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Rationales behind Pakistan–Turkey relations since September 11, 2001
Abstract
This article aims to explore relations between Pakistan and Turkey, who have emerged as two strong Muslim powers in military terms since the 11 September 2001, terrorist attacks. It is, argues the article, not enough to provide only a general sketch of the bilateral relationship between these countries; rather, an in-depth and systematic analysis is needed. Traditionally these states had developed close relations even before the 9/11; yet, in terms of core security and strategic interests, those relations were not significant until 2001 when global terrorism forced the two countries to reconsider their mutual interests and shared responsibilities. Two fundamental factors, namely security and strategic interests, have led them to co-operate in three different areas – counter-terrorism, Pakistan-Afghanistan-Turkey Trilateral Summits (PATTS), and long-term defence cooperation. Nonetheless, PATTS, which aims to ameliorate Pak-Afghan relations, still has some limitations. To make them fruitful, Turkey needs to focus on advanced mechanisms, such as a strategic partnership, flexible consensus, and bilateral crisis management system that could serve to normalise inter-state relations.
KEYWORDS: Pakistan, Turkey, Ottoman Empire, Pakistan-Turkish strategic partnership, shared intelligence protocol, Pakistan-Afghanistan-Turkish trilateral summits, security cooperation
... Diplomatically, Ankara played an important role in terms of coordination between Afghanistan and Pakistan using its fraternal ties with both nations and cultural, historical, and religious linkages (Shah & Li, 2020). Before we talk about Turkey's focus on Afghanistan and engagement with Pakistan in this matter, it is important to mention that Turkish foreign policy has experienced some changes under Erdogan through a greater focus on national security and "quest for strategic autonomy" (Haugom, 2019, p. 206). ...
As the US began pulling out its troops in July 2021, the Taliban pushed through and managed to capture the country by mid-August 2001. Despite this development, Turkey has expressed interest to have more engagement with the acting Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Keeping this in view, there is a need to focus on how Turkey’s interest will converge with that of other key external actors, such as the US and Pakistan. By examining historical and geopolitical factors, this chapter analyses Turkey’s current position on its engagement in Afghanistan. As Pakistan was a key facilitator of various peace processes in Afghanistan and is now lobbying for support towards the Taliban regime, this chapter also explores how Turkey’s role in Afghanistan will influence its relationship with Pakistan, and other stakeholders like Saudi Arabia.KeywordsTurkeyAfghanistanPakistanAfghan TalibanNorthern Alliance
... Diplomatically, Ankara played an important role in terms of coordination between Afghanistan and Pakistan using its fraternal ties with both nations and cultural, historical, and religious linkages (Shah & Li, 2020). Before we talk about Turkey's focus on Afghanistan and engagement with Pakistan in this matter, it is important to mention that Turkish foreign policy has experienced some changes under Erdogan through a greater focus on national security and "quest for strategic autonomy" (Haugom, 2019, p. 206). ...
More than seventy countries have joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative which is based on six economic corridors that aim to connect Asia with Europe and Africa. Though the Chinese government has projected the BRI in economic terms, it has been viewed critically by the U.S. and India. Turkey has shown interest in the BRI along with projecting the Middle Corridor Initiative (MCI) as a means to achieve regional market connectivity and commercial cooperation. In view of the above, this chapter aims to explain whether the Belt and Road Initiative has factored into Turkey’s Asia policy and to what extent the MCI would complement or compete with the BRI. In this respect, the study analysed the existing scale of China-Turkey trade relations and empirically proposed a set of opportunities offered by both the BRI and the MCI.
Sectarian-based violent extremism has long been a security concern for the Government of Pakistan. Despite the perseverance of state authorities in countering violent extremism, a discourse centered on horizontal inequalities as the determinant of violent extremism and conflict remains lacking. This paper highlights the importance of an empirical study in understanding the nexus between horizontal inequalities and sectarian-based violent extremism in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). By analyzing the responses from Shia and Sunni sectarian identities, the study contextualizes violent conflict and elucidates how horizontal inequalities intersect with sectarian identities in the capital city of GB. In doing so, socioeconomic and cultural inequalities have been evaluated. The study relies on a multistage random sample of 212 respondents through a structured questionnaire. The findings reflect significant socioeconomic inequalities between the sectarian identities and suggest a linear relationship in which horizontal inequalities generate identity-driven “us” vs “them.”
Because of deep cultural, spiritual, and trade relationships,Pakistan and Turkey have had powerful connections since Pakistan's independence. The Two brother countries have already been collaborating to strengthen their trade cooperation in order to ensure an effective presence in the world market, as well as to establish different opportunities for each other to boost one's national economies. The two nations have a deep relationship for stronger economic and social development in sectors such as energy, trade, textile products, as well as a variety of other areas of the economy. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the economic and Political relationship between Turkey and Pakistan,particularly in terms of new opportunities. The study has employed hermeneutics methodology and tried to interpret data and information using discourse analysis. Mostly, the data has been obtained from the official sources of Pakistan and Turkey and focused on Pakistan's paradigm shift from Geopolitical to Geo-Economic strategies. The strong financial collaboration between both the Pakistani and Turkish governments has been discovered to be primarily embodied in the Pak-Turk strategic economic framework. According to the findings, Pakistan should take precautions to ensure that all concerns are fixed in the PTSEF after already being confined to many anti-dumping charges brought by Turkey.
This paper uses the balance of power theory to explain Pakistan’s quest for balance in the context of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS). Although this strategy aims to achieve the goal of a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ and focuses on China’s rise in the Indo-Pacific region. However, it also has security implications for Pakistan. The question here is; how the Indo-Pacific Strategy affect Pakistan’s strategic behavior? We believe that the maritime security cooperation between the United States and India under the framework of IPS strengthens the relative capabilities of the Indian navy, creates a zero-sum situation for Pakistan, and undermines the balance of power that affects Islamabad's strategic behavior. If so, to what degree is Islamabad adopting balancing strategies to counterbalance the risk of Indian aggression or coercion? To what degree is Pakistan pursuing deeper security cooperation with Russia and China in the Indo-Pacific in pursuit of a more stable balance of power? It is pursuing a strategy of internal and external balance. Internally, it is focusing on modernizing the navy, purchasing advanced weapons, and developing strategies related to maritimes security. Externally, it is seeking deeper security cooperation with Russia and China, such as holding joint naval exercises in the Indian Ocean, exchanging naval officials, and signing military cooperation and strategic partnerships to maintain the balance of power.
KEYWORDS: Pakistan-Russia relations, Pakistan–China, Indo-Pacific Strategy, balance of power, US-India security cooperation
Pakistan's economic ties with Turkey have improved in the past few years. A recently stated pledge to create a free trade agreement between Pakistan and Turkey is likely to trigger a further expansion of economic integration. This paper starts by reviewing trends in Pakistan's bilateral trade with Turkey since 1996. Next, it estimates an augmented gravity model aiming to project Pakistan's trade potential with Turkey and compare them with the actual flows in 1996-2009 period. We find that export flows from Pakistan to Turkey have grown sharply since 2001 outpacing both Turkish exports to Pakistan and projections generated by the augmented gravity model. The success of Pakistani exports is largely explained by the booming performance of textile industry in Pakistan. Turkey's exports to Pakistan feature goods with greater added value although they still remain significantly below the model predictions. Trade complementarity analysis indicates that overall Turkish exports match better with Pakistan's import structure than Pakistan's exports with Turkish import structure. Given the results from the augmented gravity model and complementarity analysis it is likely that Turkey will benefit to a larger extent from the proposed free trade agreement.
Turkish defence industries have significantly improved their production capabilities since the 1980s. According to the official documents, Turkey reached 54% local production level in 2011. Encouraged by this impressive defence industrial development, the government of Turkey declared that defence industrial autarky, the country’s main goal since the 1980s, would be reached by 2023. This paper evaluates the possibility of Turkey’s defence autarky. Contrary to the existing approaches in the literature that assess technological capabilities and cost-effectiveness, this paper argues that Turkey’s search for defence autarky is hindered by the interplay of institutional deficiencies, dependency on foreign inputs, and the United States’ continuing influence over Turkish politics.
This book provides an in-depth analysis of UK-US intelligence cooperation in the post-9/11 world. Seeking to connect an analysis of intelligence liaison with the wider realm of Anglo-American Relations, the book draws on a wide range of interviews and consultations with key actors in both countries. The book is centred around two critical and empirical case studies, focusing on the interactions on the key issues of counterterrorism and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) counter-proliferation. These case studies provide substantive insights into a range of interactions such as 9/11, the 7/7 London bombings, the A.Q. Khan nuclear network, the prelude to the 2003 Iraq War, extraordinary rendition and special forces deployments. Drawing on over 60 interviews conducted in the UK and US with prominent decision-makers and practitioners, these issues are examined in the contemporary historical context, with the main focus being on the years 2000-05. This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, foreign policy, security studies and International Relations in general. [Further info via: http://www.asghost.co.uk/links/pages/about.htm#bk1 ]
There have been significant changes in Turkish foreign policy under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in particular since the 2016 military coup attempt. The changes have resulted in a strong focus on national security, an assertive style in policy implementation, a preference for transaction-based relations, and a quest for more strategic autonomy. Two main arguments are made: First, these features of policy represent both change and continuity when compared with earlier periods in Turkish foreign policy. The novelty under Erdogan is primarily in how the features are combined. Second, the changes do not represent a shift in Turkey’s overall international orientation.
The reform process of Turkish defense industry as launched in the last quarter of the twentieth century has seen several achievements, as well as downfalls, and passed through major milestones. The resultant industrial structure is unique, compared to the other sectors in the country. Dominated by the TSKGV (Turkish Armed Forces Foundation), the major goal of the sector has always been involved in attaining self-sufficiency, indicative of an import substitution-oriented industry policy. This strategy is evident in decision-making and execution processes of virtually all defense procurement programs. However, lack of an efficient mechanism for science and technology policy-making mechanism, is observed as a major obstacle toward sustainable development of the sector. Although benefited from the overall economic take-off during the 2000s, today the Turkish defense industry faces to the challenge of sustainability, which is heavily dependent on export performance. The forthcoming period will test the sector, revealing the necessary coordination and communication by and between the military and civilian bureaucracies.
Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. As with other developing countries, Turkey’s motivations for investing in national defence industries can be boiled down to the pursuit of defence autarky, economic bene ts and international prestige. However, after 40 years of investment, Turkey is unable to reach the primary goals of defence industrialisation. We argue that three factors are important to understanding Turkey’s persistence in these primary goals. First, Turkey believes that there is an overall improvement in its defence industrial capabilities and the goal of autarky is still reachable. Second, increased defence exports support the belief that Turkish defence industries have become sustainable and the trend will continue in the future. The third reason, perhaps most important of all, has to do with the domestic political gains of defence industrialisation: the AKP uses defence industry and indigenous weapon systems for prestige and, therefore, garners broader support.
Washington’s application of the term “strategic partnership” to a confusing array of foreign relationships may actually undermine its efforts to sustain and extend America’s international hegemony.