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Socio-Cultural Model of Analyzing Educational Environments Across African Communities

Authors:
  • EC Leadership Institute

Abstract

Educational strategy in Africa should take into consideration how meanings are exchanged and learned, the motivation involved in such activity, and the appropriate context for learning specific topics. What do we as educators need to know about each African social context to stimulate student interest in learning? And, what do we need to do in these social contexts to encourage African learners to participate in educational activities? To answer these questions, a socio-cultural model of analyzing formal, informal and nonformal educational environments is presented. The model consists of two meaning levels. The first level, Context of Social Situation, explores: a) field of use, educational activities that are the norm; b) tenor of use, participants in educational activities; and c) mode of use, types of educational activities. The second level, Context of Society, investigates education in general by analyzing: a) the socio-cultural background from which the present local context draws meaning; b) the ideological background of assumptions, values, attitudes, etc.; and c) the institutional background associated with formal learning. The Context of Society/Context of Social Situation Model is a tool for identifying features of social life that correlate with education at both the surface level and deep level of African societies. Every community is a living environment composed of a socio-cultural network coordinating the actions and perceptual meanings of that local group. Any learning environment in which meaning, content, and response are being exchanged is a situation shaped by the socio-cultural context. Learning is to perceive, interact with, and acquire information, gain insight from experiences, and mature in social engagement. To understand how learning can be effectively fostered among African groups, it is imperative to study the local context in which it will occur. The socio-cultural context for African education combines elements of society and culture into an intricate framework of educational norms. Educational strategy for African learners, then, should take into consideration the norms for how meanings are exchanged and learned in African communities, the motivation involved in such activities, and the appropriate setting for learning topics. Contextual Approach to African Education Educational strategies, organized from the standpoint and interests of a social community itself, speak to the social reality of a person and those things most significant to their individual life experience. Educational strategy is viewing community members as sources of shared knowledge and insight operating with shared assumptions, values, concerns, and behavior that are diacritic and, when utilized, can serve to enhance learning activities within a specific social context. A contextual approach demands listening to an African culture precisely because by listening one gains the necessary knowledge to wisely devise an educational strategy custom made for the unique social situation.
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Socio-Cultural Model of Analyzing
Educational Environments Across African Communities
1
Shelley Ashdown
Abstract
Educational strategy in Africa should take into consideration how meanings are exchanged
and learned, the motivation involved in such activity, and the appropriate context for learning
specific topics. What do we as educators need to know about each African social context to
stimulate student interest in learning? And, what do we need to do in these social contexts to
encourage African learners to participate in educational activities? To answer these questions,
a socio-cultural model of analyzing formal, informal and nonformal educational
environments is presented.
The model consists of two meaning levels. The first level, Context of Social Situation,
explores: a) field of use, educational activities that are the norm; b) tenor of use, participants
in educational activities; and c) mode of use, types of educational activities. The second level,
Context of Society, investigates education in general by analyzing: a) the socio-cultural
background from which the present local context draws meaning; b) the ideological
background of assumptions, values, attitudes, etc.; and c) the institutional background
associated with formal learning. The Context of Society/Context of Social Situation Model is
a tool for identifying features of social life that correlate with education at both the surface
level and deep level of African societies.
Keywords: education, contextualization, strategy.
Socio-Cultural Strategies for African Education
Every community is a living environment composed of a socio-cultural network coordinating
the actions and perceptual meanings of that local group. Any learning environment in which
meaning, content, and response are being exchanged is a situation shaped by the socio-
cultural context. Learning is to perceive, interact with, and acquire information, gain insight
from experiences, and mature in social engagement. To understand how learning can be
effectively fostered among African groups, it is imperative to study the local context in which
it will occur. The socio-cultural context for African education combines elements of society
and culture into an intricate framework of educational norms. Educational strategy for
African learners, then, should take into consideration the norms for how meanings are
exchanged and learned in African communities, the motivation involved in such activities,
and the appropriate setting for learning topics.
Contextual Approach to African Education
Educational strategies, organized from the standpoint and interests of a social community
itself, speak to the social reality of a person and those things most significant to their
individual life experience. Educational strategy is viewing community members as sources of
shared knowledge and insight operating with shared assumptions, values, concerns, and
behavior that are diacritic and, when utilized, can serve to enhance learning activities within a
specific social context. A contextual approach demands listening to an African culture
precisely because by listening one gains the necessary knowledge to wisely devise an
educational strategy custom made for the unique social situation.
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https://www.diu.edu/gialens/vol10num1/
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Contextualization is about knowledge and action or put another way, message (teaching
content) and medium (teaching method). It is the knowledge and understanding of another’s
view of reality and capitalizing on that knowledge by putting the teaching content into forms
speaking to that indigenous reality. Simply put, contextualization places events as well as
concepts in a proper context (Reisman & Wineburg 2008). A contextual approach to African
educational strategy looks at a people’s social situation and listens to the socio-cultural
patterns and habits which would more effectively make learning become a reality. Education
abstracted from specific social and cultural realities has diminished returns because it ignores
the context dependent and social aspect of learning (Son & Goldstone 2009).
The contextual approach to African education is the need for knowledge to get people
interested in learning and has two queries. First, What does an African society encourage
people learn? The learner is conditioned by societal influences to what content is valued or
ideal to learn. The educator sensitive to the social power exerted over the minds and behavior
of their learners considers what cultural themes, categories, and world view assumptions are
actually highlighted and marked as learning content.
A second question asks, What do we need to do to get African learners interested in learning?
We ask this question in order to use cultural knowledge to explain learning content within the
right framework. The action side of contextualizing African education includes using the
appropriate social behaviors and thought systems of an African culture. What activities
within a social context stimulates and motivates people to learn?
The intent of learning is to speak to us personally by confronting, challenging, and ultimately
changing us. However, education also has been given to speak to our communities, thus, as
individuals are transformed through learning so is the community. To speak to an individual,
one has to consider the social context. To speak to the community, one has to be cognizant of
the individuals comprising the social group. With this understanding, the intent of
contextualizing African education can be viewed as the capacity to respond meaningfully to
learning within the framework of one’s social context.
A contextual approach to African education suggests that by focusing on world view
assumptions, cultural values, learning settings, pedagogical preferences, creative expression,
and so forth, learning may become an integral part of African daily living. As powerful and
life changing as the potential for education may offer, this becomes a reality only when
knowledge is used. Contextualization of method recognizes use is dependent on the manner
of use. Engaging a variety of teaching methods encourages a wider application of learned
content and behaviors to the African life experience.
The types of methods an African society provides as normal activities in learning vary
according to social context. Not only are there appropriate socio-cultural methods to convey
content, but likewise there are social settings prescribed by society as normal environments of
learning particular content. Educators in Africa need to match social expectations of method
and context that are associated with particular content. This kind of educational contextual
approach can be referred to as “situating learning sites in a life-course perspective”
(Chisholm 2008: 139). Sawchuk (2008) argues that no single setting with its peculiar
methodological approach is dominant. And these settings are representative of distinctive
rather than incompatible features which suggests a potential for cross-fertilization between
educational settings.
Structural Approach to African Education
Educational structures are made up of three significant areas, formal, nonformal, and
informal, impacting educational strategy (Coombs & Manzoor 1974). When considering the
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components of an African socio-cultural context, each of these three major types of settings
should enter the dialogue for a more complete view of educational procedures. “Formal, non-
formal and informal learning are defined according to the classification of learning activities”
associated with each setting (Kuwan & Larsson 2008: 28).
Formal education may be characterized as an institutionalized setting. A formal learning
environment is usually centered around the classroom with impersonal characteristics.
Typically there is a large group of students under the supervision of a professional teacher
using specialized materials such as books, buildings, and desks arranged in a pattern.
Classroom management as well as student learning is teacher oriented. Learning is initiated
by the instructor with the effect of students as passive learners heavily dependent on the
instructor for direction in learning activities. There is the tendency for direct verbal
instruction that encourages repetition of prime values.
Institutionalized education engages purposeful learning tactics in which a goal is consciously
and accurately identified by the learner before effective learning takes place. Teaching
provides feedback whether written or verbal to the learner to monitor their progress toward
the goal. Eneroth (2008) describes formal schooling as general knowledge meant to enlighten
the uninformed by fostering concepts in thought and language.
Formal schooling has been taken as a pattern from Western societies and used around the
world. This structure has often neglected to ask whether this organized setting and its unique
content are appropriate for teaching all subject matter on a global scale. One criticism of
formal education maintains it is not particularly relevant to traditional life or even the
practicalities of everyday Modern man (LaBelle & Sylvester 1990). Resnick (1987) suggests
formal schooling places emphasis on symbolic thinking whereas learning outside of school
uses objects directed in a socially shared contexts. Thus, those activities beyond the school
context are instrumental in connecting objects and reasoning together.
Content and learning in nonformal education is planned and usually directed toward adults
although not exclusively. This adult orientation differentiates the nonformal structure from
socialization or formal primary schooling practices. It may be characterized as free-choice
learning in which the learner has a large degree of control in terms of what is learned, when
the educational activity occurs, and the reasons for learning (Falk 2005). Seminars and
workshops are conducted with the aim of facilitating change in a semi or non-directive way.
Nonformal approaches are most frequently associated with international development
programs (Diagne et al. 2006). Nonformal educational settings are characterized by the
learner perceptually engaging an actual event to gain circumstantial knowledge such as
African rites of passage (Eneroth 2008).
Nonformal education is concerned with adult learners in dialogue ofttimes through
apprenticeship and discipleship training. Religious discipleship is a form of nonformal
education. Research in moral education shows that growth in moral reasoning is more like to
occur in nonformal, mixed group settings where leaders keep a low profile, there is open
discussion, divergent views are encouraged, attitudes and values are modeled, and affective
responses by learners such as music, drama, prayer, and worship are experienced. In addition,
dramaticalization is used in nonformal settings as in the case of initiation ceremonies of more
traditional social groups and the telling of folklore. These nonformal educational techniques
are intentional ways of teaching the highest values of the social group.
Informal education contrasts with formal schooling by content being learner centered.
Informal learning structures life involvement between teacher and student. It may be
characterized as unintentional teaching and learning in which modeling and observation just
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occur in daily life. The learning initiative is taken more by the learner and manifested in
informal talking, reading, and storytelling. Batsleer (2008) emphasizes conversation as a
significant entry into informal learning especially when seeking to effectively interact with
young people.
Acquiring knowledge in an informal setting is not an ability but rather experiencing sudden
intuitive realization because the content has been brought to life (Eneroth 2008). Learning is
somewhat incidental and the goal is the performance of the activity with the value for
togetherness and imitative behaviors. Child rearing in the home and community context are a
types of informal education where children learn to be men or women by associating with
adult men or adult women. The times, places, materials used, duration, and intensity of
informal learning are more flexible than formal or nonformal education and happen mainly
through enculturation.
Socio-Cultural Model of Educational Environments
Attention is given to the formal, informal, and nonformal socio-cultural settings partly to
understand a society and culture, and partly to understand what people do with it. To analyze
toward context specific content and mediums of education requires an analytic model
considering two levels of contextual exploration corresponding with contextualization of
content and method. The Context of Social Situation/Context of Society Model presented in
this paper is a tool for identifying specific features of the African social life experience that
correlate with education at both the surface level and deep level of African social interaction.
Context of Social Situation is the first level of analysis directed toward understanding
contextualization of method and is based on the present circumstance enacting the social
situation. It is the immediate socio-cultural environment as observed in the happening means
of behavior. Context of Society is the investigative level for contextualization of content and
refers to the historical investment culminating in the present socio-cultural context.
Context of Social Situation
Context of Social Situation is the immediate cultural environment in which learning takes
place the present day context of meaning, content, and response swirled together in human
activity. Three features compose the conceptual framework of Context of Social Situation for
the analytic purpose of developing an African educational strategy based on socio-culture
specific means of behavior, which include: 1) Field of Use exploring means of behavior as
cultural norms in the local context, 2) Tenor of Use investigating the participants, and 3)
Mode of Use examining what role a means of behavior may have as an educational activity.
This application is developed from Halliday and Hasan’s (1989) adaptation of Malinowski’s
(1923) concept of context of situation to the analysis of written texts.
Three features of Context of Social Situation are outlined with questions specific to each area
of inquiry. In general terms, the Field is the what and how of a means of behavior, the Tenor
is the who of a means of behavior, and the Mode is the role of a means of behavior for
education. Field of Use asks questions related to identifying the norms of the present local
system of behavior and how each educational activity is maintained (see Figure 1). It is not
only what kind of educational activities are the norm but which ones are the norm in formal,
nonformal, and informal educational settings. It is necessary to determine social relations in
each kind of setting.
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Participants learn by engaging in a wide range of activities which display various social
actions. The Tumbuka people of Malawi
2
have a formal classroom setting in which teachers
and pupils have a structured learning environment and must conform to government
regulations for this educational setting. Also significant to Tumbuka are nonformal activities
such as handicraft in which a father carves mortar under the watchful eye of his apprentice
son. An example of an informal activity in this society is storytelling by extended family
members. Young children listen as elders teach through personal narratives (Joyce Mlenga,
personal communication, Karen, Kenya, 2003.).
Figure 1: Analysis of Field of Use in Context of Social Situation
It should be recognized in each learning activity what fundamental components are essential
to the activity and those that are optional in the make-up of the exercise. Tumbuka children
cannot be expected to participate in writing before being introduced to the alphabet, however
pencils for writing may not be obligatory because they have the possibility of writing on a
chalk board. Storytelling by family elders usually occurs in the quietness of the night around
the cooking fire and not while Tumbuka children are playing in the middle of the day.
Fundamental to a son learning a handicraft is his ability to observe the creation in progress.
Determining the appropriate forum and sequence should be understood as in where must or
where can components occur in the make-up of an activity. Tumbuka children are never
given an exam at the beginning of a lesson but rather at the end. Tumbuka children
respectfully do not ask questions while the storyteller is recounting the tale instead waiting
until the conclusion. Nonetheless, one may leave the scene without offending the group. The
types of handicrafts Tumbuka fathers teach their sons absolutely must be conducted away
from women. It may be under a tree or elsewhere but not within range of female observation.
The last component of Field of Use is determining appropriate repetition for activity
constituents. Just how often may components occur in an activity? Formal education for
Tumbuka operates on the principle of multiple repetition. Nevertheless, components in any
activity may lose effectiveness if overused or not well liked by learners. Storytelling in
2
The Tumbuka are an ethnic group that speak a Bantu language in Malawi and Zambia. They are a large group
with a population roughly two (2) million. Tumbuka still practice traditional subsistance agriculture on
traditional lands but are subsidized by salaried Tumbuka working in urban settings. Insights into Tumbuka
educational practices cited in this article came from interviews with a Tumbuka pastor’s wife, Joyce Mlenga,
age 34, studying at Nairobi Evangelical Graduate School of Theology, Karen, Kenya in 2003.
WHAT KIND OF EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES ARE THE NORM?
FORMAL
NONFORMAL
INFORMAL
What are the participants engaged in?
What fundamental components are
essential (obligatory) or a possibility
Where must and where can components
How often may components occur in the
I. A N AL Y S IS OF FI E L D O F USE
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIAL SITUATION
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
6
Tumbuka society includes sound effects such as animal noises which may be repeated over
and over for effect. As a son grows older, he no longer needs his father to demonstrate the
elementary procedures for making mortar yet still is dependent on observing carving
techniques.
Tenor of Use is concerned with the who of an educational activity, the participants (see
Figure 2). It is the interpersonal meaning attached to a medium. In choosing educational
activities, one must identify the status and roles of participants and the various clusters of
significant relationships among those participating. Not all activities are considered
appropriate or within the ability of all community members. It is important to recognize the
fundamental participants and those considered optional participants to critique an activity’s
usefulness in the overall plan for educational strategy. Tumbuka children are under the
authority of their teacher with those children that are first born in their families having higher
status than other children in the class. Group clusters are gender specific with both boys and
girls considered possible participants dependent on financial ability and a teacher designated
as a fundamental participant.
Figure 2: Analysis of Tenor of Use in Context of Social Situation
Tumbuka schooling demands children attend a formal classroom setting which may include
educational activities completed in the home context. The informal storytelling activity is an
exchange that occurs in the home between elders of at least one generation above the young
people listening. Handicraft demonstrations can be conducted by any male elder who is
experienced in the craft somewhere in the vicinity of the homestead. In all three activities and
their settings, the frequency and duration of participation by learners is dependent on how
many times it takes them to learn.
Mode of Use seeks to evaluate a medium specifically in its utility for education (see Figure
3). Participants should not only be able to use the activity but accept the function of the
activity as adapted for educational use. Determining the role a behavior may have as an
educational activity evaluates social behaviors specifically in their utility for education.
Tumbuka storytelling is an informal activity that can be adapted into the formal setting.
Stories are a teaching tool that give practical social examples from which to learn. Teachers
have high status because of position and age, and stories function to allow instructors to
explain and convince in practical terms the importance of the content. It may be in the
Tumbuka context that stories used in the classroom would best be given in a spoken channel
WHO ARE THE PARTICIPANTS IN THESE EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES?
FORMAL
NONFORMAL
INFORMAL
Social Relations
What are the status/roles of participants
and/or cluster of significant relationships
among participants?
Obligatory/Opt’l Occurrence
Who are fundamental participants
(obligatory), possible participants (opt’l)?
Appropriate Forum & Sequence
Where must & where can participants
express these activities?
Appropriate Repetition
How often may participants engage in
these activities?
II. A N AL Y S IS OF TE N O R O F USE
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIAL SITUATION
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
7
although older children could advance to learning from written narratives. Determining the
maximum and minimum rate of occurrence for effectively using an activity like storytelling
in the formal context is necessary to make the most of any teaching method.
Figure 3: Analysis of Mode of Use in Context of Social Situation
Context of Society
Context of Society is the socio-cultural sum from which the present local context draws its
reality. It examines the broad socio-cultural background including ideology from which
assumptions, beliefs, values, and attitudes have developed and institutional precedence
governing custom and societal norms. The larger scope of social, cultural, ideological, and
institutional background are necessary fields of inquiry to contextualize the educational
process.
In general terms, Context of Society is concerned with key questions about what has made an
African community what it is today. Suffice to say taking a step back from one isolated
assumption, belief, or behavior and considering where the piece fits into the larger socio-
cultural puzzle is a holistic approach toward understanding the integratedness of a people’s
social matrix. Context of Society investigates education in general by analyzing: a) the socio-
cultural background; b) the ideological background of assumptions, values, attitudes, etc.;
and c) the institutional background associated with formal learning.
Any African social context setting the stage for education is not an arbitrary fabrication of
random features, but a representation of the total socio-cultural background influencing the
kinds of learning themes, topics, and practices found suitable to invoke a positive response by
participants. The general background of Context of Society is often quite helpful because
Context of Society describes the social meaning, content, and response in broader terms and
in greater depth to expand understanding of the immediate Context of Social Situation . (see
Figure 4)
Exploring the socio-cultural background of setting asks: What is the broader socio-cultural
background against which a formal, nonformal, and informal educational assumption, belief,
learning activity or behavior must be interpreted (see Figure 4)? Among the Kamba people of
Kenya, it is assumed formal education is a gateway to prosperity (Justus Katumo, personal
HOW CAN EDUCATIONAL STRATEGY INCORPORATE THESE ACTIVITIES?
FORMAL
NONFORMAL
INFORMAL
Social Relations
What would participants expect to render
socially or personally if learned in this way?
Obligatory/Opt’l Occurrence
What are the fundamental (obligatory) or
possible (optional) expectations: persuasive,
expository, didactic?
Appropriate Forum & Sequence
What function would the activity serve in a
learning context?
What is the channel by which the learning
would be used (written, spoken?)
Appropriate Repetition
What is the maximum and minimum rate of
occurrence for effectively using the activity
for learning?
III. A N AL Y SI S O F MO D E O F USE
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIAL SITUATION
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
8
communication, Karen, Kenya, 2003). Most Kamba associate formal education with
becoming wealthy, thus most who are formally trained are highly valued and afforded the
highest social esteem. The Kikuyu of Kenya also support the view that formal education
ushers in financial prosperity and, in addition, believe this kind of education brings
development to the local community (Esther Wambugu, personal communication, Karen,
Kenya, 2003). Besides the formal setting, the Kamba also believe initiation in a nonformal
setting is a significant learning exercise. In broad terms, initiation brings community
members together as a united social group and symbolizes the importance of understanding
and assuming social responsibilities of adulthood.
Figure 4: Analysis of Socio-Cultural Background in Context of Society
On the other hand, in Tumbuka traditional society education is assumed to be learning how to
do practical things such as household chores, fishing, etc. Any Tumbuka, be it male or
female, who is without the ability to cook or build a house is considered an unacceptable
community member. In this society, a bride may be a college graduate but if she does not
have the skills to live and work in the patrilocal context she may legitimately be sent back to
her home kin group and the marriage annulled. The behaviors Tumbuka society believe to be
the best way to learn are observation and imitation which are prime examples of methods
used in an informal setting.
The second feature of Context of Society is the ideological background. Here the educator is
concerned with the manner of thinking which is characterized in assumptions, values,
attitudes, beliefs, roles, and norms of society (see Figure 5). For Kikuyu, initiations are
assumed to give the initiates experience in facing change and challenges in the initiation
process which are a microcosm of what each will face in the life experience. Social initiations
are highly valued and viewed as that part of the life experience that is naturally so. Initiates
regard the rituals as necessary to their development as a person and member of the social
group. It is believed that initiations result in new behaviors and character for the initiate. The
role of initiation as a nonformal educational activity is to teach young adults to undertake
high challenges of life.
The Tumbuka context associates hard work with self sufficiency and self sufficiency with
good parenting. It is assumed then that if a person works diligently, they will be able to
support themselves without impinging on the social group. But it is believed a person must be
taught work skills by their parents. Tumbuka are a proud people who detest begging. The
social attitude toward begging is that it is a shameful behavior that brings dishonor to the
person, their parents, and their community. The social norm is to discourage begging and
support hard work values through story telling, the encouragement to participate in work
What is the broader socio-cultural background against which a FORMAL,
NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL educational assumption, belief, learning activity or
behavior must be interpreted?
Formal
Means to wealth? Prestige?
Nonformal
Means to social responsibility? Social identity?
Informal
Means to personal growth? Personal values?
I. S o c i o - C UL T U RA L BA C K G R O U N D
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIETY
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
9
activities with parents and the local community, and even punish by withholding food or
caning. This ideological background underscores the significance of informal training in
Tumbuka society.
Figure 5: Analysis of Ideological Background in Context of Society
Institutional background is the third and final feature of Context of Society (see Figure 6).
Two areas are pertinent here. First, What institutional background gives value to an
educational assumption, belief, or behavior? In the case of nonformal education settings in
Kenya, the Bomas of Kenya is a modern institution formulated by the Kenya Tourist
Development Cooperation (KTDC) to preserve and promote cultural values of various ethnic
groups of Kenya. The social and cultural way of life of Kenyan communities is underscored
through tribal cultural shows and life size villages.
Figure 6: Analysis of Institutional Background in Context of Society
A second area for institutional background investigates the features of institutions. The
Bomas of Kenya have semi-professional members using cultural artifacts to present through
dramaticalization of content to an audience. The Institute of Anthropology, Gender and
What ideological background gives value to a FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND
INFORMAL educational assumption, belief, learning activity or behavior and
constrains its interpretation?
FORMAL
NONFORMAL
INFORMAL
cultural
assumption?
cultural
values?
cultural
attitudes?
cultural
beliefs?
cultural
roles?
cultural
norms?
II. I D EO L OG I CA L BA C K G R O U N D
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIETY
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
What institutional background gives value to a FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND
INFORMAL educational assumption, belief, learning activity or behavior and
constrains its interpretation?
FEATURES OF INSTITUTIONS
Formal
Colonialism?
Nonformal
Rituals?
Informal
Subsistence practices?
III. I N ST I TU T IO N AL BA C K G R O U N D
FEATURES OF CONTEXT OF SOCIETY
FOR FORMAL, NONFORMAL, AND INFORMAL EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS
10
African Studies at the University of Nairobi operates with the characteristics associated with
a formal educational environment. In each case, the socio-cultural value of learning is
supported albeit by different methods in different settings.
Conclusion
Successful education in the African context is all about predicting how meanings are
exchanged and learned and the motivation to do so. In order to be effective at one’s
predictions requires entering a local socio-cultural context and listening to what is going on
(field), listening to those participating (tenor), and then sculpturing roles for learning
activities (mode) based on that knowledge and understanding. Without investment in
analyzing the field and tenor, knowing the mediums making learning achievable are severely
hampered. In this instance, double listening requires attention to the present social context
and the historical context. Otherwise it is quite difficult for a person in a real life contextual
bubble to readily join in and take part in an educational situation they previously have no
frame of reference to draw from and apply.
Besides the socio-cultural concerns, there is the need to capitalize on the inherent concentric
relationship between formal, nonformal, and informal settings to maximize the learning
experience for all ages of the population (Easton 2007). Omerzel and Sirca (2008) argue for
developing a flexible formal education environment that includes positive use of nonformal
and informal learning. Indeed, studies have indicated that combining formal, nonformal, and
informal approaches enhances competencies and improves labor skills for urban and rural
populations which is quite encouraging for the African context (Barth et al. 2007; Bracken
2008; Minnis 2006).
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Education is a lifelong endeavor; the public learns in many places and contexts, for a diversity of reasons, throughout their lives. During the past couple of decades, there has been a growing awareness that free‐choice learning experiences – learning experiences where the learner exercises a large degree of choice and control over the what, when and why of learning – play a major role in lifelong learning. Worldwide, most environmental learning is not acquired in school, but outside of school through free‐choice learning experiences. Included in this article are brief overviews of environmental learning, the nature of learning, the educational infrastructure, and free‐choice learning as a term. This article provides a framework for thinking about free‐choice environmental learning and sets the stage for thinking about the other articles in this special issue.
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Education policy in sub-Saharan Africa is predicated on human capital assumptions and therefore promotes the expansion of formal education as a way to promote economic growth. As a result, formal education is valued primarily as a private consumer good, a form of cultural capital that allows some to get ahead and stay ahead, rather than as a public good that also benefits the overall society. In the absence of vibrant industrial labor markets, job prospects for school leavers are poor, which places an inflated premium on educational credentials. The collapse of formal economies combined with high population growth rates suggests that higher social rates of return might accrue from more investments in nonformal adult education aimed at improving the skills and labor productivity of rural populations.
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Changing boundaries between categories of knowledge, together with changing relations with propositional and experiential knowledge, demand reconsideration of what counts as learning. Such re‐contextualisation processes can be approached from three standpoints: deconstruction‐decoding (learning as a differentiated set of related practices), refocusing‐repositioning (situating learning sites in a life‐course perspective) and reconstruction‐recoding (specifying pedagogic discourse to embrace non‐formal and informal learning). Learning in second modernity might hold emancipatory promise, but this requires fundamental re‐structuring of teaching/learning contexts in all respects, not least in the re‐positioning of all learners as adults, in the sense of being autonomous and responsible shapers of their potentially highly differentiated learning biographies – but it equally heralds an intensification of discipline of the self.
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The topic of informal learning and work has quickly become a staple in contemporary work and adult learning research internationally. The narrow conceptualization of work is briefly challenged before the article turns to a review of the historical origins as well as contemporary theories and methods involved in researching informal learning and work. I review leading theoretical models by Livingstone, Eraut and Illeris, and summarize established methods in terms of case study, ethnographic and interview approaches, survey approaches and situated micro-analytic approaches. I argue that no single theoretical model or methodological approach has yet established dominance, and that these models and methods largely speak to distinctive, not wholly incompatible, features of the phenomena in question. I argue this suggests the potential for cross-fertilization of ideas is high.
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In 1973, the evolutionary biologist Leigh Van Valen of the University of Chicago devised what he called the "Red Queen Effect" to describe the growth and development of species. It stipulated that an evolutionary system must continue to develop just to maintain its fitness relative to others evolving in its environment. The literary reference is to the well-known passage in Lewis Carroll's "Alice Through the Looking Glass" where the Red Queen interrupts the conversation to grab Alice by the hand and start running at a breakneck pace. After some minutes of sprinting, Alice notes with wonder that they are still in the same spot. Nothing unusual, the Red Queen remarks dryly; in her country "it takes all the running you can do to keep in the same place". Social sustainability--or the attempt to devise societies that do not self-destruct or destroy their own environment--arguably has some of the same characteristics. Reaching and then maintaining a relative plateau where human needs are met and the human instinct for personal and social growth is accommodated is likely to be a moving target, not to say an ambition that will require widespread artistry and a good deal of vigilance to achieve. It is not simply a destination or a goal to be attained, but rather a lasting challenge. Meeting it presupposes that people everywhere have finely honed abilities to adjust to the many internal convulsions and exogenous shocks that society and the environment may sustain--and to respond individually and collectively by bringing them back each time on to a viable and sustainable track. Sustainability therefore clearly entails a highly developed social and individual capacity for "learning"--but learning that goes well beyond the limits of the conventional elementary, secondary and higher education systems. Those institutions are normatively responsible for turning their charges into good learners; but the cycle between environmental and social disequilibria the one hand and curricular response in formal institutions of schooling and socialisation on the other, let alone the accession of new cohorts to the labour market and to positions of social responsibility, is a long one. In fact, in most circumstances it is much too long for school-based reform to serve as the principal avenue for social adjustment and the achievement of a sustainable, steady-state equilibrium. In order to map out and encourage the learning processes in question, a broader view of education is required. Philip Coombs's classic distinction among formal, nonformal and informal education remains very serviceable in this regard. It is one quite familiar to the readers of "Convergence" and to all those interested in adult education. However, for our purposes it is useful to note that these three spheres can be thought of as concentric: informal learning--by far the largest domain--surrounds and penetrates all types of non formal education or training programmes, which in turn envelop and surround schooling. Almost no one goes directly from school into the workplace or social life without passing through the transitional spheres of non-formal and informal learning. These large "buffering" layers of the educational system serve to smooth the relationship of its formal components to their social context and to extend learning capacity throughout the life span. They will arguably become increasingly vital and developed as the population ages and as humans strive to adopt new ways of working, living and coexisting that place less strain on the environment. [Abstract presented in both English and Spanish.]
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This article aims to develop a paradigm of lifelong learning situations. The starting point is the EU-Commission policy document where three kinds of learning situations are identified: formal, non-formal and informal. The article tries to deepen this categorisation by searching for the underlying ontological and epistemological dimensions. The ontological dimension consists of three corresponding realities — formal, non-formal and informal reality. The formal reality is a world of generalities. The non-formal reality is a world of individualities – and not just of individual human beings. In the same way, the epistemological dimension consists of three corresponding kinds of knowledge: formal, non-formal and informal. Formal knowledge is a knowing you can formulate, basically as concepts in thoughts possible to formulate in words. Non-formal knowledge consists of the learner's ability to see and sense what an actual event shows and (literally) make sense-ible. It is a circumstantial knowledge. As for informal knowledge, you cannot have that ability. But, in the moment of happening, the event will give you this ability to see and sense what to do and how to do — as a whim or fancy from nowhere. Informal knowledge is epiphanic. These two dimensions form a nine field paradigm of different kinds of learning settings. In relation to the formal, non-formal and informal reality the conceptual knowledge will be produced in the academic setting; the learning setting of conceptualising reflection; the learning setting of ignorance. The circumstantial knowledge will be developed in the master-apprentice learning setting; the learning setting of trial and error; the setting of accidental learning. The epiphanic knowledge will be revealed in the learning setting of self-evident clearness; the learning setting of individual unique simplicity; the learning setting of vivifying activities.
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Informal Learning in Youth Work offers fresh perspectives on all aspects of informal education in the youth work setting. Designed to develop the reader's knowledge and skills, this comprehensive textbook explores key issues such as communication, power relations, ethics, gender exclusion, sexuality, race discrimination and social class. The author places particular emphasis on conversation as a key means of promoting informal learning and engaging effectively with young people.