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Transitioning Waterscapes of the Two Great Tanks of Delhi: Hauz-i-Shamsi & Hauz-i-Khas

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The evolution of human settlements over the past century and a half has led to a transformation of the contemporary urban environment, with critical changes made to the urban biosphere and its local ecology. The environmental impact of urbanization is reflected in the physiological environment, highlighting the interdependent relationship between nature and society. It has long been established that the relationship between water and society is of great significance, and numerous studies have emphasized the importance of the socio-ecological intertwined relationship with water, resulting in the concept of socionatures. This cyborgial relationship between nature and society cannot be confined within the settlement boundaries, but rather extends beyond them. Urbanization, driven by economic considerations, has resulted in the sporadic growth of settlements, affecting the balance of socionatures. In order to define an ecological approach to urbanization for Delhi, a city that has grown unchecked since independence, a thorough understanding of societal and natural interpretations, as well as the capacity for one to carry the other, must be considered. The paper concentrates on the historical significance of the landscape that supported the machinery, water tanks, and other related components. The improvement of water infrastructure over time was analyzed. The recent studies conducted by social geographers, anthropologists, ecologists, environmental historians and other scholars on this subject are vital and were considered when examining the relationship between society and water infrastructure. The deteriorating condition of historic waterscapes in Delhi requires immediate attention as they hold significant value to the communities they serve. Efforts to arrest the decline and regenerate the ecological system of these historic water bodies are necessary to alleviate the pressure on the current water supply system.
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Tr a n s i t i o n i n g Wa t e r s c a p e s o f t h e Tw o G r e a t
Ta nk s o f D el hi : Hauz-i-Shamsi & Hauz-i-Khas
Iqtedar Alam
Jamia Millia Islamia, ialam@jmi.ac.in
Abstract - The evolution of human settlements into
environmental antithesis over the past century and a
half has ushered in a new era for contemporary urban
environments. Substantial alterations have been made
to the urban ecosystem and its local ecology. The
urban environment embodies these changes through
physiological responses. Nature and society have
never been separate entities. Civilization has always
been influenced by the aquatic landscape that has
sustained it. Numerous studies on the
interdependence between water and society are
available, emphasizing the significance of socio-
ecological interconnectedness with water, resulting in
the formation of socionatures. This relationship is
cyborgial, transcending settlement boundaries, and
represents the continuation of nature within society
and vice versa. Urbanization, driven by economic
factors, has recently led to the sporadic growth of
settlements, disrupting the balance of socionatures.
Can an ecological approach to urbanization be
devised for Delhi, a city that has been growing
unchecked since independence?
To consider the relationship between society and
nature, as well as the ways in which these elements
have evolved, is essential. This paper will concentrate
on the waterscape that supported the historic district
machinery, including water tanks, and the changes
that have occurred in these waterscapes since their
inception. In recent times, social geographers,
anthropologists, ecologists, environmental historians,
and others have contributed to a rich body of
literature on this topic, and their findings must be
incorporated when examining the historical
connections between society and water infrastructure.
The deterioration of historic waterscapes in Delhi
necessitates immediate attention due to their
significant impact on the societies they served. It is
crucial to halt the decline of these historic water
bodies and to initiate efforts towards the ecological
regeneration of such water infrastructure, which may
alleviate the current strain on contemporary supply
systems.
Index TermsEcology, Waterscape, Regeneration,
Infrastructure, Conservation
INTRODUCTION
The establishment of an effective water system in the
five cities of Sultanate Delhi, namely Mehrauli (1192),
Siri (1303), Tughlaqabad (1321), Jahanpanah (1326),
and Firozabad (1354), was faced with numerous
challenges due to the semi-arid nature of Delhi. As a
result, the rulers resorted to various engineering
techniques to harvest and channelize rainwater, which
served as a primary source of water. This harvested
water was stored and utilized throughout the year.
Although Delhi is situated on the banks of the
perennial river Yamuna, only one of the five cities,
Firozabad (1354), was located on its banks, and a
channel from the Yamuna was diverted towards
Tughlaqabad (1321). The other cities of Delhi
primarily chose elevated grounds within the city for
defensive purposes. These cities were built on higher
altitudes or the ridge of the Aravallis. The geography
of Delhi can be generally described as comprising the
lower Aravallis, alluvial plains, and the river. All of
these factors played a crucial role in shaping the
development of the cities of Delhi.
The principal use of the river water was for
navigational and agricultural purposes, and canals
were constructed to divert the water to the farmlands.
The residents of these five cities largely relied on
shallow and groundwater sources, such as wells and
baolis, for their daily needs. However, the rulers of
these cities also developed mechanisms to capture
surface runoff and designed infrastructure to harvest
and store rainwater for use during dry periods. Two
notable examples of this include the water storage
reservoirs located in Mehrauli and Siri, known as
Hauz-i-Shamsi (built by Illtutmish) and Hauz-i-Sultani
or Hauz-i-Alai or Hauz-e-Khas (built by Alauddin Khilji
Iqtedar Alam Vol 2: Urban Transformation
64
and later developed by Firoz Shah Tughlaq). These
reservoirs not only served as water storage facilities for
monsoon rains but also helped to recharge
groundwater. Additionally, many social, cultural, and
religious activities were held near these reservoirs.
Figure 1: Five Cities of Delhi (Sultanate Period)
[Developed from Ibn Battuta’s Four Cities of Delhi (Gibb,
2016) and Murray’s Handbook Map of 1909 on Delhi & Its
Environs]
HAUZ-I-SHAMSI
Hauz-i-Shamsi, situated one mile from the Qutub
Minar, has a fascinating anecdotal history related to
the selection of its site. Named after Shams-ud-Din
Iltumish, the second ruler of the Slave dynasty, the
reservoir was the brainchild of Sultan Iltutmish. He
was uncertain about the location for the tank he
wished to build for the people of Mehrauli. One night,
the Prophet Muhammad appeared to him in a dream,
seated on Buraq, the winged horse, at the site where
the reservoir currently stands. Accompanied by the
famous and revered Sufi saint of Delhi, Khwaja
Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, Iltutmish found the
impression of Buraq’s single hoof on the site, with
water emanating from the impression (Ali, 1926). This
led to the construction of the tank in 1229-1230 A.D.
(Hasan, 1920). Another reference to the site’s
significance comes from Hazrat Ali, the Prophet’s
nephew, who appeared in the dream of both the
Sultan and the Sufi saint (Stephen, 1876), directing
them to the location of the reservoir. The water in the
reservoir is believed to possess healing powers due to
its historical associations with the site identification.
Moreover, a Haji, who had performed the Haj
pilgrimage to Mecca during the holy month of Id-ul-
Adha, offered the Ab-e-Zamzam, the holy water from
Mecca, to the Sultan, who then poured it into the
reservoir, further enhancing its religious value.
The rectangular tank, which spanned 100 acres, was
constructed with red-sandstone (Khan, 1854) and
featured steps and terraces for visitors to access the
water. It was also surrounded by numerous graves,
due to its sacred and holy nature (Rodgers, 1891). The
Auliya Masjid, a three-bay mosque located on the
eastern side of the tank, was believed to have been
constructed using the mud from the Shamsi tank by a
revered Sufi Saint (Safvi, 2018). The tank was
significant culturally, socially, recreationally, and
religiously, and served the pavilions of the Jharna, the
Jahaz Mahal, and the Auliya Mosque (Wadhawan,
1988). The surplus water from the tank, situated on
elevated ground in relation to the surrounding area
and created by the Mehrauli catchment, also provided
for the villages in the north, such as Chirag Dilli,
Khirki Gaon, Begumpur, Hauz Khas, and Kotla
Mubrakpur (Wadhawan, 1988).
The second and most powerful ruler of the Khalji
dynasty, Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316), discovered
the tank to be silted and dry in 1311. He
commissioned the tank to be de-silted and dredged, as
well as repaired and cleaned, in order to restore it to
its original splendor (Habib, 1931; Elliot, 1871). The
court poet of the king, Amir Khusrau, wrote in
Khazainul Futuh that the bed of the tank had been
broken into pieces due to evaporation, and it took two
seasons to restore the tank to its original water level.
Alauddin also added a domed-pavilion, or chattri, at
the center of the tank, where Iltutmish had previously
found the impressions of Buraq’s hoof. The two-
storeyed domed pavilion, which stood on a two-and-a-
half feet elevated square platform with sides
measuring 52 feet, was erected by Iltutmish in honor
of the hoof’s impression on the site (Rodgers, 1891;
Gibb, 2016; Elliot, 1871; Ahmad, 1919). The dome
was supported by 16 stone pillars, eight feet apart, and
enclosed an open chamber (Ahmad, 1919).
Ibn Battuta, a renowned scholar and traveler,
documented during his stay in Delhi, during the reign
of Muhammad bin Tughlaq (r. 1325-1351), that the
tank served as a collection point for surface rainwater
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65
gathered from its catchment area. The western side of
the reservoir featured steps and terraces leading to the
water. On each terrace, there was a stone pavilion
equipped with seating for visitors; however, during the
rainy season, the tank became inaccessible, and the
Khalji pavilion could only be reached by boat (Gibb,
2016). Additionally, Muhammad bin Tughlaq
commissioned the construction of a monumental,
regulated water reservoir, known as Satpula, in the
fourth city of Delhi, Jahanpanah. He built a dam
across the ravines at the city’s edge, equipped with
sluice gates that facilitated the regulation of water flow
(Sharp, 1921).
Figure 2: Pavilion, Hauz-i-Shamsi
According to Futuhat-e-Firoz Shahi, the autobiography
of Firoz Shah Tughlaq (r. 1351-1388), the third ruler
of the Tughlaq dynasty, the king discovered that the
water channels, which supplied the reservoir, had
been obstructed by some of the local inhabitants.
Consequently, the king punished them for their
mischievous behavior. Firoz Shah Tughlaq
subsequently carried out the process of clearing the
water channels (Elliot, 1871), thereby ensuring a
continuous flow of water into the storage reservoir
and enhancing its efficiency. Additionally, he repaired
the Khalji pavilions and the edges of the Shamsi tank.
It is believed that the excess water from the tank fed
the waterfalls around the tank and the moats of the
third Sultanate city, Tughlaqabad, after Firoz Shah
Tughlaq had diverted the excess water to the Naulakh
Canal. Later, when the city was abandoned, the
excess water flowed into the jungle for an extended
period. However, Nawab Ghaziuddin Khan Firoz
Jung (1649-1710) constructed smaller tanks, water
channels, and chutes during the reign of Mughal
emperor Aurangzeb (Safvi, 2018) to address this issue.
According to Saiyid Ahmad Khan, the area of the
tank had decreased to 276 pukhta bighas by 1852. The
sandstone pieces had vanished, and the tank was
unable to hold water for more than four months of the
year due to the clogging of water channels upstream,
which supplied water to the tank. Additionally, the
tank was heavily silted and gradually taking on the
appearance of a pond. A 1902 description of the tank
acknowledged its picturesque surroundings, but noted
that the tank rarely contained water (Fanshawe,
1902). By 1919, the tank had further shrunk to 270
bighas, 8 gaj, and remained silted-up. However, the
people of Mehruali primarily used the water collected
during the monsoon season for drinking purposes.
Some individuals also utilized the space around the
tank’s edges to cultivate watermelons. In 1920, the
domed-pavilion that was once situated in the center of
the tank was relocated to the western edge of the tank
(Hasan, 1920 & Peck, 2005), emphasizing the
disproportionate reduction in the tank’s size. The tank
continued to shrink by 1999, and witnessed a change
in construction materials. Delhi stone had replaced
the original sandstone lining of the tank, and the
inhabitants of the area used the water from the tank
for their daily activities, such as bathing and washing
their cattle (Nanda, 1999).
HAUZ-I-KHAS
Located approximately 4 miles northeast of Hauz-i-
Shamsi lies the next great tank of the Sultanate Delhi,
known as Hauz-i-Khas or Hauz-i-Alai (28.5479° N,
77.2031° E). Hauz-i-Khas was built by the second ruler
of the Khalji dynasty, Alauddin Khalji (Hearn, 1906
& Sharp, 1921), in the year 1295 A.D for the city of
Siri, the second city of Delhi (Stephen, 1876 &
Ahmad, 1919). Initially, it was called Hauz-i-Alai, and
later, when Firoz Shah Tughlaq (Hasan, 1920)
commissioned the restoration and development of the
tank, it came to be known as Hauz-i-Khas. It was a
place of rest and recreation (Safvi, 2018). The
rectangular tank had an area of 70 acres (Sen, 1948)
or 100 bighas (Nath, 1979) and was 2.20 meters in
depth (Roy, 2016). It was enclosed within a stone and
masonry wall (Stephen, 1876). Ibn Battuta (1333)
described the Hauz-i-Alai as a private tank, much
larger in area than the Shamsi tank (As per Rodgers,
the area of the Hauz-i-Shamsi was 100 acres, but it may
have shrunk during Alauddin’s time owing to the
clogging of the water channels upstream). Battuta
mentions the presence of forty pavilions on its sides. In
close proximity to the reservoir was the Tarab-abad
(the city of musicians), which had the most extensive
market, a huge cathedral mosque, and many other
Iqtedar Alam Vol 2: Urban Transformation
66
mosques (Gibb, 2016), highlighting its recreational
significance and religious association.
Over two decades after its construction, Firoz Shah
Tughlaq discovered in 1354 A.D. that the hauz had
been filled with earth and no longer contained water.
Despite this, individuals had dug wells in the area and
were selling the water to both residents and travelers.
Firoz Shah commissioned the cleaning and restoration
of the tank to ensure that it would fill with water each
rainy season and be available for the citizens of Siri
and Jahanpanah. He also built a two-story madarsa, a
double-bay deep gallery with a square domed hall at
its southern and eastern edges, and steps along all its
edges leading to the tank, adding religious and
cultural significance to the site. According to historical
records, Timur, after his victory in Delhi in 1398,
returned to Hauz-i-Khas and camped there, describing
the reservoir as having been built by Firoz Shah
Tughlaq. The reservoir, which was enclosed in stone
and cement, had all sides longer than a bowshot
length, and the banks surrounding it were adorned
with buildings, including Firoz Shah Tughlaq’s tomb.
The water from the tank, which was a rainwater-fed
reservoir, was used to sustain the city’s inhabitants
throughout the year. The square tomb of Firoz Shah
Tughlaq, built by the ruler himself, was covered by a
domical structure raised on an octagonal drum.
Figure 3: Hauz-i-Khas Complex
By 1854, the tank had been entirely covered with
earth, and the land was being cultivated for the storm
water drains that had once fed it had been diverted to
other areas (Roy, 2016; Savfi, 2018). The cultivators
had taken over the galleries and buildings that had
been constructed by Firoz Shah Tughlaq (Stephen,
1876; Rodgers, 1891). In 1919, there was hardly any
trace of the tank left, with the exception of some
broken steps that had once been present at the edges
of the hauz (Ahmad, 1919). Despite this, the land was
still being used for cultivation (Ahmad, 1919). Zafar
Hasan, in 1920, described the tank as a ruined
structure filled with earth. The excavation in 1916
had uncovered the original flight of steps, which were
clad with grey stone (Hasan, 1920). The shrinking
catchment area, combined with development
pressure, made the tank obsolete for its immediate
neighborhood. By 1936, the tank had lost 80% of its
catchment area (Varshney, 2019). The Delhi
Development Authority revived the tank in the early
2000s by pumping water into it from nearby sewage
treatment plants (Roy, 2016), and it is now known as
Hauz Khas lake, attracting many visitors to the site.
The 70-acre tank had since shrunk to 47 acres
(Varshney, 2019).
RECOMMENDATIONS
The past millennium has seen numerous efforts to
harvest rainwater in the semi-arid region of Delhi.
Throughout the centuries, the Sultanate rulers,
Mughals, and Colonials all played a significant role in
the development of the city’s water infrastructure,
constructing baolis, tanks, and kunds, as well as
establishing piped-water supply systems. However, as
urbanization increased, the catchment areas for these
water infrastructure systems underwent a change in
runoff percentage, leading to many of them becoming
obsolete and defunct. This paper aims to highlight the
importance and significance of two major water
infrastructure units of Sultanate Delhi, Hauz-i-Shamsi
and Hauz-i-Khas. Originally covering 100 acres and 70
acres respectively, these tanks have now shrunk to
nearly half their original size due to development
pressure. Furthermore, the storm-water channels that
once fed these tanks have been built upon, and high-
density settlements in Mehrauli and Hauz Khas have
resulted in a negligible percentage of rainwater
reaching the tanks. Consequently, both tanks now rely
solely on piped water-supply systems. Hauz-i-Shamsi has
experienced significant concretization along its edges,
which has led to a reduction in groundwater-table
recharge. Additionally, unregulated sewerage
discharge and the disposal of household waste in the
tank have contributed to its current deplorable state,
despite its once sacred and holy significance.
The urgent need for a comprehensive analysis of the
micro-watershed and catchment areas of all historic
water structures in the city, with a particular focus on
storm-water channels that once supplied water bodies,
cannot be overstated. These storm-water channels
must be revitalized and rehabilitated to ensure the
effective functioning of the water bodies. As of 2018,
Iqtedar Alam Vol 2: Urban Transformation
67
the Delhi Government identified a total of 969 water
bodies, the majority of which are historic and
necessitate immediate investigation into their water
management systems. To address this issue, a
comprehensive water management plan must be
developed for each of these historic water structures,
highlighting their value and significance, and
incorporating measures for de-silting, cleaning, and
restoring their feeder channels.
All forms of studies of water systems have consistently
demonstrated the tangible and intangible benefits of
water infrastructure to both society and the
environment. Therefore, it is crucial that the approach
of interwoven socio-ecological relationships, also
known as socionatures, be adopted as the guiding
principle for water-area plans, conservation,
restoration, and development schemes centered on
water bodies.
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AUTHOR INFORMATION
Iqtedar Alam, Assistant Professor, Department of
Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Ekistics,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
Urban conservation faces challenges in cities that have multiple spatial centers over time, such as Delhi, India, which had seven to seventeen capitals depending on how one counts them. These multicentered cities were partially networked through their waterworks, roads, and related infrastructure in ways that can offer insights into urban history and conservation. The first part of this paper presents the challenges of multicentered cities, and the benefits of taking a historical geographic approach to them. Later sections develop this argument through a case study of Delhi. They proceed from brief consideration of physiographic factors and intangible water heritage to an extended treatment of Delhi’s historical geography. The historical geographic narrative begins with Sultanate waterworks of the twelfth through fifteenth centuries that collected hillslope runoff into tanks (hauz, kund), supplemented by shallow groundwater from wells and stepwells (baolis). A fascinating spatial and technological shift then occurred during the late Sultanate and Mughal period (fifteenth to eighteenth centuries) when the city centers and their waterworks relocated from hillside catchments to the Yamuna riverfront. This process culminated in the Mughal capital of Shahjahanabad where canal networks augmented local well water supplies. The concluding section revisits the challenges of conserving this evolving urban landscape, underscoring the conceptual and methodological contributions of a historical geographic approach.
Waqiat-i-Dar-ul-Hukumat
  • B Ahmad
Ahmad, B. (1919), Waqiat-i-Dar-ul-Hukumat, p. 132, 274, Published in 2012,Urdu Akademi, Delhi
The History of India as told by its Own Historians
  • H M Elliot
Elliot, H.M. (1871). The History of India as told by its Own Historians, The Muhammadan Period, Vol. III, Futuhat-e-Firoz Shahi, p. 383, Malfuzt-i-Timuri, p. 441, Zafar-Namah, p. 501, Hertfrod Printers, London Fanshawe, H.C. (1902), Delhi: Past & Present, p. 252, 273-274, 284, John Murray, London
Historical Monuments of Delhi & their Cultural Significance
  • H A R Gibb
Gibb, H.A.R. (2016). The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354, Vol. III. Chapter XI, 154-156, The Hakluyt Society, Routledge Publications, New York Habib, M. (1931). Translation of Khazainul Futuh, p.19-20, Diocesan Press, Madras Hasan, Z. (1920), Monuments of Delhi, Vol 3, Edited by J.A. Page, p.66, 177, Aryan Books International, New Delhi Hearn, G.R., (1906), The Seven Cities of Delhi, p. 189, Thacker & Co. Ltd. Bombay Khan, S.A. (1854), Asar-us-Sanadid, Edited by M.Z. Minhaj, in 2017, AMU Press, Aligarh Mathur, D.D. (1947). Historical Monuments of Delhi & their Cultural Significance, p. 45-46, Youngman, Delhi.
Delhi A Built Heritage: A Listing
  • R Nanda
  • R Delhi Nath
Nanda, R. (1999), Delhi A Built Heritage: A Listing, p. 120, 273, Intach Publications, Delhi Nath, R. (1979), Monuments of Delhi: Historical Study, p. 27-28, 30, Ambika Publications, New Delhi.
Revival of Hauz Khas Lake in Delhi: Approaches to Urban Water Resource Management in India
  • L Peck
Peck, L. (2005), Delhi: A Thousand Years of Building, p. 45, 233, Lotus Collection, INTACH, Roli Books, New Delhi Rodgers, C.J. (1891), Revised List of Object of Archaeological Interest in the Punjab, p. 86-87 W. Ball & Co., Lahore Roy, D. (2016). Revival of Hauz Khas Lake in Delhi: Approaches to Urban Water Resource Management in India, Journal of Management and Sustainability;
Translation of Asar-us-Sanadid
  • R Safvi
Safvi, R. (2018), Translation of Asar-us-Sanadid, p. 98-101, 116, Tulika Books, New Delhi Sen, S. (1948), Delhi & Its Monuments, p. 13, A. Mukherjee & Co. Ltd., Calcutta.
Hauz Khas Lake -Sotry of Revival of Heritage Wetland
  • C Stephen
Stephen, C. (1876). The Archaeology & Monumental Remains of Delhi, p. 68 & p.83 Civil & Military Gazette & Station Press, Simla Varshney, M. (2019). Hauz Khas Lake -Sotry of Revival of Heritage Wetland, https://iglus.org/hauz-khas-lake-story-ofrevival-of-heritage-wetland/ Accessed on 21 st August, 2020
Satpula: A Lesser Known Monument of the 14 th Century
  • Wadhawan
Wadhawan. P (1988) Satpula: A Lesser Known Monument of the 14 th Century, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1988, Vol. 49 (1988), pp. 684-695, Indian History Congress.
Translation of Khazainul Futuh
  • H M Elliot
  • H C London Fanshawe
Elliot, H.M. (1871). The History of India as told by its Own Historians, The Muhammadan Period, Vol. III, Futuhat-e-Firoz Shahi, p. 383, Malfuzt-i-Timuri, p. 441, Zafar-Namah, p. 501, Hertfrod Printers, London Fanshawe, H.C. (1902), Delhi: Past & Present, p. 252, 273-274, 284, John Murray, London Gibb, H.A.R. (2016). The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354, Vol. III. Chapter XI, 154-156, The Hakluyt Society, Routledge Publications, New York Habib, M. (1931). Translation of Khazainul Futuh, p.19-20, Diocesan Press, Madras