartilham benefícios mútuos e dependência. ...
... Por sua vez,Schlichte e Schneckener (2015), bem comoPodder (2017), descrevem como os grupos armados não-estatais podem produzir formas mínimas de legitimidade, como foi o caso da construção histórica do Estado moderno(Tilly, 1985) e da própria democracia(Olson, 1993). Neste debate, entende-se que as organizações criminosas também são capazes de criar ordens legítimas compartilhadas com a autoridade estatal, fazendo com que a governança "não seja mais domínio exclusivo de estados ou governos"(Williams, 2008, p.6). Nesse sentido, é ilustrativo o caso do Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) em São Paulo. ...
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O presente ensaio discute como as organizações criminosas na América do Sul se reconfiguraram diante do cenário pandêmico vivenciado desde finais de 2019. Em particular, examina-se como as práticas e ações conduzidas por estas agremiações foram levadas adiante na pandemia, mantendo ou até mesmo dando mais força à influência do crime na vida da sociedade sul-americana. Argumenta-se que para compreender a governança criminal é central considerar a discussão de como os territórios em que estas organizações atuam não são conflitantes com o Estado, mas sim há uma governança híbrida em que coexistem as organizações criminosas e o Estado como duas fontes de legitimidade e autoridade. Há uma complementaridade de ações, na qual se viu durante a pandemia as organizações criminosas ocupando funções do Estado para adoção de medidas protetivas, provisão de assistência, mas sempre com um objetivo claro de manutenção do status quo de suas atividades ilícitas. Ao final, nota-se que as organizações criminosas se consolidaram como espaço de governança reconhecido como legítimo durante a pandemia, complementando e, talvez até, eclipsando o papel da burocracia estatal diante da gravidade da emergência sanitária vivenciada, especialmente nos casos de Brasil e Colômbia.
... While not explicitly discussed by Similarly, scholars of statebuilding have considered the potential role of civil wars in shaping longer-term state building trajectories, though only sometimes adopting a critical junctures approach. There is a large literature on the role of interstate war or its absence in state formation or long-term statebuilding (Barnett 1992;Centeno 2002;Herbst 2000;Lu and Thies 2012;Thies 2005;Tilly 1985Tilly , 1990. The consideration of civil wars' effects has been more limited in this 'bellicist' literature, with mixed results (Kisangani and Pickering 2014;Porter 1994;Rasler and Thompson 1989;Slater 2010;Thies 2005Thies , 2006Vu 2010). ...
... While not explicitly discussed by Similarly, scholars of statebuilding have considered the potential role of civil wars in shaping longer-term state building trajectories, though only sometimes adopting a critical junctures approach. There is a large literature on the role of interstate war or its absence in state formation or long-term statebuilding (Barnett 1992;Centeno 2002;Herbst 2000;Lu and Thies 2012;Thies 2005;Tilly 1985Tilly , 1990. The consideration of civil wars' effects has been more limited in this 'bellicist' literature, with mixed results (Kisangani and Pickering 2014;Porter 1994;Rasler and Thompson 1989;Slater 2010;Thies 2005Thies , 2006Vu 2010). ...
Preprint
Civil wars are not only destructive: they can also give birth to new, long-lasting social, political, and economic structures and processes. I argue that we should in fact view civil wars as critical junctures. Civil wars relax structural constraints, opening opportunities for changes generated by wartime processes, while war's end can lock in these changes, creating path dependency. Government victory may foreclose change (critical junctures do not necessarily lead to transformation), but governments can also make lasting reforms in response to conflicts. Rebel victory has major potential for statebuilding and societal transformation, while negotiated settlements can institutionalize a new balance of domestic political power. I illustrate the benefits of a critical junctures approach to civil wars in the literature on wartime and postwar women’s empowerment, and I discuss how a critical junctures framework may prove useful for civil war studies employing methods beyond comparative historical analysis.
... Building on race and racism frameworks that emphasize such global, historical, and colonial dimensions of race relations (Christian, 2019;Fields & Fields, 2012;Go, 2018;Tilly, 1985), we offer an anti-imperial theoretical framework for studies on the color line and global geopolitics. Reconceptualizing colonial histories alongside contemporary subject formation, we problematize incorporation into the US, specifically via its military apparatus, as a strategic response to racial and economic precarity (Hammer & White, 2019;Nopper, 2020). ...
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This paper argues existing scholarship on Asian American communities is limited by an assumption that incorporation into the US can productively address racial and economic precarity. As an alternative, we offer “Extinguishing Asian (American) Insurgency”, a theoretical framework that incorporates histories of colonialism, imperialism, and postcolonial politics of incorporation into contemporary sociological analyses of Asian subject formation. Applying Du Boisian sociology alongside Frantz Fanon and Joy James, the framework adopts a global, relational analysis of Asian Americans and the US state. We demonstrate the framework's utility through two case studies: anti‐colonial Sikh diasporic politics through the Gadar Party and US state efforts to tie diasporic South Vietnamese identity to an anti‐communist politic. As such, we encourage the study of alternative possibilities of Asian subject formation that are extinguished by state incorporation, particularly through imperialism and military serivce. Specifically, we address sociologists who extinguish the insurgent Asian American subject in their scholarship by assuming incorporation and pro‐state politics as a natural end goal of migration, or those who simply do not name the US as the institutional force extinguishing possibilities of Asian Americans' insurgency.
... Як і Геракліт, Ревон говорить, що війна «є джерело плідного руху, поштовх, що повідомляє життя всьому сущому. Вона є мати, що народжує всі перетворення 14 зовнішнього світу і внутрішнього світу» [12, с. 63]. Ревон наголошує, що саме через посередність війни право з'являється у світі. ...
Article
Defining a person as “Zoon politikon”, Aristotle actually indicated the factor of existence and survival of humanity: a person must be and function in a social group – that is the state, and, accordingly, it must look for relatively acceptable options for his interaction within various situations. However, despite such an unwritten law, humanity unleashes and engages in wars continuously. Based on this fact, the determination of war and the initiation of active participation in it by certain groups of people, as well as the legitimacy of their actions, is reproduced in public opinion and social practice throughout the history of mankind and is a useful basis for considering views on the relationship between the state and war. The purpose of the article is to present a concise analysis of the opinions of the wise men of the past on the essence of the relationship between the state and war. From the ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus, we can trace the idea that war, as the most characteristic manifestation of “fight” in its dialectical sense, is the driving force of the development of history and the state, a means of knowledge, a law of existence. The majority of liberals express the opinion that war creates and conditions law, especially positive law, which is the result of the activity of the state and power, therefore, through war, states are also created, and therefore, no nation has developed without war (M. Revon). It is noted that war, on the one hand, is welcome and necessary for the state, on the other, it kills the state and brings disaster, no matter what “scientific tools” are used to conduct it. It is concluded that war as one of the politics means is a function of the state and a conflict of interests, primarily due to the essence of state power itself in all its manifestations. War is support for the existence and content of the state. Key words: war, state, classical concept of war, malignant war, power of the state.
... These alleged negative impacts of aid have been viewed as "unintended effects" (Dijkstra 2018). We describe nine logics for how aid might lead to diminished QoG-or at least diminished growth in QoG-in the bottom half of activity and collect taxes from citizens; the need to staff such bureaucracies also encouraged state investment in human capital development (Tilly 1985;Bräutigam 2008). In contemporary low-income countries, foreign aid has supplanted tax revenues and so has hindered state development and possibly human capital development and therefore the development of QoG. ...
Article
This chapter reviews empirical literature on foreign aid and QoG. The chapter begins with a description of how scholarship on foreign aid and QoG developed in conjunction with prominent debates in the development community. The chapter discusses three major debates: whether or not QoG moderates foreign aid effectiveness, whether or not donors give aid selectively based on QoG, and whether or not foreign aid undermines or can help build QoG. With regard to aid effectiveness, the most recent literature suggests that aid can be effective even under conditions of poor QoG. With regard to selectivity, the existing literature shows an increasing selectivity for overall aid flows since the end of the Cold War and provides evidence of selectivity in terms of type of aid. The evidence that aid undermines QoG is not as strong as has been claimed by some of the initial studies in this literature. The chapter concludes by suggesting ways forward for all three literatures.
... 8 Schwennicke (1996). 9 A notion famously defended by sociologist and historian Charles Tilly, see Tilly (1985); this "militarist theory" strand (categorisation by Martin, Mehrotra and Prasad (2009b, 10f.)) was renewed in: Tilly (1990). Whether historical developments in approximately the last 150 years have seen an ongoing transition from raising taxes for "warfare" to doing so for "welfare", or whether the relationship between the two "-fares" is more complex, is a topic of academic controversy, see Obinger et al. (2018). ...
... For this publication, which is a Small Wars Journal-El Centro Reader, Sullivan and Bunker have brought together various articles and essays previously published and new essays from Small Wars Journal contributors. Steven Dudley of Insight Crime opens the Reader with a prologue that covers Charles Tilly's classic essay on the state as organized crime; Dudley also applies this concept to the pandemic with numerous examples (Tilly, 1985). In the Foreword, following the Prologue, Nils Gilman discusses "deviant" political economy and his hopes that the pandemic will lead to a reevaluation of "the operational competence of states," and to a "resocializ[ing of] collective risks" (p. ...
Article
COVID-19, Gangs, and Conflict. Edited by John P. Sullivan and Robert J. Bunker. A Small Wars Journal–El Centro Reader. Bloomington: Xlibris. 2020. Photos. Endnotes. Contributor biographies. Prologue. Foreword. Postscript. Afterword. Selected References. pp. 153. Paperback $12.17. Kindle $3.99. Criminal Contagion: How Mafias, Gangsters and Scammers Profit from a Pandemic. By Tuesday Reitano and Mark Shaw. London: Hurst and Company, 2021. ISBN 9781787384460. Notes. Index. pp. 320. Hardcover $26.95.
... Over the last decades, there has been a growing number of contributions seeking to examine both the causes of democracy and modern state-building. A part of these accounts has paid close attention to taxation as essential to the development and political institutionalization (e.g., Bates & Lien, 1985;Centeno, 2002;Evans et al., 1999;Moore, 1966Moore, /1993Tilly, 1985). Most studies were inspired by a prior generation of Central European scholars, such as Rudolf Goldscheid (1958) and Joseph Schumpeter (1954), who introduced the analysis of fiscal sociology. ...
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What explains nonresident citizens’ voter turnout and which effects do overseas votes generate in homeland politics? Using a multi-method strategy that encompasses 3 cross-sectional time-series datasets, 50 semi-structured interviews, the analysis of official documents and party manifestos, this dissertation examines nonresident citizens’ voter turnout in Latin America and Southern Europe. The results are abundant. First, the author finds that registration rules, compulsory voting, concurrent elections, voting methods, and democratic quality have a meaningful impact on nonresident citizens’ voter turnout. Second, in this dissertation, there is an in-depth understanding of the different incentives, opportunities, and constraints associated with nonresident citizens’ voter turnout, including the role of homeland authorities and de facto practices to promote and/or to organize elections abroad. Third, the author unpacks swing, interregnum, incumbency, and feedback effects from a comparative quantitative logic. Correspondingly, this study suggests that parties, homeland politicians, and policymakers seek to avoid unwanted consequences controlling or influencing the political agenda. Both a sizable nonresident population and a high number of overseas votes have a moderate but significant impact on election results, either changing or not the bargaining among party organizations to govern. Lastly, this dissertation explores three pathways to analyze non-resident citizens’ voter turnout over time.
... Mijn leermeester Charles Tilly heeft oorlog en staatsvorming wel eens vergeleken met georganiseerde misdaad, en als je dit soort dingen hoort kan je het daar alleen maar mee eens zijn. 30 In Noord-Brabant heeft het Nederlandse leger wel uitzonderlijk hardhandig huisgehouden. Onder directe leiding van Willem van Oranje en Maurits zijn in de Meierij verschroeide-aarde campagnes gevoerd, alleen maar het met doel om Den Bosch te raken, want die stad wilden ze innemen. ...
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Deze openbare lezing laat zien hoe je geschiedenis op een inclusieve manier kan schrijven. Een inclusieve geschiedenis brengt de verhaallijnen van de winnaars en verliezers samen. De Gouden Eeuw kon alleen maar plaatsvinden dankzij de Tachtigjarige Oorlog. De oorlogvoering zelf droeg er toe bij dat Nederland een rijk land werd. Tegelijkertijd vergrootte de oorlog de sociale ongelijkheid, zowel in Nederland als wereldwijd.
... My teacher Charles Tilly sometimes compared war and state formation to organized crime, and when you hear of practices such as this, you have to agree with him. 32 The Dutch army wreaked particular havoc in North Brabant. Under the direct leadership of William of Orange and Maurits, scorched-earth campaigns were pursued in the Meierij region with the sole aim of targeting Den Bosch, the city they wanted to take. ...
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How do to write inclusive, multi-perspective history? This lecture tells the story of the Dutch Revolt and the Dutch Golden Age in a new way, by linking the stories of both winners and losers into one framework. The Dutch Revolt resulted in a glorious period for the Netherlands, but at the same time. social inequality increased tremendously, both at home and world-wide.
... A origem dos debates sobre capacidades estatais remete ao institucionalismo histórico e às abordagens neoweberianas da ciência política que buscavam explicar a formação dos Estados e o papel de suas instituições para a promoção de desenvolvimento econômico e de mudanças estruturais, o que na década de 1980 impulsionou a criação do "movimento estatista" 3 (Evans e Rauch, 1999;Evans, Rueschmeyer e Skocpol, 1985;Tilly, 1985). Esse debate inicial influenciou vários estudos que valorizam um olhar interno para o Estado e que elegem como objeto de análise a burocracia pública a partir de um nível macro de abstração (Pires e Gomide, 2021). ...
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Recently, in Brazil, a considerable amount of the infrastructure investment is directed towards the construction of hydroelectric plants in the Amazon region. The implementation of these projects requires strong State capacity. However, there are shortcomings related to State’s abilities and resources to meet the socio-environmental demands of vulnerable groups that these ventures affect. This article examines the incorporation of these demands in the decision-making and implementation process of the Belo Monte plant, located in the State of Pará. To this end, we mobilize a State capacity approach that considers the bureaucracy skills to process multiple demands. We use an analytical framework that incorporates three dimensions of State capacity – participatory, decision-making and intersectoral coordination –, whose construction is influenced by institutional arrangement, historical legacies and relational pattern between bureaucracies and social groups. The methodological procedures combine social networks analysis, documentary research, and interviews with key players. We conclude that the factors that influence the construction of State capacity reach bureaucracies asymmetrically, which hinders the incorporation of socio-environmental demands of vulnerable groups. state capacity; socio-environmental demands; asymmetry; infrastructure; Belo Monte
... Indeed, the very process of state-building seems to have in fact been driven by war-making. That is, preparing to try to win the next war is what drove the very construction of the modern state: conscription to staff the army, taxes to pay for the cost of running and arming it, up-to-date population censuses to monitor available resources, roads to reach every corner of the land to extract those resources, the police to ensure compliance, even welfare policies to secure consent, and so on ( Tilly 1985 ;Ryan 2019 ). War-making in late medieval and early modern Europe is what accelerated the emergence of the modern state. ...
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Pacifism and anarchism have been until recently largely missing on the landscape of international relations (IR) theories, even though they help articulate valuable and nuanced reflections on core IR themes such as war and peace, the structure of the international order, and the multiple effects of political violence. In particular, an analysis grounded in the territory shared by pacifism and anarchism offers a focused vantage point from which an original contribution can be articulated around five main themes: the widespread fetishization of violence; the chronic sliding toward systemic militarism; the multifaceted manifestations of intersectional exploitation and domination enforced by states around the world; both current and potential alternative structurings of international politics; and reflections concerning political agency. This puts an anarcho-pacifist encounter with IR in a position to either develop further or dispute claims central to more established schools of IR theory. This article thus offers a normative reading of international politics, which adapts and develops arguments aired separately by anarchism and pacifism, demonstrates where they fruitfully overlap, develops anarcho-pacifism by extending its analysis specifically to international politics, and invites a reconsideration of established orthodoxies in IR theory by articulating a more radical, critical, and normative diagnosis of the Westphalian international order.
Article
Charles Tilly's classical claim that “war made states” in early modern Europe remains controversial. The “bellicist” paradigm has attracted theoretical criticism both within and beyond its original domain of applicability. While several recent studies have analyzed the internal aspects of Tilly's theory, there have been very few systematic attempts to assess its logic with regard to the territorial expansion of states. In this paper, we test this key aspect of bellicist theory directly by aligning historical data on European state borders with conflict data, focusing on the period from 1490 through 1790. Proceeding at the systemic, state, and dyadic levels, our analysis confirms that warfare did in fact play a crucial role in the territorial expansion of European states before (and beyond) the French Revolution.
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In 2021, some of the largest corporations (LCs) in the United States voluntarily instituted vaccine mandates. This corporate self-regulation began despite compulsory vaccination being socially divisive, reputationally costly, categorically ruled out by the Biden administration, and months before the FDA had even approved a vaccine for Covid-19. This article evaluates three conventional explanations for corporate vaccine mandate self-regulation: (1) profit motive and market certainty; (2) corporate power and social responsibility; and, (3) state power and quid pro quo-finding each, in turn, unsatisfactory. Consequently, an alternative explanation, covert sovereignty, is suggested. According to this interpretation of state-LC relations, it is no longer analytically useful to draw a sharp conceptual distinction between these two institutions. Rather than attributing the observed self-regulation to 'corporate sovereignty,' or arguing the contracting-out of sovereign responsibilities by the state, the case of vaccine mandates suggests that certain LCs are best understood as an unrecognized extension of the state, performing covert actions of state sovereignty. Critically, the state-LC relationship needs to be recognized as co-constitutive and mutually reinforcing. The state obtains new prerogatives that are otherwise politically or constitutionally prohibited, while, simultaneously, large corporations preserve their unique ontology.
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The study reported in this article aimed to find the extent to which the mutual accountability mechanism is applicable in fragile states where state capacity and legitimacy are insufficient. Donors provide foreign aid to fragile states even when there is no firm-standing counterpart to be held accountable. This is done to meet short-term development needs that are heavily focused on humanitarian relief. Based on an examination of the discursive evolution of fragility and donors’ categorization of fragile states based on the capacity-legitimacy configuration, this found that development needs in fragile states can be met through mutual accountability relations with partnership platforms. Represented by the g7+, partnership platforms channel the development needs in a collective form and enable their Member States to gain a certain level of legitimacy. Individual approaches to these countries may be challenging, but seeking strategic responses to development needs through such partnership platforms can create new opportunities for development effectiveness.
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With the advent of the Tanzimat reforms, the theme of centralization put its mark on the domestic policies of the Ottoman Empire in which the state apparatus of the Empire had reconsolidated its power within the provinces. Considering the struggle between centre and periphery, this article particularly aims to focus on Shebāna Regiments which were an important instrument of establishing central authority in Ottoman Iraq. On the basis that the Shebāna Regiments, as paramilitary forces, were founded on a basis of obedience to state apparatus, this article suggests that the Shebāna Regiments were the earliest version of the village guard system, rather than the Hamidiye Cavalries as claimed in earlier literature. In these terms, by emphasizing the structure, variable functions, and the socio-economic transition the Shebāna Regiments created in the region, this article aims to contribute in shedding light both on the centreperiphery relation in the early Ottoman period, and on the origins of the village guard system of the present.
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How do wartime experiences affect victims’ risk and time preferences and their propensities for sociopolitical participation? Although recent studies suggest that civil conflict changes individuals’ preferences for risk and time, there is no consensus on the effects of individuals’ exposure to conflict-related violence on their preferences for risk and time. Furthermore, whether and how such preferences are related to individuals’ sociopolitical participation is unexplored. Focusing on the tribal areas in northwestern Pakistan, this chapter examines the tripartite relationship between individuals’ wartime victimization, preferences for risk and time, and sociopolitical participation in a post-conflict context. Our empirical analyses of novel survey data reveal that although victims of civil conflict do not necessarily have present bias, they display a higher propensity for risk aversion in the post-conflict society. Wartime victimization discourages individuals from belonging to sociopolitical organizations, such as a political party, trade union, religious group, and Jirga. However, the victimization experience appears to partly increase the chance of individuals belonging to these sociopolitical organizations because of its positive effect on risk aversion. In contrast, present bias is negatively related to their social progress in a post-conflict society.
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Scholars have argued that powerful individuals can exert influence on the path of a nation’s development. Yet the process through which people can have an effect on macro-level political economy outcomes remains unclear. This study uses the deadliest civil war in modern history, the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864), to elucidate how one person—Zeng Guofan—used his personal elite networks to organize an army to suppress the rebellion, and how these networks would affect the nation’s power distribution. Two findings stand out: (i) counties that already had more prewar elites in Zeng’s networks experienced an increase in soldier deaths after he took power; and (ii) postwar political power shifted significantly toward the home counties of these elites, creating a less balanced national-level power distribution. Our findings highlight how micro-level elite networks can influence national politics and societal power distribution, shedding new light on the relationship between elites, war, and the state.
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Why were some, but not all the Arab mass social protests of 2011 accompanied by relatively quick and nonviolent outcomes in the direction of regime change, democracy, and social transformation? Why was a democratic transition limited to Tunisia, and why did region-wide democratization not occur? After the Arab Uprisings offers an explanatory framework to answer these central questions, based on four key themes: state and regime type, civil society, gender relations and women's mobilizations, and external influence. Applying these to seven cases: Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, Valentine M. Moghadam and Shamiran Mako highlight the salience of domestic and external factors and forces, uniquely presenting women's legal status, social positions, and organizational capacity, along with the presence or absence of external intervention, as key elements in explaining the divergent outcomes of the Arab Spring uprisings, and extending the analysis to the present day.
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Despite interest in the subject, the study of prison gangs has been meagre since the late 1980s. Occasional studies appear, but they tend to focus on only the largest prison systems in the US. This introduction to this special issue, Prison Gangs as Organized Crime, provides an overview of notable literature on the emergence and evolution of prison gangs, their relationships with protection, and their organized criminal activities. Moreover, the articles in this special issue explore important questions: How might we study prison gangs at a large scale? How do prison administrators’ responses to prison gangs cause prison gangs to adjust their power structures? How do prison gangs seek to establish protection arrangements? And what happens when prison gangs successfully establish protection arrangements beyond prison walls?
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of Prospectus Question: Why do some developing states raise higher corporate tax revenues than others as they economically liberalize? Puzzle: Despite globalizing economies, corporate tax revenues as a share of GDP have increased in some countries while not in others. Existing regime-focused studies argue democracies, by virtue of representing the broad interests of the general public, are likely to resist the pressure to lower tax burdens on capital. Following this argument, corporate tax revenues are unlikely to reduce or even expand in democracies. Conversely, those emphasizing the coercive power of autocracies predict that authoritarian governments are better positioned to collect higher corporate tax revenues faced with deepening globalization because they can forcefully extract rents from their subjects. However, the puzzle is that there seems little systematic difference between developing democracies and autocracies in their collection of corporate taxes as they undergo financial liberalization. Theory: States' bureaucratic capacity raises corporate tax collection via two channels: a) increasing firm productivity and therefore expanding governments' tax base, and b) enforcing better collection of corporate taxes by making accurate assessments on firms' growth. Research Design Empirical Analysis 1-Hypothesis 1: State bureaucratic capacity is positively correlated to corporate tax revenue as a share of GDP.-Methods: a two-stage least squares (2SLS) estimation strategy relying on a share of female public employees as the instrument variable.-Data • Instrumental Variable: a share of female political leaders at the executive branch of the government. • Dependent Variable: corporate tax revenues as a share of GDP • Independent Variable: an index of bureaucratic capacity. The following indicators will feed into the index.-Structural dimension: Size of public employment, professional recruitment of bureaucrats, level of qualifications of bureaucrats-Relational dimension: Hierarchy within bureaucratic organizations from the 1 central government to the periphery-Dimension on quality of bureaucratic control: government statistical capacity • Proof of Concept To provide preliminary proof of concept, I used the World Bank's statistical capacity to capture an aspect of bureaucratic capacity and found results consistent with my hypothesis which can be found at the bottom of this paper. Empirical Analysis 2-Hypothesis 2 State bureaucratic capacity is positively correlated to the level of firm productivity.-Methods: a two-way difference-indifferences (DiD) design where I investigate the impact of stronger government bureaucratic capacity on better rule of law enforced by its local bureaucrats.-Data: To compare changes in productivity of large and small firms pre-and post-reform in Indonesia, I will draw data from two World Bank's Enterprise Survey (WBES) fielded in Indonesia in the 2000s, one before and the other shortly after the reform Empirical Analysis 3 I will also complement my quantitative evidence qualitative data generated by interviewing people. In my interview with state policymakers and international organization staff, I will question them about the conditions under which states can better raise taxes from corporations. Contributions-Theoretical contributions: state bureaucratic capacity is mainly driven by a function of how well the state has established administrative control over its bureaucratic organizations and affairs. It is, therefore, conceptually distinct from the coercive power of governments to govern by force (e.g. autocracy) or from legitimate authority earned by sharing political power between governments and citizens (e.g. democracy), which has never been seriously investigated in the existing literature.-Empirical contributions: measurement 2
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Social upheavals are outbursts of latent political and socio-economic crises. A perennially dysfunctional state-society relationship is bound to lead to the disgruntlement of citizens and the alienation of the state from its societal base. It thus entails a legitimacy crisis. This article argues that even though economic growth is amongst factors determining the legitimacy of the state, it is by no means the major one. A political space that ensures participation by citizens, socio-economic policies which address inequality and injustice, as well as governance, transparency and accountability will be discussed as key factors determining state legitimacy. The article further argues that sustainable socio-economic development, as with state legitimacy, crucially depends on re-structuring the state-society relationship. It then concludes that state legitimacy in Africa can only be achieved by liberating the state from the grip of particular interests, such that it becomes accountable to its citizens; in other words, ‘making it owned by society’ so as to make it function in the best interests and the needs and aspirations of its citizens.
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An institutional perspective should consider the fundamental dynamics among public authority, property, and citizenship. Yet treating any of these elements in isolation or as finished product gets in the way of understanding them. They come about through each other; one always invokes the others, and they are always in the making. Hence, we need to know not just what they are, but also how they come about in conjunction. This is especially relevant in agrarian societies where the political authority and the status of individuals and groups are mediated by land. Both the political powers to rule and the access to livelihoods go through land control. Thus, the institutional relations between authority, property, and citizenship—in a broad sense and at all scales—are central to societal dynamics.
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This handbook is currently in development, with individual articles publishing online in advance of print publication. At this time, we cannot add information about unpublished articles in this handbook, however the table of contents will continue to grow as additional articles pass through the review process and are added to the site. Please note that the online publication date for this handbook is the date that the first article in the title was published online. For more information, please read the site FAQs.
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If economic elites are notorious for circumventing tax obligations, how can institutionally weak governments get the wealthy to shoulder a greater tax burden? This book studies the factors behind the adoption of elite taxes for public safety purposes. Contrary to prominent explanations in the literature on the fiscal strengthening of the state – including the role of resource dependence and inequality – the book advances a theory of elite taxation that focuses on public safety crises as windows of opportunity and highlights the importance of business-government linkages to overcome mistrust toward government from corruption and lack of accountability. Based on evidence from across Latin America and rich case studies from experiences in Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Mexico, the book provides scholars and policymakers with a blueprint for contemporary state-building efforts in the developing world.
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Un fenómeno emergente de las últimas décadas en América Latina han sido las apropiaciones comunitarias de la seguridad y la justicia. En distintos contextos, ciudadanos convocados de manera espontánea u organizada resuelven hacerse cargo de su seguridad o ejecutar castigos con relativa independencia de las instituciones estatales[...] En este orden de ideas es posible afirmar que las prácticas vigilantistas se sitúan u ocurren en áreas de ambigüedad o solapamiento entre lo público y lo privado. En el despliegue de la violencia colectiva existen espacios en el que acontecen y se traban relaciones clandestinas y ocultas entre actores que el sentido común suele percibir como opuestos o antagónicos (Auyero, 2007). Siguiendo a este autor, afirmamos que en estas relaciones se generan intersticios entre actores gubernamentales y perpetradores de la violencia, en las que incluso se difuminan sus límites. En otras palabras, en ocasiones habría una zona gris “en la que las actividades de aquellos que perpetran la vio- lencia y aquellos que presumiblemente tratan de controlarla, se unen”.
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Zusammenfassung In diesem Kapitel diskutiere ich mit den Begriffen „Grenzrolle“ und „Grenzsystem“ zwei für dieses Buch zentrale soziologische Konzepte. Die Konzepte zielen auf die Analyse der Aktivitäten solcher Mitglieder eines sozialen Systems, die im Auftrag ihres Entsendesystems, zum Beispiel einer Polizeibehörde, in Kontakt mit Nichtmitgliedern des Systems treten, zum Beispiel mit Bürgern während einer Verkehrskontrolle oder einer Beschuldigtenvernehmung. In Bezug auf formale Organisationen meint der Begriff der „Grenzrolle“ („boundary role“) also Organisationsmitglieder mit regelmäßigem Publikumskontakt, während der Begriff des „Grenzsystems“ den sei es einmaligen, sei es auf Wiederholung angelegten Kontakt der Grenzrolle zu ihrem Gegenüber erfassen soll. Ausgehend von einem Blick zurück auf einige klassische Texte aus der organisationstheoretischen Literatur behandelt das Kapitel die Doppelmitgliedschaft von Grenzrollen in ihrem Entsendesystem und dem Grenzsystem als zentrales Strukturmerkmal von Grenzrollen und die aus Sicht der Grenzrolle problematische Freiheit ihres Publikums zum Verzicht auf Kooperation als zentrales Strukturmerkmal von Grenzsystemen. Anschließend werden vier für Grenzrollen zentrale Funktionen unterschieden, nämlich der Vollzug von Systemleistungen an und vor Nichtmitgliedern sowie Informationsgewinnung, Repräsentation und Vermittlung. Zu den wichtigsten Charakteristika und Handlungsproblemen von Grenzrollen zählen ihre gespaltene Loyalität, ihr oft widerspenstiges oder jedenfalls unberechenbares Publikum, das an sie oft von beiden Seiten gerichtete Misstrauen und die Aussicht auf den Gewinn eines formal nicht vorgesehenen Einflusses innerhalb ihres Entsendesystems.
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Zusammenfassung Die These des Kapitels ist, dass die Genese und Stabilität von Solidaritätsnormen unter Polizisten am besten und primär als Reaktion auf das geteilte Risiko der einzelnen Polizisten erklärt werden kann, im Zuge der Durchführung entgleisender polizeilicher Einsätze Straftaten wie Hausfriedensbruch, Nötigung, Freiheitsberaubung, Körperverletzung oder Strafvereitelung im Amt zu begehen. Wenn jede Polizistin davon ausgehen muss, im Zuge ihres Berufslebens Straftaten dieser Art vor den Augen ihrer Kolleginnen zu begehen, weiß sie, dass sie auf das stumme Einverständnis der Dienstgruppe bezüglich der Unvermeidbarkeit und Akzeptabilität unrechtmäßiger polizeilicher Maßnahmen angewiesen ist. Angesichts der für professionelle Berufsgruppen charakteristischen Kombination von Problemlagen (Handlungszwang unter Bedingung knapper Zeit, ohne vollständige Informationen und mit gesellschaftlich als hoch bedeutsam eingeschätzten und irreversiblen Folgen, oft für das Wohlergehen von Personen) wird die (Zwangs-)Mitgliedschaft in dieser informal-illegalen kollegialen Versicherungsgemeinschaft aus Sicht der einzelnen Polizistin zur schwer verzichtbaren Voraussetzung, um ihrer Arbeit nachgehen zu können. Die aus rechtsstaatlicher Perspektive besonders problematische Eigenschaft polizeilicher Dienstgruppen als informaler Versicherungsgemeinschaften ist, dass sie regelmäßig nicht nur unrechtmäßige Polizeiarbeit decken, die im Zuge solcher Polizeieinsätze anfällt, die mit besten Absichten der Polizisten begonnen werden und dann entgleisen, sondern auch das intentional unrechtmäßige Handeln etwa im Fall des rassistisch motivierten Handelns von Polizisten, im Fall exzessiver Polizeigewalt oder im Fall von Korruption.
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Zusammenfassung Das Kapitel analysiert den Interaktionstyp der polizeilichen Beschuldigtenvernehmung als Grenzsystem zwischen Beschuldigtem und Justiz (Staatsanwaltschaft und Gericht). Die Grenzstellung erlaubt dem Polizisten, eine gewisse Distanz zu den Zielen sowie Einfluss auf die Entscheidungen der Staatsanwaltschaft darzustellen (insbesondere durch die Formulierung des Aussageprotokolls) und seine Skepsis bezüglich der Darstellung des Beschuldigten als wohlwollende Zweifel, als Dienst an dessen möglichst plausibler Darstellung vor der Anklagebehörde zu präsentieren. Weder (simulierte) Freundschaft, noch (simulierte) Feindschaft sind also das zentrale Erfolgsmittel des Vernehmers, sondern die Inszenierung als persönlich nicht involvierter Rechtsberater des Beschuldigten und Vermittler gegenüber einer ihm ansonsten feindlich gesonnenen Justiz. So wird verständlich, dass die Mehrzahl Beschuldigter trotz ihres Rechts auf Aussageverweigerung bei der Polizei eine oft selbstbelastende Aussage zu Protokoll gibt.
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Zusammenfassung Die zentrale Methode der Analysen in diesem Buch ist der soziologische Äquivalenzfunktionalismus, wie er in einer frühen Form von Robert King Merton (1957, S. 17–82) und mit einigen Modifikationen von Niklas Luhmann (1962, 1964a, 2010a) entwickelt und vertreten worden ist. Im Gegensatz zu der üblichen Lesart des Äquivalenzfunktionalismus als einer Methode lediglich der Rekonstruktion empirisch verwirklichter Problem-Lösungszusammenhänge verstehe ich den Äquivalenzfunktionalismus in erster Linie als Denkmethode, als Methode der Theoriearbeit. Die These dieses Kapitels lautet, dass ein an Merton und Luhmann anschließender Äquivalenzfunktionalismus Grundlage nicht nur der empirischen Analyse (4.1), sondern auch der problembezogenen Begriffsbildung (4.2) sowie der soziologisch disziplinierten Sozialkritik (4.3) sein kann. Veranschaulicht wird diese These unter anderem anhand der Entwicklung problembezogener Begriffe professioneller Arbeit und formaler Organisation sowie anhand der Diskussion, ob und wann die Polizei das Recht brechen sollte, um es durchzusetzen.
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Zusammenfassung In Anschluss an die historischen Analysen zur (Vor-)Geschichte kriminalpolizeilicher Behörden beschäftigt sich das sechste Kapitel mit dem Informationsproblem der modernen Polizei. Der Ausgangspunkt ist die Überlegung, dass dieses Problem als erwartbare Folge der Ausdifferenzierung von ermittelnden und normabweichenden Systemen aus der sie umfassenden Sozialwelt rekonstruiert werden kann (6.1). Daran anschließend formuliere ich einen Vorschlag für eine Typologie der Informanten der Polizei und anderer ermittelnder Sozialsysteme in Form einer durch zwei aufeinander bezogene Unterscheidungen konstituierten Kreuztabelle: Stammt der Informant aus dem Kontext, über den er informiert – oder wurde er vom ermittelnden System zum Zweck der Informationsbeschaffung in diesen Kontext entsendet? Und: Handelt es sich um einen einmaligen Kontakt oder sind Ermittler und Informant Teilnehmer eines auf Wiederholung angelegten Kontaktsystems (6.2)? Schließlich beschäftige ich mich mit den Folgeproblemen der für die moderne Polizeiarbeit charakteristischen Formalisierung der Informantenrolle (6.3) sowie den Versuchen ermittelnder Systeme, Mitwisser in Informanten zu transformieren (6.4) und sie in ihrer Glaubwürdigkeit einzuschätzen (6.5).
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Zusammenfassung Das in diesem Kapitel entwickelte Konzept „misstrauischer Sozialsysteme“ soll zur Bezeichnung und Analyse eines Typs sozialer Systeme dienen, die wie zum Beispiel kriminalpolizeiliche Abteilungen, investigativ-journalistische Recherchekollektive, Geheimdienste, Organisationsabteilungen für interne Ermittlungen und andere mit Kontrollaufgaben betraute Sozialsysteme nicht nur funktional auf die Gewinnung von Informationen über bestimmte Umweltsachverhalte spezialisiert sind, sondern für die darüber hinaus gilt, dass die gesuchten Informationen nicht einfach unkritisch eingesammelt, sondern im Modus der Geheimnisaufklärung gewonnen werden müssen, weil das ermittelnde System damit rechnet, dass im fraglichen Umweltsegment Prozesse des Verbergens und Täuschens ablaufen mit dem Ziel, die Informationsgewinnung durch das ermittelnde System zu behindern. Auf Grund dieser Lage können die ermittelnden misstrauischen Sozialsysteme ihr Ziel der Gewinnung zutreffender Informationen nur erreichen, wenn sie dem ihnen jeweils zugänglichen ersten Eindruck nicht vorbehaltlos trauen, sondern ein überdurchschnittliches Maß an Skepsis und Misstrauen gegenüber den ihnen zugänglichen Informationen und Informanten praktizieren und institutionalisieren.
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Zusammenfassung In diesem Kapitel rekonstruiere und analysiere ich drei Konstellationen aus der (Vor-)Geschichte kriminalpolizeilicher Behörden in Europa: Den Fall der Strafverfolgung ohne Polizei als Organisation und als Aufgabe von Privatleuten in England während des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (5.1), die Gründungsgeschichte und Ermittlungspraxis der Pariser Kriminalpolizei unter Leitung des vormaligen Straftäters und Gefängnisinsassen Eugène François Vidocq zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts (5.2) und schließlich das ambivalente Verhältnis zwischen der Berliner Kriminalpolizei und den als Ringvereinen bezeichneten organisierten Vereinigungen von Straftätern in der Weimarer Republik (5.3). Diese in Hinblick auf ihre Struktur und den Grad ihrer Ausdifferenzierung aus der sie umfassenden Sozialwelt sehr verschiedenartigen ermittelnden Systeme verbindet miteinander, dass sie im Auftrag anderer sozialer Einheiten – dem Opfer einer Straftat, einer Gemeinde oder eines Staates – Straftaten aufklären und Straftäter überführen. Dieser Ermittlungsauftrag, so der Ausgangspunkt meiner Argumentation, legt für die ermittelnden Systeme Misstrauen, Gegnerschaft und Kampf als institutionalisierte Einstellungen gegenüber dem Umweltsegment der Normbrüche und Normbrecher nahe. Das Maß, in dem diese Einstellungen verwirklicht werden können, variiert mit dem Maß der Ausdifferenzierung des ermittelnden Systems aus der es umfassenden Sozialwelt: Der ehrenamtlich agierende Constable, der zugleich Mitglied der Gemeinde ist, in deren Auftrag er polizeiliche Funktionen erfüllt, ist schon durch diese Rollenkombination in dem ihm möglichen Misstrauen in die Selbstdarstellung anderer Gemeindemitglieder und also in der ihm möglichen Ermittlungsarbeit begrenzt. Im Vergleich dazu erweist sich die Berliner Kriminalpolizei während der Weimarer Republik als Fall einer ausdifferenzierten Ermittlungsinstanz, deren Mitgliedern Misstrauen in die Selbstdarstellungen von Bürgern in deutlich höherem Maße sozial ermöglicht ist. Auch diese professionellen Ermittler aber, so das systematische Argument dieses Kapitels, müssen Elemente von Vertrauen, Tausch und Kooperation in das Verhältnis zu denjenigen Umweltsegmenten einfließen lassen, mit deren Bekämpfung sie beauftragt sind. Dies zeigt sich vor allem anhand der für Polizeiarbeit zu allen Zeiten und an allen Orten unverzichtbaren Beziehung zwischen der Polizei und ihren Informanten, die im Fokus der Analysen steht.
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Zusammenfassung Zusammengenommen zeigt die Beschäftigung mit dem Einsatz von Informanten in der Polizeiarbeit die Kontinuität eines Problemgesichtspunkts: Die moderne Polizei, die darauf verzichtet, eigene andere Rollen ihres Personals als strukturelle Grundlage der Informationsgewinnung über Straftaten zu nutzen, weist zwar als Organisation ein höheres Maß an Ausdifferenzierung und Autonomie auf als ihre historischen Vorläufer. Diesem Gewinn an Ausdifferenzierung und Autonomie korrespondiert jedoch ein Verlust an Möglichkeiten der Informationsgewinnung, auf den Polizeiorganisationen dann wiederum durch die stärker formalisierte und organisierte Rekrutierung von Nichtmitgliedern als Informanten reagieren. Die Pflege dieser Kontakte erfordert dann häufig einen Verzicht auf konsequente Rechtsdurchsetzung, der schon aus der Analyse früherer Formen von Ermittlungsarbeit bekannt ist. Diese Beobachtung wird in diesem zusammenfassenden Kapitel als eine der Grenzen möglicher Rechtsdurchsetzung interpretiert, die eng mit dem grundlegenden Spannungsverhältnis von Regeltreue und Erfolg in der Polizeiarbeit verbunden ist.
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Zusammenfassung Der in der Einleitung zu diesem Buch formulierte Anspruch war, Übersetzungsarbeit zwischen zwei Bereichen sozialwissenschaftlicher Forschung zu leisten: Der zeitgenössischen, nur durch ihren Gegenstandsbezug integrierten, empiristischen Polizeiforschung auf der einen Seite und einigen stärker theorieorientierten Bereichen soziologischer Forschung auf der anderen Seite. Realisiert wurde dieser Anspruch in der Durchführung von Analysen von Polizei als Organisation und Polizeiarbeit als professioneller Arbeit. Diese Analysen wiederum wurden vorbereitet und gerahmt durch die Diskussion und Entwicklung von Konzepten wie demjenigen der „Grenzrolle“ oder der „misstrauischen Sozialsysteme“ sowie des Äquivalenzfunktionalismus als Methode soziologischer Analyse, Begriffsbildung und Kritik. Jedes Kapitel enthält eigene, in sich relativ abgeschlossene Argumentationen, die hier abschließend noch einmal im Zusammenhang in Erinnerung gerufen werden sollen.
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Zusammenfassung Die doppelgleisige öffentliche Beobachtung von Polizeiarbeit in Hinblick auf ihre Rechtmäßigkeit einerseits, ihre Effektivität andererseits sowie die daraus folgende polizeiinterne Spannung zwischen Regeltreue und Erfolg sind ein zentrales Thema der Soziologie der Polizei, zu der dieses Buch beitragen will. In dieser Einleitung werden zunächst die zentralen Episoden der deutschsprachigen Polizeiforschung rekonstruiert (1.1), daran anschließend wird an die in dieser Forschung kaum rezipierten Einsichten und Perspektiven der englischsprachigen Polizeisoziologie der 1960er und 1970er Jahre erinnert (1.2). Abschließend wird die Diagnose einer institutionellen Isolation und disziplinären Heimatlosigkeit der zeitgenössischen Polizeiforschung begründet (1.3) und die Absicht der Arbeit formuliert, einen Brückenschlag zwischen der ansonsten oft empiristischen Polizeiforschung und den stärker theorieorientierten Bereichen soziologischer Forschung zu leisten.
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Zusammenfassung Die Kapitel dieses Buches sind auch durch ein geteiltes Verständnis des Zusammenhangs von soziologischer Theoriearbeit und empirischer Forschung miteinander verbunden, das in diesem Kapitel unter Bezugnahme auf Autoren wie Herbert Blumer, Talcott Parsons oder Robert K. Merton expliziert wird. Theoriearbeit, etwa in Form der Explikation von Begriffen, ist diesem Verständnis nach konstitutiv für empirische Forschung, insofern sie diese zum einen mit Regeln der Relevanz und Irrelevanz versorgt und zum anderen die Einsichten der empirischen Forschung ordnet und in breitere Debatten des Fachs übersetzt. In diesem Buch habe ich Theoriearbeit als Übersetzungsarbeit betrieben, indem ich die thematisierten Phänomene aus der Welt der Polizei(arbeit) als besondere Fälle allgemeinerer Phänomene aus dem Gegenstandsbereich der Soziologie analysiert habe, etwa die Ausdifferenzierung polizierender Instanzen aus der sie umfassenden Gesellschaft und ihre Organisationswerdung als besonderem Fall des allgemeineren Phänomens der Ausdifferenzierung sozialer Kontrolle und der Verorganisierung gesellschaftsbezogener Funktionen, die Arbeit von Polizisten mit Informanten und an Beschuldigten (in der Vernehmung) als Fall des Kontakts einer organisationalen Grenzrolle mit formal nicht zur Kooperation verpflichteten Nichtmitgliedern der Organisation oder den polizeilichen Korpsgeist als Fall einer kollegialen Versicherungsgemeinschaft gegen die individuelle Verantwortlichkeit für Fehler bei der Arbeit.
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This chapter examines elites’ struggles for domination in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan and their strategies of elimination, accommodation, and intermingling, respectively. It concludes that in each of these cases, the ruling elites aimed at gaining economic resources, and the state was used as the main vehicle for doing so. In all three cases, the infrastructural power of the state and its societal embeddedness were neglected. This led to the increase in its despotic power or its omnipresence in some areas, and its absence in others, such as territorial domains, borderlands, and ideational sectors. The ruling elites achieved functional centralization and territorial fragmentation, making the state reminiscent of their medieval counterparts.KeywordsElitesPower-sharingTerritorial fragmentationMilitary operationsCivil warCriminals-in-lawProtestsInfrastructural power
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This Element introduces the concept of oligopoly of coercion to interpretate the interaction between drug trafficking and reconfiguration of the state in Colombia. Three elements are central to this interpretation: corruption in oligopolies of coercion must be understood as a payment by drug traffickers for acting like a parallel state; the state criminalizes more drug as merchandise than drug as capital – its equivalent in money; the politics and war around drug trafficking in Colombia should be understood as the way in which peripheral societies access global markets through the ruling institutions of private armies. With these elements, the author focuses on the dynamics of the reconfiguration of the state in Colombia after the cocaine boom in the mid-70s and the evolution of the private armies in Colombia.
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Malešević offers a novel sociological answer to the age-old question: 'Why do humans fight?'. Instead of focusing on the motivations of solitary individuals, he emphasises the centrality of the social and historical contexts that make fighting possible. He argues that fighting is not an individual attribute, but a social phenomenon shaped by one's relationships with other people. Drawing on recent scholarship across a variety of academic disciplines as well as his own interviews with the former combatants, Malešević shows that one's willingness to fight is a contextual phenomenon shaped by specific ideological and organisational logic. This book explores the role biology, psychology, economics, ideology, and coercion play in one's experience of fighting, emphasising the cultural and historical variability of combativeness. By drawing from numerous historical and contemporary examples from all over the world, Malešević demonstrates how social pugnacity is a relational and contextual phenomenon that possesses autonomous features.
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The assassination of the investigative journalist, Daphne Caruana Galizia in Malta in 2017 generated local activist claims that Malta is a 'mafia state'. More than a ‘mere metaphor’, it expressed deep anxieties about the distribution of patrimonial resources that I characterize as ‘sibling or fraternal rivalry anxieties’: the product of a tension between an historically embedded popular expectation of the Maltese State as paternal benefactor dispensing resources, and an imagined national community of common heirship in scarce national resources susceptible to political capture. The ‘Mafia’ discourse, however, did two things. First, it retroactively framed the assassination as having been ‘predictable’, hovering between the ‘unspoken’ and the ‘unspeakable’, turning the ineluctable victim into a predestined martyr. Second, it elided over the shadowy genealogy of the postcolonial state itself as a ‘protection racket’, which I argue merits scrutiny.
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Many analyses point to Trump’s behavior on the world stage—bullying and racketeering more reminiscent of a mafioso than a statesman—as a personal character flaw. We argue that, while this behavior was shocking in how unvarnished it was, Trump marks the culmination of a decades-long trend that shifted US foreign policy from a regime of “legitimate protection” in the mid-twentieth century to a “protection racket” by the turn of the twenty-first. While the temperaments of successive presidents have mattered, the problems facing the US and its role in the world are not attributable to personalities but are fundamentally structural, in large part stemming from the contradictions of US attempts to cling to preeminence in the face of a changing global distribution of power. The inability of successive US administrations—Trump and Biden included—to break out of the mindset of US primacy has resulted in a situation of “domination without hegemony” in which the United States plays an increasingly dysfunctional role in the world. This dynamic has plunged the world into a period of systemic chaos analogous to the first half of the twentieth century.
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Tax systems in England, France, Spain, and Venice are regarded as providing payments from subjects to governments for protection against foreign and domestic threats. In each developing state, the supply and demand for protection at the time of the tax system's origin determined the long-term character of taxation. Only where taxes arose in an environment of exceptionally long wars did subjects forfeit their right to control levies. Groups having close substitutes available for central government paid non-extortionate taxes. Collusion in the supply of protection led to noble tax privileges. Once created, taxes survived as long as the government itself.