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The Appearance of the Military as A Political Force in Indonesia
Abstract
This study aims to determine the background of the emergence of the military as a political force in Indonesia. The method used is the historical method by performing four stages, namely: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the occurrence of regional upheaval that wanted to separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia during the Old Order era, as a form of disappointment with the central government, was considered by the military as a threat to the integrity and sovereignty of the nation and state. Therefore, the military considers the need for a political concept and strategy to overcome this. So the concept of an army middle ground was initiated by Abdul Haris Nasution which in turn gave birth to Dwifungsi. As the embodiment of Dwifungsi, the military seeks to ward off threats that come from within and outside. With the enactment of a state of danger or martial law law, the military will increasingly carry out its political functions by keeping in view the state situation at that time.
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The establishment of state-sponsored militia has raised concerns of human rights violations in non-international armed conflict in Indonesia. Most of the state-sponsored militia have been formed and tacitly supported by the Indonesian National Defense Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia) mostly based on the implementation of a concept called the Total People’s Defense and Security System (sistem pertahanan rakyat semesta-sishankamrata). The Total People’s Defense and Security System is the grand strategy adopted based on Indonesia’s experience during Indonesia’s physical revolution or armed struggle for independence (1945-1949) and recognized under the Second Amendment to the 1945 Constitution. This article will elaborate on, first, the constitutional history and ideology of ‘total people’s defense’ which contributes to the political ideology of the military and its relations with the existence of militia groups; and second, the active encouragement of militia abuses by the Indonesian military as part of a campaign to maintain control of regions seeking independence, along with the constraints imposed by the military itself on the manner in which it conducts such campaign.
Proklamasi kemerdekaan Indonesia yang diumumkan pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, memberikan semangat para pemimpin dan bangsa Indonesia seluruhnya untuk mulai berjuang keras untuk mempertahankan kemerdekaan itu. Jenderal Besar Soedirman merupakan pahlawan yang pernah berjuang untuk merebut kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia dari tangan pejajahan. Jenderal Soediman berjuang memperjuangkan kemerdekaannya Indonesia dengan segala kekurangan keadaan pasukan dan melemahnya kesehatannya, namun rasa cinta terhadap bangsa Indonesia yang merdeka memicu semangatnya untuk tetap berjuang dalam keadaan apapun. Selain sebagai tokoh perjuangan yang handal beliau juga merupakan sosok yang Islami dari Muhammadyah dan juga seorang guru teladan yang baik dan amanah. Dalam lingkungan militer, Jenderal Soedirman merupakan sosok yang mampu menjadi pendingin dan pemberi semangat dalam kegentingan pasukannya dari ancaraman bangsa Barat. Soedirman merupakan salah satu pejuang dan pemimpin teladan bangsa ini. Pribadinya teguh pada prinsip dan keyakinan, selalu mengedepankan kepentingan masyarakat banyak dan bangsa di atas kepentingan pribadinya. Dalam sejarah perjuangan Republik Indonesia, ia dicatat sebagai Panglima dan Jendral RI yang pertama dan termuda.
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Indonesia suffered an explosion of religious violence, ethnic violence, separatist violence, terrorism, and violence by criminal gangs, the security forces and militias in the late 1990s and early 2000s. By 2002 Indonesia had the worst terrorism problem of any nation. All these forms of violence have now fallen dramatically. How was this accomplished? What drove the rise and the fall of violence? Anomie theory is deployed to explain these developments. Sudden institutional change at the time of the Asian financial crisis and the fall of President Suharto meant the rules of the game were up for grabs. Valerie Braithwaite’s motivational postures theory is used to explain the gaming of the rules and the disengagement from authority that occurred in that era. Ultimately resistance to Suharto laid a foundation for commitment to a revised, more democratic, institutional order. The peacebuilding that occurred was not based on the high-integrity truth-seeking and reconciliation that was the normative preference of these authors. Rather it was based on non-truth, sometimes lies, and yet substantial reconciliation. This poses a challenge to restorative justice theories of peacebuilding.
This article sets out to explore the changing way in which the Dutch decolonisation war with Indonesia fought between 1945 and 1949 is remembered and memorialised in both countries. This is done with special attention to the issue of ‘war crimes’ committed on both sides in a context of asymmetrical warfare. The main argument is that the representation and commemoration of conflicts fought through unconventional warfare is problematic because of the lack of sites of memory, the incoherence of experiences and the problematic categorisation of victims and perpetrators. This inadequacy escapes notice as the content and public status of the remembrance, years later, are primarily determined by the current interests of the governments, not by the experiences of the military and civilians who were directly involved in the fighting.
Research’s background in this study was to investigate Indonesia’s Special Forces formation and military operation conducted by Indonesia Special Forces. After the Proclamation of Independence. Indonesia had no official military forces. At that time, military forces were derived from former independence fighters with a non-formal organization. Indonesia absolutely needed the military forces since the country encountered an attempts of disintegration namely rebellion in many provinces. After military forces established, Indonesia apparently could not overcome the domestic issue, therefore it was very essential to form Special Forces that could conduct military operation more effectively and efficiently. Problem formulation in this research is “how was the role of Sandhi Yudha Forces Command in conducting a military operation in Indonesia from 1971 to 1985?”. The study used the historical method, with four research procedure that are heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. Moreover, literature study by analysed relevant sources was applied. The study research revealed, Firstly, Indonesia’s Special Forces was formed owing to the needs of a military operation in coping rebellions after Indonesia’s independence. Secondly, after the formation, Indonesia’s Special Forces has undergone numbers of re-organization that aim to improve the needs and system organization. These act as an effect from the development of forces and country ability in funding Special Forces' institution. Thirdly, after re-organization process between 1971 to 1985, Indonesia’s Special Forces has conducted numbers of combat and non-combat military operations, such as Valey X Expedition in West Irian, the quell of Communist Group in West Kalimantan and Hostages' Rescuing Operation of Garuda Airline DC-9-WOYLA in Don Muang Airport, Thailand
This chapter is a study of the economic activities of the Indonesian military, Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI).1 It examines how and why the military in Indonesia became involved in the business sector, and analyzes the continued reliance of ABRI on these commercial activities.
Based on a decade of research in Indonesia, this book provides an in-depth account of the military's struggle to adapt to the new democratic system after the downfall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998. Unlike other studies of the Indonesian armed forces, which focus exclusively on internal military developments, Mietzner's study emphasizes the importance of conflicts among civilians in determining the extent of military involvement in political affairs. Analysing disputes between Indonesia's main Muslim groups, Mietzner argues that their intense rivalry between 1998 and 2004 allowed the military to extend its engagement in politics and protect its institutional interests. The stabilization of the civilian polity after 2004, in contrast, has led to an increasing marginalization of the armed forces from the power centre. Drawing broader conclusions from these events for Indonesia's ongoing process of democratic consolidation, the book shows that the future role of the armed forces in politics will largely depend on the ability of civilian leaders to maintain functioning democratic institutions and procedures. © 2009 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. All rights reserved.
Realpolitik Ideology presents path-breaking research on the Indonesian military (TNI) going beyond traditional scholarship on the TNI's dual function or dwifungsi which has been one of the dominating fields of analysis in Indonesian studies since the 1970s. Addressed to political scientists, sociologists, historians, anthropologists and defence practitioners, this book interprets security policy in terms of its social roots asserting that the realpolitik behaviour of the TNI has strong "socio-cultural" undertones, which in turn shape the development of military doctrine. The argument made in the book is that only through a better understanding of the doctrines that reinforced the military's significant presence in Indonesian affairs and their subsequent restructuring can Indonesia's policy-makers attempt meaningful reform of the TNI. Readable, accessible and yet exhaustively researched, Realpolitik Ideology examines the origins and development of ideas on security from the point of view of the TNI and explains why civil-military relations are still fraught with uncertainty, and why the recent changes in military ideology, removal of military posts in the legislature, ongoing divestment of its business, and other measures still do not guarantee that the military will not intervene in the affairs of state. Among its many valuable contributions, this book details: The background to Indonesian concepts of national security. Internal operations and the weak infrastructural power of the state, with an excellent discussion on the intelligence agencies. Concepts for external defence, according to the TNI, including Indonesia's important but little-known contribution to UN peacekeeping missions. Defence and national security planning. The most recent laws relating to national security and the role of the military in Indonesia. Realpolitik Ideology offers suggestions about how to redefine concepts of national security to increase civil and democratic space and accountabilities and redress the historic imbalances between the civilian government and the military in Indonesia. © 2006 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. All rights reserved.
The author of this article argues that the paradox of postcolonial states pursuing internal and external policies remarkably similar to those of their colonial predecessors, despite the passage from colonialism to independence, is best resolved by focusing on the distinct, long-standing, institutional interests of the state-qua-state. It is these interests that make explicable the key policies of Suharto's New Order toward economic development, the Chinese minority, participatory organizations, and internal and external security. The author analyzes the nature and growth of the Dutch colonial state, its decline and near-collapse between 1942 (Japanese invasion) and 1965 (downfall of Sukarno's Guided Democracy), and its revival under ex-colonial sergeant Suharto.
The argument in this thesis is the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) has a legitimate role in socio-political affairs and political life as well as roles in the defense and security of Indonesia. This dual function of ABRI allows ABRI officers to be actively involved in the decision making process of the country. During the New Order Era, many ABRI officers were assigned to key positions of the government; state ministers, governors, district heads, and other high ranking officials at both the central administration and the regional level. Excessive implementation of ABRI's dual function has resulted in many criticisms. The end of Cold War and the end of the East-West rivalry has brought the beginnings of a new world order. The issues of democratization, human rights, environment, and openness are common throughout the world, including Indonesia. These global issues have increased the wave of criticism toward ABRI involvement in political life of Indonesia. In addition, the success of government's development programs has resulted in a more informed and conscious society which has begun to question the relevance of ABRI's involvement in socio-political affairs. This thesis describes some aspects of ABRI's dual functions, its future prospects, and some proposed actions necessary for future implementation of ABRI's dual function.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1985. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 277-302).
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