The Impact of Anomie and Societal Splitting on the Self: Suicide among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland

Abstract

Members of the travelling community, an indigenous ethnic minority in Ireland, have traditionally lived on the margins of Irish society and have been identified as a high-risk group for suicide. this article investigates, through a literature review, the impact of anomie and societal level splitting on the traveller self-identity as attributing factors to increased rates of suicide. Aspects such as their cultural heritage and their distinctive way of life are explored with special consideration of the implications this has to mental health and social inclusion. recommendations are proposed to ameliorate the issue with the hope of reversing the impacts of anomie and societal splitting to prevent further loss of human life.

Full text

The Journal of Psychohistory 48 (2) Fall 2020
The Impact of Anomie
and Societal Splitting
on the Self: Suicide
among Members of the
Travelling Community
of Ireland
ABSTRACT: Members of the Travelling Community, an indigenous ethnic minori-
ty in Ireland, have traditionally lived on the margins of Irish society and have
been identified as a high-risk group for suicide. This article investigates, through
a literature review, the impact of anomie and societal level splitting on the Trav-
eller self-identity as attributing factors to increased rates of suicide. Aspects such
as their cultural heritage and their distinctive way of life are explored with special
consideration of the implications this has to mental health and social inclusion.
Recommendations are proposed to ameliorate the issue with the hope of reversing
the impacts of anomie and societal splitting to prevent further loss of human life.
KEYWORDS: Travellers; suicide, societal splitting, anomie, trauma
introduction
Development of the self is a process most often occurring below con-
scious awareness. Different parts of self emerge early in the formation
of the social, cultural, personal, ethnic, racial, sexual, national and peer
identities, all of which cumulatively form the self. A sense of self begins in
the formative years, influenced from birth through infancy by attachment
figures and other role models. Eventually identity and personality become
more solidified in adulthood (Bowlby, 1980; Kirshner, 1991; Kohut, 1977;
Richards, 1982). Human behavior being complex and nuanced, makes un-
derstanding the self an arduous and ambiguous pursuit.
Travellers* are an indigenous ethnic minority in Ireland who have tra-
ditionally lived on the margins of society. This article will first describe the
Gillian O’Shea BrOwn
* Traveller’s is the preferred spelling for the indigenous ethnic minority as per the Unit-
ed Kingdom and Ireland.

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Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
unique culture and origins of this ethnic group. Subsequently, the diver-
gent perspectives of what constitutes the self in relation to the identity of
Irish Travellers and the inferred societal splitting will be explored. This is
followed by an exploration of the concept of anomie and its relationship
to suicidality in addition to an analysis of the impact of oppression and
discrimination on Members of the Travelling Community, hereafter ‘Trav-
ellers’. Finally, recommendations will be proposed to ameliorate the issue
and reverse the impacts of anomie and societal splitting on this marginal-
ized high-risk ethnic group.
origins and traditions of the travelling community
There are several contrasting historical theories which attempt to explain
the origins of Travellers, many of which may be disclaimed as folktales.
Breathnach and Breathnach (2006) argues that in the mid-nineteenth
century, around the time of the famine there was much conflict over the
ownership of land. It is believed that the ancestors of Travellers were peas-
ants who were forced from their land in this time of great economic up-
heaval. It is assumed that this mayhem occurred during the time of the
‘Land Wars’ and campaigns around tenancy of Irish peasant farmers in
the 1800s. However this explanation of the origins of Travellers is specu-
lative and not reliably sourced. For those who believe in this origin, Trav-
ellers have come to represent displacement. Another theory proposed by
Breathnach and Breathnach (2006) is that Travellers originally were ‘na-
tive chiefs’ who were dispossessed of their land by the English colonial
policies at the time of the colonization led by Oliver Cromwell who would
have put forward such clearance polices. Both of the aforementioned the-
ories attempt to explain where Travellers originated from, by hypothesiz-
ing that they originally lived a ‘settled’ existence and that their nomadism
came as a result of forceful removal from their land as opposed to being a
conscious lifestyle choice.
Travellers are portrayed through these myths as the victims of an eco-
nomic crisis. British history speculates that Travellers may have origins
in Egypt or even India (Okely, 1983). This theory derives from linguistic
studies on dialects or ‘secret’ languages used among Gypsies and Travel-
lers (Okely, 1983). Pavee Point, the national Traveller support group, has
argued that these historical myths are a source of injustice towards Travel-
lers. The myth of Traveller origins undermines the rights of Travellers as an
ethnic minority by promulgating the falsehood that Travellers are the de-
scendants of settled people and thus should be ‘resettled’ or ‘rehabilitated’
(Pavee Point, 1992). This point is further reiterated by Okely (1983) who at-

148 Gillian O’Shea Brown
tributes the ambiguity of their origins to illiteracy. It has been said that lit-
erate people have history while illiterate people have myth (O’Shea, 2011).
Travellers are nomadic but this is a diminishing tradition according to
the study Suicide Amongst the Irish Traveller Community 2006 which found
that over a seven year period a total average of 68% of all Travellers current-
ly reside in houses (Walker, 2008). The Traveller Visibility Group (TVG) dis-
cusses the hardship endured by Travellers as a result of nomadism including
lack of appropriate accommodation in the Council and Corporation (TVG,
1993). Discrimination against Travellers is evident in the pressure from lo-
cal resident groups, industry and the courts forcing Travellers to constantly
move, often between city and county borders, letting them know they are
not wanted and certainly do not belong (TVG, 1993). Pressure to constant-
ly move on can lead to feelings of lack of social acceptance, a clear message
of being disowned by the general populace. The status these Travellers face
in the community is of a despised minority of social outcasts, pathologized
and disowned by the general populace.
The TVG emphasizes that the social segregation which can result from
nomadism leads to Travellers experiencing a personal conflict in their at-
tempt to maintain their traditions and customs while also assimilating
into their communities. Traditional levels of mobility have decreased due
to a reduction in halting sites, and the separation Travellers experience
from their community, if placed in housing which has led to Travellers
becoming more housebound. This has resulted in a higher incidence of
depression, anxiety, bad dreams and higher suicide rates (Goward, Repper,
Appleton and Hagan, 2006; AITHS, 2010). As Travellers begin to travel less,
there is a certain loss of identity coupled with a lack of social participation
and social exclusion. Travellers are beginning to feel depression as a result
of changes in their traditional ways of living, such rapid change may be an
emergent factor in relation to Traveller mental health.
Travellers are an indigenous ethnic minority group in Ireland, although
their ethnicity status continues to be a matter of debate. As McVeigh (2008)
discusses, the Irish government denied to formally recognize the Travel-
ling community as an ‘ethnic group’. Tovey recognizes the importance of
ethnicity, describing it as a symbolic meaning system, a way of a ‘people’
to organize social reality in terms of cultural similarities and differences
(Tovey, 1989). Travellers share a unique cultural identity, tradition and cus-
toms within their community, which differs greatly from that of the gen-
eral public. They have their own language known as ‘Cant’ (also known
as Gammon or Shelta), as well as an oral tradition which is rich in folk-
lore (Travellers Visibility Group, 1993) The word ‘Cant’ is derived from the

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Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
Gaelic word ‘caint’ meaning ‘to talk’. As the majority of Irish Travellers are
now English speakers this language can be seen as argot, a secret language
utilized exclusively within the community as a means of protection against
outsiders understanding their messages. Cant, as a language can be used
as a cryptolect to exclude outsiders from comprehending conversations
between Travellers. This has been pejoratively linked to the use of secret
language to mask crime in the community (De Dobay Rifelj, 1987). For
this reason and other sociolinguistic issues, it has proven difficult for the
Central Statistics Office to determine the active number of speakers of
Cant. Linguistically, Cant is a mixed language that stems from the Irish
Travelling Community who were originally predominantly Irish-speaking
(De Dobay Rifelj, 1987). The community later went through a period of
widespread bilingualism that resulted in a language based heavily on Hi-
berno-English with heavy influences from Irish. Words from the language
have been adopted by members of the English-speaking mainstream com-
munity such as ‘bloke’ meaning man and the colloquial term ‘de feen’ also
meaning man (Beecher, 2006).
Their nomadic shibboleth and unique oral tradition, differentiates
Travellers from the general ‘settled’ populace. Travellers mostly inter-
marry within their community to ensure continuity of their traditions
(Crowley, 1999). The 2016 census in the Republic of Ireland revealed that
approximately 30,987 Irish Travellers residing in Ireland account for 0.7%
of the population; this is an increase from the reported 29,495 resident Irish
Travellers in 2011 (Central Statistics Office, 2016). Many Traveller advoca-
cy groups believe this to be an underestimation of numbers of Travellers
living in Ireland. The study Traveller Health: A National Strategy 2002-2005
indicated that the Traveller populace is comprised of large families. After
decades of campaigning for the cause, Travellers were finally acknowledged
and identified as a distinctive, ethnic minority group in 2017 by Ireland in
the Dáil Éireann, Ireland’s house of parliament. Travellers have just begun
to be respected for their unique cultural identity. However they continue to
live on the margins of society.
centrality of Power & social organization
The study, Traveller Health: a National Strategy 2002-2005, states the Trav-
eller community continues to experience high levels of social exclusion
and disadvantage (Dept. of Health and Children, 2002). McDonagh (2000)
writes directly of his lived experience of prejudice and discrimination expe-
rienced as a Traveller. This citation is extracted from an invaluable primary
source of biographical informative literature. “Prejudice and discrimination

150 Gillian O’Shea Brown
affects all areas of Traveller life and Travellers experience discrimination, which
is almost a daily occurrence, in a variety of ways” (McDonagh, 2000, p.120).
This lack of social acceptance and segregation would attribute to feelings of
aloneness and isolation. In the literature of the Irish Travellers Movement
the theme of social exclusion is again a central issue; in their literature they
discuss how the experience of social exclusion can be a source of great pain
and distress for Travellers. “To be a Traveller in our society can be a distress-
ing and disabling experience...because the settled community has imposed unfair
deprivations upon Travellers who pursue a nomadic way of life” (‘Anti-Racist
Law and Travellers’ ITM, 1993, p.25 cited in Pavee Point 1993).
Ryan et al (2006) list social exclusion, poverty and isolation; as three
central factors which negatively impact on mental health leading to de-
pression. The Cork Traveler Women’s Network (CTWN) and other Traveller
led organizations have recognized this lack of empowerment among mem-
bers the community. Projects such as the ‘Barrel Top Wagon’ exhibit at the
Cork Public Museum instill a sense of pride and empowerment into the
community and are led by members of the community. The CTWN utilizes
all of their resources and funding to develop their core work of promoting
the important aspects of Traveller life such as health, culture, education
and providing support to local Traveller women’s groups across the city.
Such Traveller led agencies utilize their resources to develop their core work
of providing education, fostering pride of culture and strengthening com-
munity bonds both within and beyond the minority ethnic group. How-
ever, undoing the stigmatization of Traveller life is an arduous task. The
nomadic way of life unique to Travellers has long been constructed as a so-
cial problem; now their settlement is also being constructed as problematic
(Vanderbeck, 2003). Given this situation one can conclude that the shib-
boleth of nomadism alone is not a sufficient justification for the contin-
ued vilification of Gypsies and Travellers. Notions of a lack of morals, dirt,
violence, deviance, laziness, illiteracy and racial purity have all been used
to justify discriminatory responses to Gypsies and Travellers and explain
their continual stigmatization. Arguments to justify the enforcement of
conformity were modified over time with these modifications taking place
against a backdrop of social change that brought about an increasingly dif-
ferentiated society (Mayall, 1988). In other words, it is the interdependent
nature of the social relations between groups and the power differential
that characterizes a relationship where one should focus one’s attention in
order to comprehend the socio-dynamics of stigmatization. Social mark-
ers of difference are important aspects in the process of identification, but
alone they cannot account for the boundary maintenance and strong feel-

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Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
ings of otherness one encounters on the part of powerful groups in relation
to weaker groups.
According to Walker (2008) “nearly all Irish Travellers are Catholics” (Walk-
er, 2008, p.46). Most Travellers proudly identify themselves as Catholic;
their practice of worship is one of the few ties they have to the mainstream
settled populace. The usual progressive routes for individuals would be
through education and employment. As discussed in the literature, there is
an evident underrepresentation of Travellers in these sectors (Baum, 2003;
Walker 2008). Irish Travellers have been described as egalitarian in that the
division of assets, resources, finances and power are equally shared within
their large family structures. However, Traveller society is patriarchal and
favors the tradition of early marriage and large families. To be a man in
Traveller culture means to be self-employed and to provide for your family
while the matriarch remains at home. As nomads, their view of the world
is transitory and somewhat insecure (Walker, 2008). There is a feeling of
entrapment; Travellers rely heavily on the settled population for access to
public resources and employment. However this reliance is not reciprocat-
ed by the settled population nor are Travellers empowered to become social
leaders. The unequal power relations and misidentifications are the central
contributing factors enabling the stigmatization of Travellers.
the self
Concepts of self vary greatly. One psychoanalytic perspective of self is
that an individual possesses a psychic organization called ‘the self’ which
shapes initiative, intention and unity of the personality (Richards 1982;
Kohut,1977; Bell 1999). When attempting to understand the formation of
self in the context of the identity of Irish Travellers, it is important to con-
sider object relations theory. Object relations theory refers to ‘splitting’ as
a regressive mechanism that organizes the function of the psychic appara-
tus. Many authors have offered diverse definitions of splitting with various
understandings. Splitting is an ego defense mechanism which involves the
polarization of beliefs, actions, objects, or persons into good and bad by
focusing exclusively on their positive or negative attributes. The definition
offered by Bion (1961) explains that splitting is the failure in a person’s
thinking to bring together both positive and negative qualities of the self
and others into a realistic whole.
Another view of what constitutes the self exists within the field of tra-
ditional psychoanalysis, which does not subscribe to the belief that there
is one integrative self. This more traditional approach suggests that many
divergent purposes and demands exist in the expression of self (Kirshner,

152 Gillian O’Shea Brown
1991). Freud organized the psyche into three parts, the id being instinctual
uncoordinated drives and motives, the superego assuming the moral role
of the conscience and the ego or the realistic part which mediates between
the two (Freud, 1913). Multi-layers of self are exposed through: “contradic-
tions, inconsistencies, word slips, and metaphors suggesting multiple agendas,
including pressing bodily urges and emotional wishes, attempts to adapt to a
perceived interpersonal milieu and powerful moral and self-punitive tendencies”
(Kirshner, 1991, p.160). Freud (1940) associates splitting with an ego facing
difficult circumstances, externally and internally. These difficulties cause
the ego to retain two contradictory attitudes to a single perception, activat-
ed by a conflict between the satisfaction of the instinct and the prohibition
by reality or the super-ego (Savvopoulos, Manolopoulos and Beratis, 2011).
In Freud’s version of splitting the ego simultaneously acknowledges and
disowns reality (Freud, 1940). Freud elaborates that splitting off or disown-
ing parts of the self or internal objects is a common defense mechanism in
infancy due to the ego’s lack of integrative capacity during this formative
time (Rosenfeld, 1971).
The discrimination against and “otherhood” of Irish Travellers in soci-
ety can be viewed as a disowned part of the collective consciousness or a
societal splitting. Traveller’s have become the disowned part of self, forced
into otherhood by the settled populace. Societal splitting occurs when
the dominant social group creates a division of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ (Volkan,
2004). The creation of the other or perceived enemy has its origin in strang-
er-anxiety of the infant in the first year of life. For Klein (1946), when one
can embrace ambivalence; that is, the realization that the world is a com-
plicated mix of good and bad, one has attained what she calls the “de-
pressive position” rather than remaining in the paranoid schizoid position
where splitting predominates. (Klein, 1935).
concePtualizing suicide
Emile Durkheim’s conceptualization of suicide emphasized social factors.
Durkheim (1952) postulated that integration and regulation are key factors
which attribute to an individual’s depression. Durkheim categorized suicide
into four distinct types, each with different factors: ‘egoistic’ suicide—re-
sulting from a lack of integration; ‘altruistic’ suicide—resulting from exces-
sive integration; ‘anomic’ suicide—resulting from a lack of regulation; and
finally, ‘fatalistic’ suicide resulting from excessive regulation and excessive
integration. This paper hypothesizes that ‘anomic’ suicide, resulting from
a lack of regulation, is the category which would relate most to Travellers.
According to Durkheim a ‘state of anomie’ is: “a condition of society or of
personal relation to society in which there exists little consensus or certainty on

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Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
values or goals, and a loss of effectiveness in the normative or moral framework
which regulates collective and individual life” (Jary et Jary, 2005, p.20). Anom-
ic suicide is most likely to occur when traditional beliefs, morals and prac-
tices breakdown as a consequence of rapid social change (Durkheim, 1952;
Walker, 2008). It is evident that Irish society has undergone significant
change over the course of the past one hundred years. The social, economic
and political spheres have undergone a significant metamorphous in re-
cent decades. Societal values and norms have changed with the emergence
of industrialism and multiculturalism. Walker (2008) in her study Suicide
Amongst the Irish Travelling Community 2000-2006 explains how this social
and cultural shift can adversely affect individuals in society. In reference to
the recent rapid social change in Ireland during the 1990’s known colloqui-
ally and affectionately as the ‘Celtic Tiger’ era. Walker says:
In a regulated society, there is a limited degree of freedom, and people are
taught to control desires and goals within limited attainable boundaries.
An abrupt growth of wealth leads to increased desires, and without restraint
upon aspirations, goals become infinite in scope and nothing gives satisfac-
tion. It is in these circumstances that the conditions for anomic suicide are at
a maximum (Walker, 2008, p.9).
When an individual is in an unequal position in society in terms of ed-
ucational achievements and employment opportunities, this can be the
source of great personal distress. In the context of contemporary Irish soci-
ety, Travellers experience significant inequalities with reference to access to
education and employment. There is a lack of self-esteem and pride within
the community; feelings of exclusion and segregation are palpable because
of the huge disadvantage being experienced. O’ Connell recognizes this is-
sue of disadvantage and deprivation in his literature; “Travellers fare poorly
on every indicator used to measure disadvantage: unemployment, poverty, social
exclusion, health status, infant mortality, life expectancy, illiteracy, education
and training levels” (O’ Connell, 2002, p.49). To attempt to pursue a goal
which society has made unattainable is to condemn oneself to a state of
perpetual dissatisfaction. One cannot survive repeated disappointments of
experience indefinitely.
travellers: a disowned Part of
the collective consciousness
Travellers have a lower life expectancy and a poorer state of general health
in comparison to the general populace. The largest investigation on Trav-
eller health in Ireland was completed more than thirty years ago by Barry,
Herity and Solan (1987). It was found that life expectancy for male Travel-
lers is ten years less than their counterparts in the settled community (Bar-

154 Gillian O’Shea Brown
ry et al., 1987). The health status of female Travellers is equally disturbing.
Traveller women live on average twelve years less than other Irish women.
Furthermore, infant mortality and still birth rates are both more than dou-
ble the national average. Findings from the Central Statistics Office (2016)
reiterate the short life expectancy of Travellers; reportedly a mere 3% of
Travellers live past 65 years of age. The All Ireland Traveller Health Survey
(2010) confirmed that the rates of higher infant mortality rates and low life
expectancy among Travellers continues to be of grave concern. They also
found in their 2010 study that the Traveller suicide rate is 6 times higher
than that of the general population and accounts for approximately 11%
of all Traveller deaths. This figure is reflective of confirmed suicide cases
by the General Register Office (GRO) and does not account for external
causes of death such as alcohol or drug overdose, which accounted for al-
most 50% of all Traveller male external causes of death (Central Statistics
Office, 2016). When researching the etiology of increased rate of suicide
among Travellers the AITHS team found that discrimination, social exclu-
sion, long term illness, substance abuse, low self-esteem, lower education
level and general mistrust towards service providers were all identified as
causal factors. There has been little progress made since Walker’s (2008)
study of Suicide Amongst the Irish Traveller Community which reported
that the rate of suicide among Irish Travellers, from 2000 to 2006, stood at
3.70:10,000. This was over three times that of the total population, peak-
ing in 2005 when it was over five times the national rate. The disparity of
esteem towards this disowned population is evidenced by the stagnancy in
addressing the loss of human life.
Social exclusion, discrimination and inequality of opportunity are re-
current themes in literature relevant to Travellers (O’Connell, 2002). These
social detriments are issues which adversely impact upon Traveller men-
tal health and general well-being. Dahlgren and Whitehead (1999) point
out key factors which impact adversely upon an individual’s health. Social
determinants identified include general socio-economic, cultural and en-
vironmental conditions, social and community networks and individual
lifestyle factors (see Figure 1). More specifically, factors negatively affecting
health such as unemployment, lack of education, poor housing and water
sanitation were identified. The World Health Organisation (WHO)—‘Com-
mission on Social Determinants of Health’ states that the conditions in
which people live and work can help create or destroy their health. Lack
of income, inappropriate housing, unsafe workplaces, and lack of access to
health systems are some of the social determinants of health leading to in-
equalities within and between countries (WHO, 2005). Travellers who tra-

155
Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
ditionally have lived on the margins of society would be exposed to many
of these social detriments to health.
The Traveller Health National Strategy 2002-2005 and All Ireland Trav-
eller Health Study Team (2010) found that Travellers continue to endure
high levels of social exclusion and disadvantage. Both McDonagh (2000)
and the Irish Travellers Movement (1993) have identified the issue of the
importance of discrimination. In the literature of the Irish Travellers Move-
ment (ITM) the theme of social exclusion is a central issue. ITM reports that
the settled community has imposed unfair deprivations upon Travellers
who pursue a nomadic way of life which pathologizes their chosen way of
life (‘Anti-Racist Law and Travellers’ ITM, 1993 cited in Pavee Point 1993.
Travellers’ sense of belonging is being threatened and according to
Walker (2008) may lead to substance abuse. Traveller Health—A National
Strategy 2002—2005 has recognized these themes, and although there is
little research in the area, it is a source of concern. Anecdotal evidence sug-
gests that because young Travellers are frequently denied access to youth
clubs and other recreational facilities, they are at risk of exposure to alcohol
and drug misuse (Walker, 2008). There is a lack of self-esteem and pride
Figure 1: ‘The Rainbow Model’ sourced from Dahlgren, G & Whitehead,
M. (1991) Policies and Strategies to Promote Social Equity in Health.
Institute for Futures Studies Stockholm

156 Gillian O’Shea Brown
within the community; feelings of exclusion and segregation are palpable.
O’Connell reports that Travellers fare poorly on every indicator used to
measure disadvantage: unemployment, poverty, social exclusion, health
status, infant mortality, life expectancy, illiteracy, education and training
levels (O’ Connell, 2002).
traveller suicide through the lens
of anomie & societal sPlitting
Ireland has undergone significant changes in the cultural, social and polit-
ical spheres in recent years. Travellers are undergoing a transition; many of
their traditions have been lost. They are experiencing loss of their identity.
The idyllic lifestyle portrayed by media does not match the Traveller way
of life. This can be stressful as Travellers are fully aware now, more than
any other generation of Travellers before them, that it is almost impossi-
ble for them to conform to mainstream society’s expectations of them. A
huge part of Ireland’s social change is the increased levels of acceptance
and openness of diversity within settled society, however this has not ex-
tended to members of the Traveller community.
The contributing factors to increased suicide levels among the Travel-
ling community are varied including social segregation, ineffective social
policies and socio-economic difficulties. Travellers are no longer sticking
rigidly to their own traditions and customs. They are beginning to adopt
mainstream society’s cultural traditions (O’Shea, 2011). However, Travel-
lers remain excluded from society and are seen as inferior. They are caught
between two cultures and are not fully accepted into either. From the de-
crease in practice of nomadism to an acquisition of new social norms ad-
opted from the settled community, Travellers are beginning to question
their cultural identity and heritage. They have had to adapt to a life char-
acterized by increased hostility, difficulty with identity, loss of culture and
traditions and lack of purpose in life (Walker, 2008).
The Travelling community can be seen to be in a state of anomie since
the drastic societal shift of the past few decades. A loss of values and norms is
being experienced as a sense of ‘normlessness’. Anomic suicide is most likely
to occur when traditional beliefs, morals and practices break down as a con-
sequence of rapid social change (Walker, 2008). The support network relied
upon by Travellers is the close familial bonds they traditionally have shared
and focused upon. Most Travellers proudly identify themselves as devout
members of the Roman Catholic Church. As suicide is not condoned by the
Catholic Church, this may serve as a disincentive or even act as a prevention
of suicide among Travellers. Walker (2008), with reference to Durkheim, has

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Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
argued that religion protects against suicide in addition to promoting social
inclusion and a sense of integration to the local community.
The below average health status of the Traveller community is not just
in general health but also in mental health. Another recurrent theme in
the literature relating to Traveller mental health is their poor relationship
with the mental health services. The low use of service provision among
the community manifests in their collective hesitance in approaching ser-
vices for assistance and in the problems they experience with the health
services. According to the Traveller Health: a National Strategy 2002-2005,
the problematic relationship between Travellers and Health services is de-
rived from a combination of inappropriate provision and lack of awareness
or confidence among Travellers in relation to the service (Walker, 2008).
The formal layout of the services may prove intimidating for Travellers. It
appears that the structure of the services is not compatible to the Travellers
specific lifestyle and needs.
It is important that the health service addresses the specific needs of
Travellers. Travellers have issues with the accessibility of services and even
when engaged continue to experience problems with services (O’Shea,
2011). For instance the provision of the medical card has caused quite a
few difficulties for members of the Travelling community. As Travellers are
nomadic in tradition, the medical card can arrive after being delivered to
a number of wrong addresses. It may already be out of date or almost out
of date. A particular problem Travellers experience is that they may have
a medical card for a doctor in a part of the country where they no longer
live due to their transience (Northside Traveller’s Support Group, 1994).
Difficulties arise due to their tradition of naming their children after grand-
parents which has resulted in many sharing the same Christian names,
surnames and addresses. Ryan et al. (2006) urge the healthcare systems to
be mindful of Traveller’s higher levels of illiteracy, transience and general
mistrust for community services. However, Travellers are being forced to
conform to a way of life that is strange and unfamiliar to them in order to
avail services to fulfill basic human needs such as healthcare, adequate liv-
ing conditions and education
the way forward: ProPosed reform
The inadequacies in the system need to be overcome to prevent further un-
necessary loss of life. Further intensive research must be undertaken on Trav-
eller mental health in the future. Within the Traveller community it must
become acceptable to prioritize one’s mental health, seek help and place
trust in professionals. The mental health system needs to become more Trav-

158 Gillian O’Shea Brown
eller-friendly, approachable, accessible and non-intimidating (Fay, 2001).
However, change can only occur after proactive steps are taken to ameliorate
the social exclusion, poor relationship with mental health service providers,
lack of educational opportunity, discrimination and disadvantage.
Many strategies in the past have been implemented to ameliorate the
issue of Traveller’s poor relationship to mental health services (Fanning,
2002; Fay 2001). However they have not proven effective. What emerges
from the research is that there is a general distrust of the psychiatric ser-
vices among Travellers, and usage of these services is low (Walker, 2008). A
level of reliance must be established in order to improve the relationship
between Travellers and the mental health services. Trust is built gradually
over time, through consistent acts of respect, understanding and stability.
Traveller’s state of general wariness and hypervigilance toward the settled
people of Ireland derives from their adaptation to a life of discrimination,
exclusion and segregation.
There are many issues which need to be addressed to improve the ac-
cessibility and delivery of mental health services. There is a strong stigma
attached to having mental health problems within the community, which
restricts Travellers seeking or availing of any form of mental health service
(Pavee Point, 2005). Travellers have expressed a skepticism of the mental
health services and a fear that they may lose custody of their children if
they access such services (Walker, 2008). On the other hand, there does
not appear to be the same stigma attached to the usage of anti-depressants
(Walker, 2008). Pavee Point (2006) has expressed concerned over the use
of prescribed anti-depressants among Traveller women as Traveller literacy
levels are a problem. The Traveller Health a National Strategy 2002-2005
explains the severity of the issue. Approximately 80% of adult Travellers
are illiterate (Walker, 2008). This has a serious impact on the efficacy of
health promotion and their ability to understand instructions on prescrip-
tion medicines (Department of Children and Health, 2002). Awareness of
the importance of mental health needs to be spread within the Travelling
community and engaging with psychotherapeutic care should be strong-
ly encouraged. The All Ireland Traveller Health Study Team (AITHS Team)
(2010) reported that discrimination and racism within mental health ser-
vices, lack of trust towards healthcare providers, lack of culturally appropri-
ate service provision and lack of engagement from service providers have
amplified the social and cultural stigma attached to engaging with mental
health services therefore heightening the risk of suicide.
The level of psychological distress among Travellers is of major concern.
It is vital that prioritization of mental health is seen as a positive and pre-
ventative act of self-care through educated staff and informed media cam-

159
Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
paigns. Language used by the media and by those working in health, social,
and educational services is of great importance in relation to training and
education throughout the strategy. Reach Out- National Strategy for Ac-
tion on Suicide Prevention, (2005) recommends development of culturally
appropriate mental health services in order to promote Traveller engage-
ment. The appointment of Travellers’ mental health advocates would serve
the function of mediating between health professionals and members of
the community, promoting inclusion and empowerment. The Traveller
communities mistrust authority; an understandable stance given their his-
tory of centuries of persecution and continued discrimination. The advo-
cates will be recruited from the Traveller community in order to mitigate
the social and cultural stigma associated with mental health services. The
advocates will provide outreach wellness education and will direct Travel-
lers to appropriate services when needed. Most importantly, the advocates
will monitor for anti-Traveller discrimination and oppressive practices
within the services. While data from AITHS (2010) confirmed that mental
health services were available to Travellers, services were often perceived
as inadequate. Findings from AITHS (2010) indicate various institutional,
cultural, social and structural barriers that restrict Travellers from accessing
and engaging with mental health services
In the past the UK introduced the initiative of specialist health visitors
to Traveller roadside halting sites (Cemlyn, 1996; Hall and Hall, 2007; Pahl
and Vail, 1986). What can be learned from this ineffective strategy is that
the advocate’s lack of training and poorly defined role, led to professional
burnout and unfilled expectations of members of the Traveller communi-
ty. The advocates working with Travellers need a clearly defined mission in
addition to appropriate training and supervision. If advocates are recruit-
ed within the community, trust can be fostered and maintained leading to
effective management of more sensitive issues such as domestic violence,
stress related disorders and addictive behaviors. Opportunities for consul-
tation with health colleagues, other agencies, and Travellers themselves
are essential in order to identify and to meet the health needs of this so-
cially excluded community.
conclusion
There are many challenges facing the Traveller community and those
working in collaboration with them in the struggle for human rights. It
is essential that Travellers and other members of ethnic minority groups
are not excluded from mental health services and that they receive help
and support to attain a high quality of life and to instill a sense of strong
self-esteem in their community in order to counteract the shame and isola-

160 Gillian O’Shea Brown
tion that results from societal splitting and anomie. A number of initiatives
should be exercised in order to enhance the mental health of Travellers.
These initiatives should be directed at instilling a sense of pride within
the community and in their cultural heritage. Cultural pride and a more
positive ethnic identity would cultivate resiliency and positive self-esteem,
which would improve Travellers’ coping skills. Resilience, confidence and
contentment would make members of the Traveller community far less
vulnerable to suicide and depression. This would create a collective sense
of empowerment and pride among Travellers.
A project such as the appointment of Travellers’ mental health advocates,
would display publicly the positive aspects of the Traveller culture so that
their unique knowledge and cultural humility could be utilized and val-
ued. Travellers working on such projects may even rediscover forgotten
aspects of their heritage such as relationship building, storytelling and fos-
tering of community support. Training and education of Traveller mental
health advocates in coping with the challenges facing their community
would lead to the empowerment of the advocates as well as those in the
Traveller community for which they are advocating.
The social ‘anomie’ and uncertainty that Travellers are currently experi-
encing is undoubtedly unsettling for members of the Travelling community.
Enduring traditions such as strong familial bonds, community ties, religious
beliefs, and their high tolerance for troubled members (Walker, 2008) re-
main within the Travelling community. These strong values could be uti-
lized to develop a resilient, proud community and to serve as a protective
factor for those who are vulnerable to suicide. The cultivation of pride and
empowerment is the way forward to improving the mental health of Travel-
lers. The lost social traditions and norms should be restored in a modern and
adaptive way. However, improvements in standards of living should also be
a priority. An active targeted approach is needed to support the Travelling
community and protect against further human loss through suicide.
Originally from Ireland, Gillian O’Shea Brown, LCSW, is a psychotherapist,
EMDR certified practitioner and complex trauma specialist. She is a doctoral
candidate at NYU’s Silver School of Social Work and has previously served as a
clinical affiliate of the Integrative Trauma Program at the National Institute for
the Psychotherapies. She is the author of the forthcoming book Healing Com-
plex Postraumatic Stress Disorder—A Clinician’s Guide due for release with
Springer Publishing later this year and has a special interest in the research of re-
lational trauma. She maintains a private practice in Manhattan, NY and can be
contacted by email: gillosheabrownlcsw@gmail.com

161
Suicide Among Members of the Travelling Community of Ireland
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