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From one crisis to another. Tourism and housing in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands, Spain)

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More than one decade after the global crisis of 2008 had started, many Spanish cities entered a phase of post-crisis, marked by a positive macroeconomic setting. Tourism, as a coping strategy, has contributed to this growth, but it has also led to numerous conflicts, summarized by the emerging discussion about overtourism. In Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain), the arrival of short-term rentals is associated with a new crisis on the housing market, as the city shows one of the highest growth rates in rental prices in Spain and a severe shortage on the rental market. This paper analyzes how local stakeholders perceive the ongoing process between crisis, post-crisis and overtourism using qualitative interviews. The conducted material reveals that the housing crisis is linked to the effects of overtourism. However, the causes are multi-faceted and a consequence of the 2008 crisis. This is shown by different aspects, such as housing supply, socio-economic vulnerabilities of residents and political issues. Tourism and housing are both cause and result of this complex relationship between crisis and post-crisis. Hence, coping strategies need to address the underlying structures to overcome the crisis symptoms.
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SOCIETAT D’HISTÒRIA
NATURAL DE LES BALEARS
Sostenibilidad turística:
overtourism vs undertourism
Pons, G.X., Blanco-Romero, A., Navalón-García, R.,
Troitiño-Torralba, L. y Blázquez-Salom, M. (eds.).
,
Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31
Sugerencia de cita de la obra:
Obra completa:
Pons, G.X., Blanco-Romero, A., Navalón-García, R., Troitiño-Torralba, L. y Blázquez-
Salom, M. (eds.). 2020. Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism. Mon.
Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31: 610 pp. ISBN 978-84-09-22881-2. Palma (Illes Balears).
Capítulo
Pitarch-Garrido, M.D. and Zornoza, C., 2020. Changes in the use of the Spanish litoral land
(2008-2018). An announced saturation. In: Pons, G.X., Blanco-Romero, A., Navalón-
García, R., Troitiño-Torralba, L. and Blázquez-Salom, M. (eds.). Sostenibilidad
Turística: overtourism vs undertourism. Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31: 405-415.
ISBN 978-84-09-22881-2. Palma (Illes Balears).
Este monográfico es una contribución a los proyectos de investigación del Ministerio de
Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades y Agencia Estatal de Investigación financiado con
fondos FEDER, titulados:
Overtourism in Spanish Coastal Destinations. Tourism Degrowth Strategies” (RTI2018-
094844-B-C31), https://overtourism-degrowth.uib.eu/
Turismo de interior en España: Retos, valorización y estrategias ante situaciones
cambiantes y de crisis para impulsar productos y destinos turísticos. Dinámicas de casos”
(CSO2016-74861-R).
Análisis de procesos de planificación aplicados a ciudades y destinos turísticos inteligentes.
Balance y propuesta metodológica para espacios turísticos: Smart Tourism Planning (STP)
(CSO2017-82592-R)
Transformaciones del paisaje urbano histórico inducidas por el turismo: contradicciones y
controversias, gobierno y gobernanza local,- CSO2016-75470-R / PAITUR-Ciudad - 2017-
2019. *Proyecto de I+D+I correspondiente al Programa Estatal de Investigación,
Desarrollo e Innovación Orientada a los Retos de la Sociedad.
Primera edición: octubre 2020
del texto: los autores
de la edición: Societat d’Història Natural de les Balears
Carrer Margalida Xirgu 16 baixos 07011 Palma (Illes Balears)
www.shnb.org email: publicacions@shnb.org
Fotos portada: Calpe (Alicante) (Foto Macià Blàzquez); Las Ramblas de Barcelona (Foto Macià
Blàzquez); Campos de cereales de Berzosa (Soria) (Foto Asunción Blanco-Romero); Naveta des
Tudons (Ciutadella, Menorca) (Foto Macià Blàzquez).
Depósito legal, DL PM 695-2020
ISBN 978-84-09-22881-2
Impressión: https://www.printcolorweb.com/
Comité organitzador:
Asunción Blanco Romero (presidenta) (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Macià Blàzquez Salom (Universitat de les Illes Balears)
Rosario Navalón García (Universitat d’Alacant)
Guillem X. Pons (Universitat de les Illes Balears)
Libertad Troitiño Torralba (Universidad Complutense de Madrid).
Instituciones organizadoras
Grupo de Geografía del Turismo Ocio y Recreación. Asociación Española de
Geografía (AGE)
IGU-UGI Unión Geográfica Internacional - Turismo
Societat d’Història Natural de les Balears (SHNB)
Universitat de les Illes Balears (UIB)
Institut Menorquí d’Estudis (IME)
Consell Insular de Menorca (CIMe) Agència Menorca Reserva de la Biosfera
Instituciones patrocinadoras:
Agència d’Estratègia Turística de les Illes Balears (AETIB)
Comité Científico
Salvador Antón Clavé, Universitat Rovira i Virgili.
Carlos Baños Castiñeira, Universitat d’Alacant.
Asunción Blanco Romero, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
Macià Blàzquez Salom, Universitat de les Illes Balears.
Gemma Cànoves, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
Manuel de la Calle Vaquero, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
Alfonso Fernández Tabales, Universidad de Sevilla.
María García Hernández, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
Jesús M. González Pérez, Universitat de les Illes Balears.
María Gravari-Barbas, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne.
Carmen Hidalgo Giralt, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
Josep Ivars Baidal, Universitat d’Alacant.
Rubén C. Lois González, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela.
Francisco López Palomeque, Universitat de Barcelona.
Joseph M. Cheer, Wakayama University. (Japan. Center for Tourism Research).
Carmen Mínguez, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
Dieter Müller, Umeå University.
Rosario Navalón García, Universitat d’Alacant.
Enrique Navarro Jurado, Universidad de Málaga.
Antonio J. Palacios García, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
María Dolores Pitarch, Universitat de València.
Guillem X. Pons, Universitat de les Illes Balears.
Onofre Rullan Salamanca, Universitat de les Illes Balears.
Xosé Santos, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela.
Moisés Simancas Cruz, Universidad de La Laguna.
José Somoza Medina, Universidad de León.
Libertad Troitiño Torralba, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
Manuel Valenzuela Rubio, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
Julie Wilson, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya.
From one crisis to another. Tourism and housing in
post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife
(Canary Islands, Spain)
Marcus HÜBSCHER and Johannes RINGEL
SHNB
SOCIETAT D’HISTÒRIA
NATURAL DE LES BALEARS
Hübscher, M. and Ringel, J. 2020. From one crisis to another. Tourism and housing
in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands, Spain). In: Pons, G.X., Blanco-
Romero, A., Navalón-García, R., Troitiño-Tor r a lba, L. and Blázquez-Salom, M.
(eds.). Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism. Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat.
Balears, 31: 283-294. ISBN 978-84-09-22881-2. Palma (Illes Balears).
More than one decade after the global crisis of 2008 had started, many Spanish cities
entered a phase of post-crisis, marked by a positive macroeconomic setting. Tourism,
as a coping strategy, has contributed to this growth, but it has also led to numerous
conflicts, summarized by the emerging discussion about overtourism. In Santa Cruz
de Tenerife (Spain), the arrival of short-term rentals is associated with a new crisis on
the housing market, as the city shows one of the highest growth rates in rental prices
in Spain and a severe shortage on the rental market. This paper analyzes how local
stakeholders perceive the ongoing process between crisis, post-crisis and overtourism
using qualitative interviews. The conducted material reveals that the housing crisis is
linked to the effects of overtourism. However, the causes are multi-faceted and a
consequence of the 2008 crisis. This is shown by different aspects, such as housing
supply, socio-economic vulnerabilities of residents and political issues. Tourism and
housing are both cause and result of this complex relationship between crisis and
post-crisis. Hence, coping strategies need to address the underlying structures to
overcome the crisis symptoms.
Keywords: overtourism, crisis, post-crisis, housing market, Canary Islands.
DE UNA CRISIS A OTRA. TURISMO Y VIVIENDA EN LA POST-CRISIS
SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE (ISLAS CANARIAS, ESPAÑA). Más de una década
después de que comenzara la crisis mundial de 2008, muchas ciudades españolas han
entrado en una fase de post-crisis, marcada por un entorno macroeconómico positivo.
El turismo ha contribuido a este crecimiento, pero también ha causado conflictos,
discutidos bajo el concepto de sobreturismo. En Santa Cruz de Tenerife, se plantea la
hipótesis de que la llegada de la vivienda vacacional ha provocado una nueva crisis
en el mercado inmobiliario, ya que la ciudad muestra una de las mayores tasas de
crecimiento en los precios de alquiler en España y una escasez en el mercado. Este
ensayo analiza como los actores locales perciben esta situación entre crisis, post-
crisis y sobreturismo mediante entrevistas cualitativas. El material revela que la crisis
de la vivienda está vinculada a los efectos del sobreturismo. Sin embargo, las causas
son multifacéticas y una consecuencia de la crisis de 2008. Esto se muestra en la
producción de viviendas, las vulnerabilidades socioeconómicas y cuestiones
políticas. El turismo y la vivienda son a la vez causa y resultado de esta compleja
relación entre crisis y post-crisis. Por lo tanto, las estrategias de afrontamiento deben
abordar las estructuras subyacentes para superar los síntomas de la crisis.
Palabras clave: sobreturismo, crisis, post-crisis, mercado de viviendas, Islas
Canarias.
Marcus HÜBSCHER, huebscher@wifa.uni-leipzig.de, University of Leipzig, Institute
of Urban Development and Construction Management, Grimmaische Straße 12,
284 Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31 (2020). Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism
04109 Leipzig (Germany); Johannes RINGEL, ringel@wifa.uni-leipzig.de,
University of Leipzig, Institute of Urban Development and Construction
Management, Grimmaische Straße 12, 04109 Leipzig (Germany)
Manuscript reception: 25-may-2020; revision accepted: 3-august-2020.
Introduction
A rising number of cities around the globe is facing overtourism. In Spain, as one of the
world’s most visited countries, this trend is shaped and overlapped by large
macroeconomic trends. The financial crisis from 2008 is one of those moments that hit the
Spanish tourist model severely (Murray Mas 2015). More than ten years later,
macroeconomic numbers indicate an economic recovery such as an increase of the national
GDP by 20 % and a reduction of the unemployment rate of 57 % (between 2014 and 2019;
INE 2020a; INE 2020b). In many cities, tourism plays a fundamental role during this
recovery process, fuelled by the arrival of short-term rental platforms such as Airbnb
(Cócola Gant, 2016), but also a notable growth of cruise tourism in coastal cities (Cruz
Ruiz et al., 2018). In this context of post-crisis, restructuration processes with considerable
dynamics are identified (Janoschka et al. 2019). The above-mentioned phase of expanding
tourism seems to have led to new crisis-like symptoms not from a macroeconomic point
of view but yet affecting everyday life of residents. The increasing imbalance on the
housing market is one of these symptoms (Goodwin 2017). Although in many cities, crisis,
post-crisis and overtourism are concepts that overlap each other, they are often investigated
separately. Hence, in this paper, we try to integrate these aspects in order to explain current
crisis symptoms on the housing market using the case study Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain.
We choose Santa Cruz as a case study for three reasons. Firstly, the city has
experienced a stronger recession compared to other Spanish regions, which is shown in the
eight highest unemployment rate nationwide in 2014 (33.2 %, while the Spanish average
was 25.9 %; INE 2020b). Secondly, Santa Cruz faces considerable post-crisis dynamics,
reflected in tourism and the housing market. While overnight tourism grew 49 %, numbers
in cruise tourism even sextupled during the last twenty years (1998 to 2018; Turismo de
Tenerife 2019; Autoridad Portuaria Santa Cruz de Tenerife 2020). On the housing market,
the city shows growth rates in rental prices that are in line with Spanish top markets (39 %
between 2014 and 2019; López Rodríguez and Llanos Matea 2019: 7). Thirdly, within the
academic discourse, a strong focus on large cities with quantitatively obvious trends of
overtourism such as Madrid, Barcelona or Palma de Mallorca is observed. Santa Cruz, as a
Spanish medium-sized city with 200,000 inhabitants, has not been analyzed from this
perspective. However, the presented numbers indicate new crisis symptoms which have
already been taken up the media (Marrero 2019; El Día 2019).
This paper presents the following structure. In the next chapter, the concepts of crisis,
post-crisis and overtourism are analyzed from a theoretical point of view. Based on an
identified research gap, this paper shifts the focus from a parameter-based understanding of
the concepts to a more qualitative approach. This is done by means of the case study, which
is introduced in chapter three. Chapter four deconstructs the linkages between the aspects
mentioned above to understand the local housing crisis in Santa Cruz. Therefore,
qualitative interviews with local stakeholders in the field of planning, politics and real
M. Hübscher and J. Ringe, Tourism and housing in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands) 285
estate are used. It is of particular interest to find out how these stakeholders assess this
crisis and whether or not they see interdependencies with the 2008 financial and economic
crisis and the subsequent post-crisis. The last chapter draws a conclusion and tries to
identify new research perspectives based on the findings.
Crisis, post-crisis and overtourism
The concept of crisis is inevitably contrasted to the status of normality. Each crisis
brings about a situation, where new patterns are created while old-established rules loose
importance (Janoschka 2018: 31). The past global crisis that started in 2008 has been
studied from numerous perspectives, including social, urban, tourism-related and economic
points of view. Still, there is a strong dominance on the latter aspect, as economic
performances are regarded to be the common understanding of what is considered as crisis
or post-crisis (Neuhauser 2018: 448). In 2014, Spain’s president declared that “the crisis is
history” (Cué 2014). This observation parallels a growing scientific discourse about post-
crisis. Between 2008 and 2019, the number of scientific contributions on that topic
increased eightfold (own calculation; Web of Science 2020).
Tourism has played an ambiguous role in Spain since 2008. While visitor numbers first
responded sensitively to the global crisis (-8 % between 2008 and 2010), they bounced
back and started growing only two years after the crisis had started (59 % between 2010
and 2019; Turespaña 2020). Consequently, tourism became a centerpiece of economic
recovery and the emerging post-crisis situation. It comes as no surprise that overtourism
arises as a new buzzword (Fletcher et al., 2019: 1745). The concept helps people to
pronounce their concerns about tourism (Goodwin 2017: 1). However, the term lacks
clarity and remains fuzzy, as Capocchi et al. (2019: 8) describe based on their literature
review on the topic. The critics regarding tourism are not new and the problems
overtourism provoke remain similar, but new is a spatial dispersion of the phenomenon.
Not only is a bigger number of cities far away from traditional tourist hotspots affected
(Koens 2018: 9). From an intra-urban perspective tourism also spreads to quarters, that
were formerly not visited by tourists. This is discussed as one of the spatial consequences
of short-term rentals and has, together with the 2008 global crisis, generated a completely
new setting for tourism development (Romero Padilla et al., 2019: 27).
Now, how do these concepts help to understand the case study? This article argues that
the current crisis on the housing market in Santa Cruz and probably elsewhere as well, are
shaped by crisis, post-crisis and overtourism. This is researched by shifting the focus to the
stakeholders’ perspectives for two reasons.
Firstly, overtourism as a concept contains highly subjective parts in its definitions. The
term is described as a situation where locals “feel that there are too many visitors”
(Goodwin, 2017: 1). Consequently, overtourism is difficult to measure and it highly
depends on each local context, since the level of saturation is perceived differently (Milano,
2018: 553). This makes a qualitative study of local stakeholders’ opinions indispensable to
understand their perception of the situation.
Secondly, little research has been done on the narratives of what different social groups
understand when it comes to crisis and post-crisis. One exception is the study presented by
Neuhauser (2018), analysing the perspectives of Latin American immigrants on what is
286 Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31 (2020). Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism
referred to as crisis and post-crisis. In the field of housing markets, both terms are indeed
used continuously from 2008 on (see for example Vives Miró, 2018). This is why
reconstructing the urban stakeholders’ perspectives will contribute to a clearer
understanding of what crisis and post-crisis on the housing market mean.
Santa Cruz: from crisis to post-crisis and back again?
The previous chapter has presented the main concepts of this paper. We will now focus
on the case study Santa Cruz de Tenerife and describe both moments crisis and post-crisis
in the city.
2008’s financial and economic crisis marked the moment when real estate markets in
Spain began struggling (Altvater 2009: 4). Since then, shrinkage and recession have been
the predominant conditions of Santa Cruz’ urbanism. This is reflected for example in
duplication of unemployment rates, a considerable loss of population and in several other
indicators on the housing market (Table 1). Compared to other regions, a stronger recession
can be observed. The Canary Islands faced the second-highest unemployment rate
compared to other European NUTS-2 regions in 2014 (Eurostat 2020).
change in
crisis
(2008-2014)
post-crisis
(2014-2019)
population
-7.5 %
1.7 %
unemployment rate
137.3 %
-44.5 %
tourist numbers
1.9 %
5.5 %
housing prices
-25.6 %
16.3 %
rental prices
-15.7 %
45.8 %
number of constructed housing units
-97.5 %
689.6 %
clearances on the housing market
410 %
-
Table 1. Crisis and post-crisis parameters in Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Own elaboration based on
García Hernández et al. (2018), ISTAC (2019), Cabildo de Tenerife (2019), Idealista (2020), INE
(2020c), MTMAU (2020).
Tabla 1. Parámetros de la crisis y post-crisis en Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Elaboración propia a base
de García Hernández et al. (2018), ISTAC (2019), Cabildo de Tenerife (2019), Idealista (2020), INE
(2020c), MTMAU (2020).
From 2015 on, several indicators marked the beginning of a stage of post-crisis in Santa
Cruz. This is shown by the decrease in unemployment, but it is also accompanied by a
considerable growth of overnight stays during the last ten years of 64.1 % (between 2009
and 2019, Cabildo de Tenerife, 2019). However, this post-crisis euphoria is not perceived
in each sector. Particularly on Santa Cruz’ housing market, a growing imbalance can be
observed. Rents increased about more than 45 %, reaching similar levels than before the
crisis (Idealista, 2020). This extraordinary growth has been labelled as a “black swan”
because it is unexpected and somewhat difficult to explain (Marrero, 2019). The
development takes place in spite of the shrinking population in Santa Cruz (Table 1),
although Spanish cities typically show a strong positive correlation between demographic
and real estate development (López Rodríguez and Llanos Matea, 2019: 14). Santa Cruz
M. Hübscher and J. Ringe, Tourism and housing in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands) 287
does not fit in this logic because it is among the top seven Spanish cities with the highest
increase in average asking rental prices from 2014 until 2019 (López Rodríguez and Llanos
Matea, 2019: 7). In 2018, Santa Cruz even shows the biggest growth rate, compared to
other Spanish regions (13.2 %; Ministerio de Fomento, 2019: 16). Hence, there must be
other factors that explain the dynamics. Statistics on visitors insinuate that tourism plays a
fundamental role, particularly since sharing platforms became an important part of it. In
other cities such as Barcelona, the same has been argued (Blanco Romero et al., 2018: 14).
Nevertheless, it remains difficult to measure the quantitative impact of short-term rentals
on the housing market (Etxezarreta Etxarri et al., 2020). Apart from that, the growing
literature on sharing platform economies often lacks to integrate the contexts of crisis and
post-crisis. Hence, in the following chapter, we combine these aspects by exploring the
current housing crisis in Santa Cruz.
Structural dependencies between crisis and post-crisis
Based on the identified research gap, we puts the focus on local stakeholders’
perspectives. Seven qualitative interviews were conducted in August and September of
2019 and in March 2020. The interviews were recorded, anonymized and analyzed using
MAXQDA. The choice of stakeholders is intended to cover different areas that are
considered to be relevant on Santa Cruz’ housing market (see Table 2). The results of these
interviews are complemented by statistics and findings of the existing literature.
area
function
no.
real estate
representative of the local real estate organization
I1
real estate agent
I3
urban planning
representative of urban planning office, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
I2
former head of the Architectural Association of the Canary Islands
I7
politics
member of the city council, responsible for urbanism, former
representative of the urban planning office
I6
local organizations
representative of a local preservationist movement
I4
member of a local environmental association
I5
Table 2. Choice of interview partners.
Tabla 2. La elección de entrevistados.
All of the interviewed stakeholders agreed on the fact that Santa Cruz’ housing market
is showing (new) crisis-related symptoms: “We’re in a post-crisis era, but I’m also telling
you, we are going back to another type of crisis” (I1 2019: 10). This ‘new’ situation does
not necessarily refer to a general economic downturn, as it was induced by the breakdown
of the financial system in 2008. However, the interviewees see at least five structural
dependencies between crisis and post-crisis which are explained below.
Firstly, 2008’s crisis resulted in structural deficits on the supply side of housing
production. On the one hand, a considerable share of project developers become bankrupt
during the crisis. This has led to a loss of 1.3 million jobs in Spain’s construction sector
(García Serrano 2012: 169). Prior to 2008’s crisis, the Canary Islands belonged to the top
four regions in Spain with the highest share of employees working in the construction
288 Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31 (2020). Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism
sector. Consequently, archipelago faced the second highest reduction of this value between
2008 and 2016 (INE 2020e). In the province of Santa Cruz alone, the number of project
developers decreased more than 60 %, as the representative of the local real estate
organization points out (I1 2019: 8). On the other hand, the remaining entities are much
more cautious when it comes to developing new projects (I1 2019: 8). Consequently,
between 2013 and 2016 only two to three percent was constructed compared to 2008
(MTMAU 2020). This explains the shortage of new housing units, also because production
is only slowly increasing since 2016: “There is nowhere to live” (I7 2020: 117). This is
linked to an investment delay in the existing housing stock. A considerable share of the
buildings is in a bad physical condition and not suitable for the market (I1 2019: 8; see also
Fig. 1). A quantitative analysis of 53 quarters of Santa Cruz even shows that 35.8 % of the
quarters are in need of complete renovation (Hübscher 2020: 75). On a national level, the
2008’s crisis shows (again), that the construction sector is highly volatile. During the last
phases of economic expansion and shrinkage in Spain, the construction sector has always
responded more sensitively compared to services or industry (García Serrano 2012: 169).
The consequences are thus both product and intensifier of the crisis, also because Spain has
the highest dependency between the housing market and economic activity in Europe
(Bandt et al. 2010: 40).
Fig. 1. Symptoms of the housing crisis in Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Left: unfinished and abandoned
construction of a building. Right: vacant housing in bad physical condition. Own photos.
Fig. 1. Síntomas de la crisis de la vivienda en Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Izquierda: construcción
inacabada. Derecha: Edificio abandonado en un estado deteriorado. Fotografías propias.
Secondly, the low supply parallels a high demand for housing real estate as a
consequence of the post-crisis situation on the capital market. Not only did the interest rate
applied to mortgage loans decrease from 2014 on, but also was the average repayment
period extended by almost 70 % (fixed interest rate loans; Alves and Artasun 2019: 7).
Both aspects have increased the attractivity of housing on the capital market (I1 2019: 14).
The shift to “real” values observed during the crisis might also be explained by low-profit
perspectives in other asset classes (López Rodríguez and Llanos Matea 2019: 9). It is
exactly this setting, which has transformed housing “from a physical commodity into a
M. Hübscher and J. Ringe, Tourism and housing in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands) 289
financial asset” (Beswick et al., 2016: 11) and has already unleashed gentrification
processes, as has been researched in Germany (Schipper and Wiegand 2015: 16). Buying
property is also considered as a means to gain independence for residents, especially in a
context of rising prices on the rental market: “It’s cheaper [than renting a flat] and I will
have my own property. I’m not risking that in three or five years they’ll tell me, go away,
or I’ll raise the rent by x” (I3 2019: 26).
Simultaneously, a growing number of inhabitants cannot afford to purchase a residential
property. Hence, the third aspect is the new social situation as a result of the financial and
economic crisis that adds to the increasing demand on the rental market. This aspect was
named by only two interviewees. However, it is a nationwide trend because growing socio-
economic inequality is observed in Spain since 2008 (Bonhomme and Hospido 2017: 2).
This post-crisis vulnerability (Piñeira Mantiñán et al. 2018: 10) has led to a growing
demand on the rental market because fewer residents can afford to buy a property. A
turning point on the Spanish housing market is the consequence of that. For the first time
since 1950, the share of rented apartments grew by 3.8 % percentage points (between 2008
and 2018; Ministerio de Fomento, 2019: 5). The Canary Islands stand out among the
Spanish autonomous communities, as they are not only characterized by the highest share
of rented flats (44.4 % higher than the Spanish average; Ministerio de Fomento 2019: 7)
but even face the strongest decline of households with housing property since 2014 (a drop
of 16 %; INE 2020d). In Santa Cruz only a limited number of rental flats is available (I4
2019: 64) and the existing ones are too expensive (I3 2019: 16). Simultaneously, Santa
Cruz is the city with the third highest unemployment rate on the Canary Islands (23.2 % in
2019; Datosmacro 2020). It is particularly the younger generation, that fails to find
appropriate accommodation a problem, that is observed in whole Spain (Fuster et al.
2019: 585) and entails young people leaving Santa Cruz and moving to cheaper
municipalities in the surroundings (I6 2020: 34).
Fourthly, politics on different administrative levels did not develop efficient strategies
to provide incentives to overcome the described imbalance. From the supply-side
perspective, an increasingly complicated law system, overregulation and bureaucracy are
identified as obstacles that aggravate the paralysis on the housing market. This is pointed
out by the former president of the architectural association of Tenerife (I7 2020: 14). From
the demand-side perspective, the state failed to relaunch public programs to offer
affordable housing units for the growing number of residents in need during the last ten
years (I1 2019: 8). Spain’s housing stock currently contains a share of 3 % social housing.
This number is indeed comparable to other Mediterranean housing markets, but it is
significantly lower than in other European countries such as France (17 %) or the
Netherlands (30 %, EFPCSH 2019: 6). In local discourses in Santa Cruz, a high demand for
these housing programs is highlighted (I5 2019: 72). In this context, political and economic
paralyzation is observed as each side blame each other for having provoked the crisis (I1
2019: 8). This is also detected as one of the central characteristics of the neoliberal city,
which focusses on economic interests rather than social needs (Romero et al. 2015: 372).
Fifthly, tourism adds to the already stressed situation on the housing market, although it
plays an ambivalent role in the contexts of crisis and post-crisis. On the one hand, from
2008 on, it has proved to be a relatively stable economic pillar in Spain. This is why
fostering tourism has become one of the central strategies during the crisis (Janoschka
290 Mon. Soc. Hist. Nat. Balears, 31 (2020). Sostenibilidad Turística: overtourism vs undertourism
2018: 29). Statistics show that visitor numbers grew impressively from 57 to 84 million in
Spain (46%) and from 9 to 13 million on the Canary Islands (41%, both from 2008 to 2019;
Turespaña 2020). Among local discourses, this growth is perceived as something positive
a comprehensible way of thinking (I5 2019: 68) as 40.4% of all employees work in the
tourist industry and are thus highly dependent on it (Exceltur and Gobierno de Canarias
2019). At the same time, the structural problems on the supply side of the housing market
described above add to a further de-diversification of the economic structure. This
increases the vulnerability to external shocks, which is shown by the effects of the COVID-
19 pandemic and its impact on tourism (Gössling et al., 2020). On the other hand, the
arrival of short-term rentals in Santa Cruz is causing controversial discussions among the
stakeholders. Short-term rentals as new business models “came to stay” and “activate not
only the touristic zones but also other regions such as Santa Cruz or La Laguna” (I1 2019:
16). This geographical dispersion of tourism has also been observed in other cities (Romero
Padilla et al., 2019: 27). Hence, short-term rentals “generate new economies […] that are
beneficial for all of us” (I1 2019: 16). At the same time, platforms such as Airbnb are made
responsible for the current housing crisis: “I don’t agree with the vacation rental. I’m
against it. Because this is precisely what has led us to this situation.” (I3 2019: 30), as a
local real estate agent points out. The boom of short-term rentals is also traced back to the
fact that there is still no valid local or regional legislation (I2 2019: 24), a further evidence
for the failure of policymakers.
Conclusion
This paper takes up the already existing academic discourses related to crisis, post-crisis
and overtourism. In the urban arena of local housing markets, studies sometimes fail to
integrate these concepts. We show how these aspects are intertwined using the example of
the housing market in Santa Cruz de Tenerife. We have chosen a stakeholder-centered
analysis. The aim was not to find a complete list of characteristics that shape the current
housing crisis in Santa Cruz or explain its reasons. It was rather intended to understand
how the new crisis is perceived locally and which linkages are constructed between crisis,
post-crisis and overtourism.
The interviewees acknowledge the current positive macroeconomic setting that Santa
Cruz is located in and describe this phase as post-crisis. Simultaneously, they are aware of
the new crisis symptoms on the housing market. We identify five aspects, that characterize
the current housing crisis in Santa Cruz:
The 2008’s crisis has seriously damaged the supply side of housing production
which leads to much lower production numbers than necessary.
New logics on the financial markets have increased the interest in real estate as
an asset class and thus put pressure on the prices.
The economic and financial crisis has deepened socio-economic vulnerabilities
of inhabitants, increasing the demand for rented apartments.
Politics fail to find appropriate answers to the emerging disparity on the
housing market, particularly with regard to affordable housing and short-term
rentals.
M. Hübscher and J. Ringe, Tourism and housing in post-crisis Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Canary Islands) 291
Tourism, a coping strategy to overcome the crisis, contributes to the shortage
of housing, particularly as short-term rentals compete to rental apartments.
Based on these findings, different conclusions for research and practice can be drawn.
In Santa Cruz, the growing imbalance on the housing market is many-faceted. The reasons
for that imbalance are rather structurally rooted in the past financial and economic crisis
from 2008 and are highly linked to each other. Overtourism contributes to the imbalance.
This is problematic because urban policies have actively promoted touristification in Santa
Cruz as a coping strategy for facing the crisis. However, it would be wrong to neglect the
other aspects that add to the current situation. Critical studies on overtourism’s impact on
the housing market should not only focus on the bivariate relation between tourism and
housing but rather embed them into the context of crisis and post-crisis. Tourism and
housing are both causes and products of the crises in the city.
For Santa Cruz urban development, this paper shows that tackling the described
problems on the housing market is complex, as many different areas are involved. It thus
becomes clear that only a broad-scale strategy will be effective. This is not only a local but
even a national challenge because different spatial levels are involved. On the local level,
public authorities try to demonstrate their willingness to tackle the above-mentioned
problems by means of the megaproject “Santa Cruz Verde 2030”. The plan transforms the
current oil refinery into a mixed-use neighborhood on 573,000 sqm (Hübscher 2019: 17). It
will produce firstly a considerable amount of new housing units that might contribute to
filling the gap on the market. Secondly, a strong focus on hotels and other touristic
infrastructure is observed, that is promised to provide new jobs in the city. Neither of these
instruments will change any of the above-mentioned causes of the housing crisis. On the
contrary, the megaproject will reinforce the touristification on the city’s waterfront and thus
exacerbate the housing crisis in the long run. This is why current coping strategies in the
neoliberal city need to be revised critically in order to overcome the ongoing crises.
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