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Interpreting COVID-19 through the lens of the second Deep Transition

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Abstract

Is COVID-19 a stepping stone towards a more sustainable future, or it is just a stone in the pond of which the effects will wither away as soon as we are back to normal? A look at the opportunities arising from the crisis.
W e know that COVID-19 is the worst global public health
crisis in living memory. It is changing everyday life in an
immediate and stark fashion across the world, arguably not
seen since the Second World War. We are in self-isolation, need
to stay at home, keep our distance from others, airplanes are
grounded, public transportation is empty and home school-
ing is becoming the norm. But will this virus change how we
live forever? Many are longing for a return to normal as soon
as possible, while others are calling for the recovery period
to be used to change our economies and societies to address
the climate crisis. All of this begs the question: what does the
COVID-19 crisis signify?
To answer this question and interpret the crisis we need a
frame. In this article I am using the Deep Transitions frame-
work to answer the question of the meaning of COVID-19
(Schot 2016; Schot/Kanger 2018; Kanger/Schot 2018; Swilling
2020), bringing to the fore deeper issues about whether we are
living at a tipping point in history, a divide between what I will
call a First and Second Deep Transition, and are experiencing
a period in which the world is making a significant move to-
wards a more sustainable future?
A shock for the socio-technical
landscape
In the Deep Transitions framework COVID-19 is a shock
produced at the landscape level. The landscape is our social,
technical and ecological environment which surrounds and
sustains us. The landscape is our context which we cannot eas-
ily influence, at least not in the short-term. We can take meas-
ures to combat COVID-19 and reduce the probability of new
pandemics emerging, yet our modern societies will continue to
cause them to occur; they are a normal accident (Perrow 1984),
one that is expected and caused by how we organize our soci-
eties and economies. The landscape consists of many trends:
urbanization, climate change, rising inequality, individualiza-
tion, digital transformation, hyper-modernity and globalization
are all developments within it. Landscape trends put pressures
on the way we live and we have to adapt to them. They can also
produce shocks. Such shocks appear as if they have been pro-
duced suddenly, but have been building up as a result of the
synergies between all trends, as volcanos and earthquakes sud-
denly erupt and generate havoc.
Our modern landscape is not a natural one, it is a socio-tech-
nical landscape in which nature has been transformed by hu-
man beings in an unprecedented way. This is the idea behind
the proclamation we live in the Anthropocene (Crutzen 2002).
Humans have used science and technology to build a complete
new world, a new life-style based on abundance. Now we have
to live with the ecological consequences, such as the climate
and biodiversity crises, and the social consequences, the un-
even distribution of abundance. These consequences are em-
bedded in the deep choices we have made when designing this
world, which suggests that we cannot fix the consequences
by small adjustments. This world was created during the first
Deep Transition that started at some point in the 18
th
th century.
Historians refer to it as the Industrial Revolution. I prefer to
use the notion of Deep Transition because it expresses bet-
ter the underlying dynamics. Industry becoming a driver for
change is certainly pivotal, but the genesis of the modern world
should be located in implementing a number of new socio-
technical systems for the provision of basic needs: energy, mo-
bility, healthcare, water, communication, food, housing, that
were optimized in specific directions. The use of fossil fuels,
linear production using nature as a free sink, labour productiv-
ity instead of land or resource productivity, globalized and in-
dustrial production, mass production and mass consumption.
In this way industrialization is one of the directions, among
others.
In the Deep Transitions framework these directions are a re-
sult of the adoption of meta-rules by a wide range of actors from
business, to governments, to citizens and consumers and social
movements, who use these rules to create, maintain and im-
prove the energy, water, mobility, housing, food and other sys-
tems. The meta-rules for the governance of these systems have
been framed by the struggle between communism, fascism
and democracy often tied to capitalism, and the acceptance of
technocracy across all three ideologies. Capitalism has become
dominant and promotes the idea that the market should put the
systems in place, run them, and in this process generate eco-
nomic growth, while the state is responsible for fixing market
failures, and managing the consequences through regulation,
putting limits on how the market operates.
 as turning point in history
Interpreting COVID- through the
lens of the second Deep Transition
Is COVID- a stepping stone towards a more
sustainable future, or it is just a stone in the pond
of which the effects will wither away as soon as
we are back to normal? A look at the opportuni-
ties arising from the crisis.
By Johan Schot
ÖkologischesWirtschaften . ()
SCHWERPUNKT: ZEITENWENDE 
DOI./OEW
ÖkologischesWirtschaften .
()
| DOI ./OEW
©  J. Schot; licensee IÖ W and oekom verlag. This is an arti cle distributed under
the terms of the Creative Commons At tribution Non- Commercial No Derivates License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/./deed.de), which permits copying
and redist ributing the material in any medium or f ormat, provided the original work
is properly cited, it is not used for commercial purposes and it is not remixed, trans-
formed or built upon. T he access to the digital version of this article is reserved to sub-
scribers of ÖkologischesWirtschaften until two years after the date of publication; af ter
two year s it is available to all reader s.
Opportunities for Deep Transitions?
A Deep Transition can thus be defined as a series of con-
nected fundamental transformations of a wide range of socio-
technical systems in a similar set of directions. We use the word
deep because it is about a broad set of systems providing our so-
ciety with a socio-technical landscape as we know it today, but
also because it has been created through interactions of many
actors who have put in place a new set of meta-rules that gov-
ern their behaviour, beliefs and values. When a set of rules are
aligned it is called a regime. The notion of rules occupies a cen-
tral place in institutional theory (Giddens 1984) as well as in in-
stitutional economics (North 1990). Rules are institutions set-
ting constraints on specific action while making other actions
possible. Rules are difficult to change, not only because they are
collective, but also because they are embedded or expressed in
systems. Individuals or organizations may want to have a sus-
tainable lifestyle or operation, but they are often constrained by
other actors, the systems put in place, and ultimately the land-
scape in which they act.
Taking the Deep Transition framing into account, how does
change come about? It starts in specific environments which
protect actors against the behaviour of dominant system ac-
tors, and against many trends at the landscape level that are
aligned with rules used for running the systems. Building on
sustainability transitions thinking, these environments are
called niches (Grin etal. 2010). This is how solar and wind en-
ergy came into being. They were nurtured in niches. They be-
gan as a new practice of decentralized energy production, estab-
lishing new user preferences, new regulatory measures and in-
frastructural changes. The niches were protected by subsidies
and/or strong collectives accepting the constraints. The land-
scapes are not only supporting the dominant systems, some
trends may also help to induce niche development. A landscape
trend and shocks such as climate change contributed to the de-
velopment of renewable energy niches. Within the niche ac-
tors engaged in learning, networking, and visioning leading
to the buildup of a new socio-technical energy system, which
then began to compete head on with the centralized electricity
production system based on fossil fuels. Change does not only
come about through niche development, it also needs a desta-
bilization of the dominant systems; this can happen because of
the threat of a new competitor, but more often systems them-
selves are hollowed out because actors supporting them start
to question the ability of systems to resolve the problems as
they appear within the landscape, and are voiced by a range of
actors, often by social movements in the first instance (Kivi-
maa
&
Kern 2016).
This dynamic of niche and system (or regime) competition
influenced by landscape development operates within areas
such as energy, mobility, food single systems, but also across
systems because they are coupled through global value chains,
sharing of resources (for example research infrastructures) and
exchanging of experiences, so actors in each system learn from
one other. It is this process in which niches and systems be-
come aligned that a transition is deepened because niches and
systems begin to operate according to a similar set of rules.
These rules act as the genotype of further evolution. Mass pro-
duction was not a dominant practice for many systems, as a set
of principles it was only used in a number of niches (mainly
the car industry), and it was highly contested before the Sec-
ond World War. After the War the principles of mass pro-
duction and the factory became a dominant practice for food
production, agriculture, construction, and healthcare for exam-
ple.
For new systems to emerge and become established domi-
nant practice it may take 40 to 60 years. Perez (2002) calls this
a Surge of Development. Each surge has a turning point some-
where in the middle, whereby actors are forced by a huge crisis
to decide on the directionality of the surge, or in other words,
the competition between various niches and systems. For the
Fourth Surge the Second World War gave the final push to mass
production and mass consumption becoming the dominant
meta-rule sets for many systems (see figure 1).
A pandemic of change?
What does this all imply for our interpretation of COVID-19?
This pandemic comes at a time of a turning point of the Fifth
Surge fueled by the meta-rules of digitalization influencing
many systems, but not in a decisive way. This is also a Surge
in which many systems are questioned because of the ecologi-
cal and social consequences they have generated. A wide range
of actors have called for a wider transformation. This is indeed
why the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals are im-
portant. These are goals accepted by almost all nations of the
world for transforming our world and our systems. To there-
fore take digitalization forward, it needs to be married to other
social and ecological meta-rules. The world is not only ques-
tioning the dominant practices and systems, at this point in
time meta-rules are nurtured in niches. They exist and thrive
there. Examples are organic and localized food production, the
retrofitting of houses, renewable energy, new forms of water
provision that reduce the need for fresh water, a focus on pre-
COVID-19 will help
to promote specific niches
and help to de-stabilize
some existing systems.“
 ÖkologischesWirtschaften . ()
SCHWERPUNKT: ZEITENWENDE 
vention and lifestyle changes in medical
care. The big question is thus whether
the actors will decide to build a Fifth
Surge towards a digital future in which
these niches are incorporated without
changing a major directionality, so green
and social issues are secondary drivers
(meta-rules). This may result in green
growth with a very uneven global distri-
bution of the benefits and impacts how-
ever. The alternative is actors investing
in building up the Second Deep Transi-
tion, niches becoming the lever for cre-
ating a new development pathway divert-
ing from the Industrial Modern Society
as we know it today (see figure 1). Such
a pathway is putting the double ecolog-
ical and social challenges at the heart of
the development paradigm. Growth and progress will be meas-
ured in completely new ways. This is not a binary choice, both
may happen simultaneously, and blends are conceivable, how-
ever at some point one will become the dominant development
pathway. When this will happen is the fundamental question.
COVID-19 as a landscape shock can play a role in both sce-
narios. It will not single-handily trigger a big change itself, how-
ever it will be a factor in the battle between prolonging the First
Deep Transition and building up the Second Deep Transition.
Most likely it will help to promote specific niches, and help to
de-stabilize some existing systems (healthcare, food, mobility
systems) because actors have been convinced that COVID-19
should not be treated as a normal accident, but as a signifier of
a bigger set of crises that require addressing. Whether this hap-
pens in reality and with what impacts can only be documented
in retrospect, however COVID-19 has clarified once again that
the need for a Second Deep Transition should be embraced in
order to avoid further regional and global lock-downs as a re-
sult of future social and ecological crisis in the coming decades,
let alone the prospects of New Wars that may be caused (John-
stone
&
MacLeish 2020 a and 2020 b).
References
Crutzen, P.
J. (): Geology of mankind. In: Nature : .
Giddens, A. (): The Constitution of Society. Berkeley, University of
California Press.
Grin, J./Rotmans, J./Schot, J.
W. (): Transitions to Sustainable Develop-
ment: New Directions in the Study of Long Term Transformative Change.
New York, Routledge.
Johnstone, P./McLeish, C. ( a): The Role of War in Deep Transitions:
Exploring Mechanisms, Imprints and Rules in Sociotechnical Systems.
https://deeptransitions.net/publication/the-role-of-war-in-deep-
transitions-exploring-mechanisms-imprints-and-rules-in-sociotechnical-
systems/
Johnstone, P./McLeish, C. ( b): The ‘COVID war’? Reflections on
mechanisms and the imprints of the COVID- pandemic.
https://deeptransitions.net/publication/the-covid-war-reflections-on-
mechanisms-and-imprints-of-the-covid--pandemic/
Kanger, L./Schot, J.
W. (): Deep transitions: Theorizing the long-term
patterns of socio-technical change. In: Environmental Innovation
and Societal Transitions : –.
Kivimaa, P./Kern, F. (): Creative destruction or mere niche support?
Innovation policy mixes for sustainability transitions. In: Research Policy
/: –.
North, D. (): Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Perfor-
mance. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Perez, C. (): Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital. Chelten-
ham, Edward Elgar Publishing.
Perrow, C. (): Normal accidents: Living with high-risk technologies.
New York, Basic Books.
Schot, J.
W. (): Confronting the second deep transition through the
historical imagination. In: Technology and Culture /: –.
Schot, J.
W./Kanger, L. (): Deep transitions: Emergence, acceleration,
stabilization and directionality. In: Research Policy /: –.
Swilling, M. (): The Age of Sustainability, Just Transitions in a Complex
World. London, Routledge.
AUTHOR + CONTACT
Johan Schot is Professor at Utrecht University Centre
for Global Challenges, The Netherlands
&
Visiting
Professor at University of Johannesburg, South Africa.
He is also Academic Director of the Transformative
Innovation Policy Consortium.
Utrecht University, Centre for Global Challenges,
Janskerkhof – a,  BK Utrecht. Tel.: +,
E-Mail: j.w.schot@uu.nl
     
Years
Diffusion of successive surges
First Deep Transition
(s–?)
Second
Deep
Transition?
st surge
Industrial
(–)
nd surge
Steam & Railways
(–)
rd surge
Steel, Electricity &
Heavy Engineering
(–)
th surge
Oil & Mass
Production
(–)
th surge
Information &
Telecom
(–?)
Accumulation of meta-rules
Turning
point
Figure : First and Second Deep Transition (drawn by Laur Kanger). An adapted version can be found
in Schot and Kanger , p.
.
ÖkologischesWirtschaften . ()
SCHWERPUNKT: ZEITENWENDE 
... As a landscape shock (Schot, 2020), COVID provides an impetus to tilt the playing field across a range of organising systems, resetting the economy towards sustainable and inclusive growth. ...
... As a normal accident (Schot, 2020), COVID justifies efforts not only to reduce the likelihood of future crises (e.g. through sustainable and inclusive growth), but also to enable rapid recovery from crises that do occur (through resilience, reducing reliance on global supply chains, and recognising the strategic value of basic research and other technoscientific capabilities which together provide the stock of knowledge and resources necessary to counter future crises). ...
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About UCI The University Commercialisation and Innovation Policy Evidence Unit (UCI) is based at the University of Cambridge and aims to support governments and university leaders in delivering a step change in the contributions universities make to innovation and economic prosperity-nationally and locally-through their commercialisation and other innovation-focused activities and partnerships. UCI seeks to improve the evidence base and tools available to key decision makers in public policy and university practice as they develop new approaches for strengthening university research-to-innovation and commercialisation pathways. To do so it draws on the latest advances and insights from both academic research and policy practice, as well as lessons learned from experiences in the UK and internationally.
... In two important articles, Johan Schot and Laur Kanger put forward the idea of a 'deep' transition, a "series of connected and sustained fundamental transformations of a wide range of socio-technical systems in a similar direction" (Schot andKanger, 2018: 1045). They analyse it as a historical phenomenon, constituted by Great Surges of Development and between-surge continuities, culminating in the emergence of a macro-level selection environment called industrial modernity (Schot and Kanger, 2018;Kanger and Schot, 2019). ...
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“We are at war”. This was the message from French President Emmanuel Macron in March as he announced the closure of France’s land borders in response to COVID-191 . From the United Nations Secretary General António Guterres, to the rare public address delivered by Her Majesty the Queen on UK television, the Second World War has become the key reference point to convey the scale of the challenge facing society during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the United Kingdom, this has been particularly pronounced with talk of “war bonds”, “blitz sprit” and “spitfires”. As recently described in a special feature on the UK’s Channel 4 News programme, this pandemic seems to be “amplifying the distant echo of the Second World War” It is understandable why war language is being used: it is an attempt to rouse and galvanise society; it is imbued with a sense of urgency, making it easier for resources to be mobilised and commandeered, and for sacrifices to be demanded; and it is understood in binary terms (you win or you lose). However- and there is always a ‘however’ - it’s not that simple. Along with those rousing, galvanising and urgent effects is invisible baggage which can imprint over the long term and be socially detrimental. Many commentators have rightly pointed out the problems with this COVID-19 ‘war rhetoric’.Historian David Egerton highlights the stark differences between conditions of war and pestilence and the dangers of war rhetoric in fuelling myths and fantasies of wartime events; others point out that this rhetoric only breeds fear, and can even be used to justify the deaths of health workers on the ‘front lines’. We share these concerns, and in our work we have highlighted the pitfalls of applying war rhetoric to other challenges such as climate change. However, we argue it is useful to consider further why it is that so many people are hearing the distant echo of the Second World War. We agree with Schot, Gosh & Bloomfield that the COVID-19 pandemic is a ‘landscape shock’ that is “changing everyday life in an immediate and stark fashion not seen, arguably, since the Second World War”. The keyword of the moment is “unprecedented”. In terms of its scale and scope this pandemic is different to other recent landscape shocks such as the financial crises. At the time of writing, COVID- 19 is present in 213 countries and territories around the world and permeates through all levels of society. No sociotechnical system or indeed individual is unaffected. It directly impacts where and how people can move, sometimes what they can buy, whether they can work, and who they can interact with in their daily lives. Meanwhile, governments have intervened in their citizens lives in ways not seen in peacetime. In short, there is something total about the reach of the COVID-19 pandemic in the way that it has suddenly interrupted and radically altered routines from the level of the individual to international relations. Our research has focused on the pivotal role that world wars played in the culmination of the first deep transition. Unlike most analyses of wartime transformation, we focused on sociotechnical systems (energy, food, and mobility), discussing how certain rules (including maintaining an abundant and constant supply) were amplified by the particular ‘environmental conditions’ of the world wars. We found that after the Second World War, these amplified rules persisted as imprints insociotechnical systems. Part of the challenge of this research was to ‘unpack’ the under-researched ‘landscape’ category of the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP). We did this by, first, building an understanding of the mechanisms of total war and how these differed from peacetime and what effects these mechanisms had on sociotechnical systems; and second, looking at how these effects became imprinted onto sociotechnical systems in the post war era. We think this framework (mechanisms and imprints) is a useful entry point into discussing the potential impacts of the COVID- 19 pandemic for the second deep transition. To be clear, we are not equating thee current pandemic with a world war. Rather, by bringing these two events (namely the Second World War and the COVID-19 pandemic) into productive tension, we highlight the differences between the dynamics of these two landscape shocks so as to contribute to discussions that concern the potential consequences of COVID-19 for the second deep transition.
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The contemporary world is confronted by a double challenge: environmental degradation and social inequality. This challenge is linked to the dynamics of the First Deep Transition (Schot, 2016): the creation and expansion of a wide range of socio-technical systems in a similar direction over the past 250 years. Extending the theoretical framework of Schot and Kanger (2018) this paper proposes that the First Deep Transitions has been built up through successive Great Surges of Development (Perez, 2002), leading to the emergence of a macro-level selection environment called industrial modernity. This has also resulted in the formation of a portfolio of directionality, characterized by dominant and durable directions, occasional discontinuous shifts as well as continuous variety of alternatives sustained in niches or single systems. This historically-informed view on the co-evolution of single socio-technical systems, complexes of systems and industrial modernity has distinctive implications for policy-making targeted at resolving the current challenges.
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Industrial society has not only led to high levels of wealth and welfare in the Western world, but also to increasing global ecological degradation and social inequality. The socio-technical systems that underlay contemporary societies have substantially contributed to these outcomes. This paper proposes that these socio-technical systems are an expression of a limited number of meta-rules that, for the past 250 years, have driven innovation and hence system evolution in a particular direction, thereby constituting the First Deep Transition. Meeting the cumulative social and ecological consequences of the overall direction of the First Deep Transition would require a radical change, not only in socio-technical systems but also in the meta-rules driving their evolution – the Second Deep Transition. This paper develops a new theoretical framework that aims to explain the emergence, acceleration, stabilization and directionality of Deep Transitions. It does so through the synthesis of two literatures that have attempted to explain large-scale and long-term socio-technical change: the Multi-level Perspective (MLP) on socio-technical transitions, and Techno-economic Paradigm (TEP) framework.
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I have traveled many disciplines: from history of technology, science and technology studies, transport history, Dutch history, history of Europe, a bit of global history, sustainable development studies, to mobility studies. I also worked with policymakers and other stakeholders in fields such as innovation policy, technology assessment, and greening of industry. Yet my home is history, in particular history of technology, and the Society for the History of Technology provides the space where I can meet friends driven by a similar love for the history of technology. I feel therefore privileged and honored to be awarded the Leonardo da Vinci Medal. It feels like a recognition from my soul mates, which is important precisely because I so often travel far away from my roots, and then wonder whether historians of technology will still accept me when I come back. Why is history of technology my home? The short answer is that I value the historical imagination beyond anything else. As I will argue below, it is this imagination that is crucially important for many actors in the world confronting the next Deep Transition. Here I am building on the notion of the Great Transformation, a phrase made famous by Karl Polanyi to describe the social and political changes that occurred with the rise of a market economy.1 History allows me to travel through time and space to new worlds and the enjoyment of often amazing experiences. There is no [End Page 445] greater pleasure than sitting in an archive and opening up boxes which have not been touched for a long time, reading minutes, letters, and other documents, and then using these sources to construct an interpretation and narrative. However, for me, history is never only about recovering the past; it is a looking glass which makes us understand the present and the future. This is not the case only because the questions we ask are fueled by contemporary concerns, but also because through history we get a better understanding of these concerns and ultimately of ourselves. This is the first feature of the historical imagination. History is not only a mirror, it is also a set of scenarios. It teaches us the path-dependencies which shape who we are today, roads not taken, and hidden alternatives, which still might have a future, never in a similar way as they may have in the past, yet in an unmistakable way may shape what is yet to come. History provides access to experiences, and it shows us alternative scenarios. This is the second feature of the historical imagination. And history not only opens up, it can also produce bias. It may blind policymakers and other actors to certain options because a specific way of understanding history has become embedded in how people, and organizations, think about the options they have. In this way, history is a prison, and certain options are closed because actors believe history has proven they have no future. It is for this reason that understanding history is more powerful than we often think! It will challenge ways of acting in the world, and open up new ways of thinking about the future. This is a third feature of the historical imagination. Now I come to the main point of my address. I would like to use this Leonardo da Vinci talk to make a plea to historians of technology to use the historical imagination to engage more with the huge challenges our world is facing. These are recently captured by the United Nations in seventeen sustainable development goals, ranging from zero hunger, good health and well-being, quality of education, no poverty, responsible production and consumption, peace and justice, and more.2 These goals contain a double challenge, to reduce inequality and nurture climate-compatible development for all countries in the world. The goals also express that the current financial and economic crisis should not be our main concern, but rather what comes next, including a series of connected crises in food supply, water provision, mobility services, energy security, health care justice, waste management, resource scarcity, migration, and climate change. And, of course, existing...
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Recently, there has been an increasing interest in policy mixes in innovation studies. While it has long been acknowledged that the stimulation of innovation and technological change involves different types of policy instruments, how such instruments form policy mixes has only recently become of interest. We argue that an area in which policy mixes are particularly important is the field of sustainability transitions. Transitions imply not only the development of disruptive innovations but also of policies aiming for wider change in socio-technical systems. We propose that ideally policy mixes for transitions include elements of ‘creative destruction’, involving both policies aiming for the ‘creation’ of new and for ‘destabilising’ the old. We develop a novel analytical framework including the two policy mix dimensions (‘creation’ and ‘destruction’) by broadening the technological innovation system functions approach, and specifically by expanding the concept of ‘motors of innovation’ to ‘motors of creative destruction’. We test this framework by analysing ‘low energy’ policy mixes in Finland and the UK. We find that both countries have diverse policy mixes to support energy efficiency and reduce energy demand with instruments to cover all functions on the creation side. Despite the demonstrated need for such policies, unsurprisingly, destabilising functions are addressed by fewer policies, but there are empirical examples of such policies in both countries. The concept of ‘motors of creative destruction’ is introduced to expand innovation and technology policy debates to go beyond policy mixes consisting of technology push and demand pull instruments, and to consider a wider range of policy instruments combined in a suitable mix which may contribute to sustainability transitions.
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Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital presents a novel interpretation of the good and bad times in the economy, taking a long-term perspective and linking technology and finance in an original and convincing way.
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For the past three centuries, the effects of humans on the global environment have escalated. Because of these anthro-pogenic emissions of carbon dioxide, global climate may depart significantly from natural behaviour for many millennia to come. It seems appropriate to assign the term ‘Anthropocene’ to the present, in many ways human-dominated, geological epoch, supplementing the Holocene—the warm period of the past 10–12 millennia.
  • M Swilling
Swilling, M. (2020): The Age of Sustainability, Just Transitions in a Complex World. London, Routledge.