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A survey conducted over South Korean adults (N=513) reveals that emotions, specifically anger, contribute to the broader spread of misinformation on COVID-19 by leading angry individuals to consider false claims to be “scientifically credible.” This pattern is more evident among conservatives than liberals. Our finding sheds light on new measures and journalistic interventions that could alleviate the public’s anger and foster science-based conversations during a public health crisis.
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The Harvard Kennedy School Misinformation Review1
September 2020, Volume 1, Special Issue on COVID-19 and Misinformation
Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)
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Research Article
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinfor-
A survey conducted over South Korean adults (N=513) reveals that emotions, specifically anger, contribute
to the broader spread of misinformation on COVID-19 by leading angry individuals to consider false claims
to be “scientifically credible.” This pattern is more evident among conservatives than liberals. Our finding
sheds light on new measures and journalistic interventions that could alleviate the public’s anger and fos-
ter science-based conversations during a public health crisis.
Authors: Jiyoung Han (1), Meeyoung Cha (2), Wonjae Lee (3)
Affiliations: (1) School of Computing, Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST), Republic of Korea, (2)
Data Science Group, Institute for Basic Science (IBS), Republic of Korea, (3) Graduate School of Culture Technology, Korea
Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST), Republic of Korea
How to cite: Han, J.; Cha, M.; Lee, W. (2020). Emotion and misinformation in times of public health crisis. The Harvard Ken-
nedy School (HKS) Misinformation Review, 1(3).
Received: June 8th, 2020. Accepted: August 28th, 2020. Published: September 17th, 2020.
Research questions
What are the roles of negative emotions, such as anger and fear, in the spread of misinformation
about COVID-19?
What is the cognitive mechanism that motivates people to share false claims about COVID-19?
Are these roles of negative emotions on the spread of falsehoods different as a function of polit-
ical ideology?
Essay summary
South Korea is among the first countries to hold a general election amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
Although emotional arousal during an election is nothing new (Marcus, Neuman, & McKuen
2000), this one is special. The imminent threat to the public health escalated fear and anger in
the Korean mass public (Kang, 2020); these negative emotions also likely fueled the broader and
faster spread of misinformation (Vosoughi, Roy, & Aral, 2018). This paper thus analyzes people's
beliefs toward misinformation in times of a public health crisis and explains the role of emotion
in diffusing false claims about COVID-19 in South Korea.
1A publication of the Shorenstein Center for Media, Politics, and Public Policy, at Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School
of Government.
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 2
Prior research found that right-leaning individuals have a lower threshold for experiencing neg-
ative emotions than left-leaning individuals (Skitka, Bauman, Aramovich, & Morgan, 2006). Build-
ing on this literature, we investigate whether the impact of fear and anger during this info-
demicvaries along ideological lines.
We fielded an online survey with 513 South Korean adults in the run-up to the 2020 South Korean
legislative election (April 9th to 13th, 2020). Our findings confirm that those expressing a higher
level of anger were more likely to disseminate misinformation about COVID-19. Such individuals
considered the falsehoods, mainly about bogus cures, to be "scientifically credible."
Moreover, this belief tendency was stronger among conservatives than liberals. The observed
effect was persistent after controlling for party identification, gender, age, region, education
level, and household income.
Anger fuels the COVID-19 misinformation
Studies have found profound behavioral differences associated with emotions: Fear is connected to “be-
havior reconsideration,” whereas anger to “strong action tendencies” (Groenendyk & Banks, 2014; Lerner
et al., 2003; Lerner & Keltner, 2001; Miller et al., 2009; Valentino et al., 2015; for a review, see Carver &
Harmon-Jones, 2009; Lerner & Keltner, 2000; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985).
Before acting on a claim, anxious individuals are prone to wait and search for information to verify
whether the claim is right or wrong (MacKuen et al., 2010; Turner et al., 2006; Valentino et al., 2008; see
de los Santos & Nabi, 2019; Zhao & Cai, 2009 for counter-evidence). To make accurate judgments, anxious
individuals tend to seek and learn related information with open minds.
On the other hand, angry individuals readily act on the given claim (including encouraging others to
join in) due to their propensity to resolve the undesired situation (Ilakkuvan et al., 2017; Kim, 2016; Lerner
& Tiedens, 2006; see Berger, 2011; Berger & Milkman, 2012 for counter-evidence). Compared to those
who are anxious, angry individuals are less likely to search for information; even if they do, they are in
favor of information that bolsters their beliefs and are against information that undermines their views
(MacKuen et al., 2010; Suhay & Erisen, 2018; Tiedens & Linton, 2001; Valentino et al., 2008; see de los
Santos & Nabi, 2019 for counter-evidence).
These findings are pertinent in explaining why, in our data, people who felt angry were more vulner-
able to misinformation and actively engaged in disseminating false claims about COVID-19. Anger mobi-
lizes and, in turn, angry individuals easily rationalize their act of sharing misinformation by deeming it
trustworthy. Actions without deliberation, however, could lead to detrimental consequences such as be-
lief in false cures, which distract people from urgent preventive measures like social distancing. Thus, we
argue that managing anger and better engaging the public in the science-based discussions are critical to
combat misinformation and minimize its potential harms.
Management of strong action tendencies associated with anger was helpful to South Korea’s fight against
Many analyses have applauded the South Korean government's transparency and openness in early test-
ing, rigorous contact tracing, and keeping the public informed during COVID-19, as these qualities effec-
tively reduce uncertainty, the primary cause of fear (Lerner & Keltner, 2000; Smith & Ellsworth, 1985)
associated with the new virus. Here, we are more attentive to how the government guidelines pertain to
public anger management.
Han; Cha; Lee 3
We focus on South Korea’s decision not to impose a lockdown, but instead to offer very detailed and
clear guidelines for communal safeguards, such as wearing a mask, washing hands, eating alone, and using
an elbow to cover a cough. The country also held a general election during the pandemic. Despite re-
strictions, such as having to wear a mask, having to keep a meter distance from others, and having to use
hand sanitizer and plastic gloves, the 66% voter turnout was the highest in 16 years. Given that angry
citizens have an urge to unleash their feelings (Groenendyk & Banks, 2014; Lerner & Tiedens, 2006;
Valentino et al., 2015), following these behavioral directions may elicit a sense of participation in a fight
against the pandemic, thus alleviating the public’s anger.
The lack of proper public anger management may, in part, explain why stringent measures on COVID-
19 (e.g., forceful lockdowns) backfire and lead to public protests. Cities around the world that have gone
into lockdown show an alarming rise of domestic violence incidents (Graham-Harrison et al., 2020). Frey
and colleagues (2020) found that across 111 countries, democratic governments’ more lenient ap-
proaches were about 20% more effective in reducing geographic mobility than autocratic governments’
stricter ones.
Such patterns are recursive in many social crises, whether economic recessions, natural disasters, or
disease outbreaks. Without an adequate release process, anger seldom disappears but transfers to other
domains. For example, Vasilopoulos and colleagues (2019) found that anger toward the 2015 Paris terror
attack contributed to the rise of far-right parties and policies treating immigrants as a national security
threat. Valentino, Wayne, and Oceno (2018) also reported that anger associated with threats to traditional
social norms and group hierarchies boosted ethnocentrism and sexism, whereas fear suppressed such
To prevent detrimental social behaviors fed by anger, it is crucial to preemptively redirect strong
action tendencies of the emotion into a positive direction by nurturing a sense of participation in a fight
against the disease. However, how effective such government interventions would be is subject to cultural
contexts. The success of South Korea might be rooted in its collectivist cultural traits, which are charac-
terized by conformity, group loyalty, and obedience towards authority (Frey, 2020). In individualistic cul-
tures, the mass public is more suspicious of government interventions.
Science-based conversation during the evolving public health crisis necessitates greater normative respon-
sibilities from partisan media and social media platforms
Despite their government’s rapid response to COVID-19, many South Koreans still experienced negative
emotions of fear and anger toward the outbreak (Kang, 2020). We found that anger, in particular, con-
tributes to a wider spread of misinformation about COVID-19. There was, however, an ideological differ-
ence. Our findings are more nuanced than prior research in that, in our study, conservatives did not report
a higher level of anger than their liberal counterparts (Skitka et al., 2006). Instead, angry conservatives
more frequently shared misinformation -- mostly on unverified precautionary measures and cures about
the new virus -- compared to angry liberals.
The present research is limited in accounting for the difference. Yet, our findings speak to the role of
partisan media in times of a public health crisis. Given that their audience is more likely to accept rumors
and act on misinformation, conservative media could take greater responsibility in fact-checking. Yet,
South Korean conservative media have received warnings from the Korea Communications Standards
Commission for releasing news stories riddled with errors about the COVID-19 crisis (Chae, 2020; Lee,
Relatedly, social media platforms' efforts to flag misinformation and prioritize reliable information
are critical. Facebook and Twitter have tweaked their algorithms to promote official accounts and they
have clamped down on malicious content about COVID-19. Although these efforts don’t completely avert
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 4
the spread of falsehoods online, research has shown that when a claim is fact-checked and found to be
false, its virality decreases (Friggeri et al., 2014).
Journalistic interventions, such as fact-checking and content moderation, are indispensable in fos-
tering science-based conversations about preventive measures and cures during the evolving public
health crisis. Because of a lack of validated therapeutics or a COVID-19 vaccine, the mitigation strategies
will continue to be heavily reliant on behavioral measures, such as personal hygiene, physical distancing,
and quarantines (Chinazzi et al., 2020). Since such measures require individuals to change their behaviors
according to validated information about the disease, we believe that effectively communicating the most
accurate information to the public is critical for minimizing the impact of the pandemic.
The present study used a South Korean sample, and thus its findings should not be overgeneralized
to other cultural contexts. However, research using American samples has documented similar patterns
of ideological differences: Audiences of conservative media outlets, such as Fox News and Rush Limbaugh,
were more prone to be misinformed and believe in conspiracy theories about the COVID-19 pandemic
(Hall & Albarrcin, 2020). This finding suggests that conservative individuals might be more vulnerable to
misinformation during the COVID-19 crisis, and thus engaged in a rhetoric of falsehoods, not necessarily
due to cultural reasons or the standing of the ruling or the opposition party. Individuals’ party identifica-
tion was included in our analyses as a covariate to rule out these potential confounding effects. Thus, we
anticipate that the current research contributes to the further theorization of ideological differences in
acceptance and dissemination of misinformation for a future pandemic.
Emotion triggers an action (Frijda, 1986). Especially, high-arousal emotions, such as fear and anger, do so
more than low-arousal emotions such as sadness (Berger, 2011; Berger & Milkman, 2012). Given that
misinformation sharing requires action, and that fear and anger are the most prominent emotions during
the COVID-19 pandemic (Kang, 2020), we propose the following two hypotheses and examine how emo-
tion shapes the diffusion of falsehoods in times of the COVID-19 public health crisis.
Hypothesis 1: Individuals expressing anger are more likely to consider misinformation about COVID-
19 scientifically credible, and therefore share falsehoods with others more actively.
This relationship will vary along ideological lines.
Hypothesis 2: Individuals expressing fear are more likely to consider misinformation about COVID-
19 scientifically credible, and therefore share falsehoods with others more actively.
This relationship will vary along ideological lines.
Preliminary observations
Before the main analyses, we report descriptive statistics and correlations of the considered variables in
Table A in the Appendix. This preliminary examination reveals several noteworthy observations. First, an-
ger and fearboth negative and high arousal emotionsare highly correlated.2 This relationship is con-
2 r = .41, p < .001
Han; Cha; Lee 5
sistent with earlier findings (Vasilopoulos et al., 2019; Weeks, 2015). Second, political ideology is not as-
sociated with anger3 but with fear. In addition, conservatives experience a greater degree of fear4 than
liberals.5 Third, people living in the Daegu-Gyeongbuk area, which is the most severely impacted region
in the nation for COVID-19,6 and men,7 are more prone to be politically conservative than progressive.
Fourth, higher education makes people more critical towards misinformation,8 and reluctant to share it.9
Lastly, there is a strong positive relationship between beliefs in misinformation and the act of sharing
Main analyses
Our hypotheses test whether anger (H1) and fear (H2) enhance misinformation sharing by making people
believe false claims about COIVD-19 and whether this indirect (or mediated) effect via beliefs in false
claims is moderated by political ideology. Figure 2 presents the hypothesized moderated-mediation. Ac-
cording to Muller, Judd, and Yzerbyt (2015), there are three preconditions for a moderated-mediation: (1)
no significant interaction effect between an independent variable (i.e., anger or fear) and a moderator
(i.e., political ideology) in predicting the dependent variable (i.e., misinformation sharing), (2) a significant
interaction effect between the independent variable and the moderator on a mediator (i.e., beliefs in false
claims), and (3) a significant main effect of the mediator on the dependent variable. We thus performed
a set of regression analyses. The full regression results are summarized in Table 1.
Finding 1: Participants expressing a higher level of anger toward COVID-19 estimated false claims about
the virus to be more scientifically credible, resulting in a higher degree of misinformation sharing. This
pattern was more evident among conservatives than liberals.
Looking at Model 1 in Table 1, the interaction between anger and ideology has no statistically significant
effect on misinformation sharing.11 The result indicates that regardless of participants being conservative
or liberal, anger has no direct relationship with misinformation sharing. In contrast, Model 2 in Table 1
shows a statistically significant interaction effect between anger and ideology on beliefs in false claims,12
as illustrated in Figure 1. Subsequently, Model 3 in Table 1 shows a positive relationship between beliefs
in false claims and misinformation sharing.13 These two results in concert suggest that conservatives, com-
pared to liberals, contribute more to the spread of misinformation about COVID-19, as they are more
likely to believe unverified claims.
3 r = –.06, p = .161
4 r = –.13, p = .003
5 We would, however, like to note the age effect, in that conservatives, in general, are older than liberals (r = –.21, p < .001).
6 r = .10, p = .023
7 r = –.16, p < .001
8 r = –.14, p = .002
9 r = .14, p = .002
10 r = .80, p < .001
11 b = .11, SE = .07, p = .106
12 b = .12, SE = .06, p = .036
13 b = .87, SE = .03, p < .001
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 6
Table 1. Regression results: The indirect effects of negative emotions and political ideology on misinfor-
mation sharing via beliefs in false claims about COVID-19 (N = 513)
Model 1
Model 2
Model 3
Beliefs in false
(7 = extremely liberal)
Anger × Ideology
Fear × Ideology
Region (1 = Daegu-Gyeongbuk)
Education level
Household income
(1 = women)
PartyID (4= strong supporters of MPK)
Beliefs in false claims
* p < .05, **p < .01, *** p < .001.
Figure 1. The interaction effect of anger and political ideology on beliefs in false claims about COVID-19.
This cognitive mechanism behind misinformation sharing is presented in Figure 2. This indirect relation-
ship is further confirmed with a bootstrap re-sampling analysis.14 For the analyses, we used Hayes’ (2017)
PROCESSS macro and computed the 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals based on 10,000 samples.
14 indirect effect = .11, bootSE = .04, 95% bias-corrected CI [–.1965 to –.0235]
Han; Cha; Lee 7
Figure 2. The indirect effect of anger and fear moderated by political ideology on misinformation sharing via beliefs in false
claims. Estimates are reported as unstandardized (standard error). Solid lines indicate significant regression coefficients at the
alpha level of .05. Dotted lines indicate insignificant regression coefficients.
Finding 2: Participants who expressed a higher level of fear toward COVID-19 did not necessarily consider
false claims about COVID-19 more scientifically credible than usual. No difference was found between con-
servatives and liberals. Accordingly, no indirect effect of fear and political ideology on misinformation shar-
ing was found via beliefs in false claims.
Looking at Model 1 in Table 1, the interaction between fear and ideology has no statistically significant
effect on misinformation sharing.15 The result indicates that regardless of participants being conservative
or liberal, fear has no direct influence on misinformation sharing. Next, Model 2 in Table 1 shows no sta-
tistically significant effect of fear on beliefs in false claims as a function of ideology.16 There is no ideolog-
ical difference in disseminating falsehoods. This insignificant indirect effect is graphed in Figure 2 and
confirmed with a bootstrap re-sampling analyses.17
We fielded a nationwide online survey in South Korea (N = 513) between April 9th and 13th. The Korea
Broadcasting System (KBS) Public Media Institute18 recruited study samples from an online panel of ap-
proximately 20,000 respondents. Consistent with the nation’s population statistics based on residence
15 b = .01, SE = .08, p = .845
16 b = .01, SE = .07, p = .845
17 indirect effect = .01, bootSE = .06, 95% bias-corrected CI [.0973 to .1269]
18 See
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 8
registration in March 2020,19 our sample was matched to be the same proportions of individuals in terms
of key Korean demographics, including gender, age, and region. Given that Daegu-Gyeongbuk is South
Korea’s hardest-hit region from the COVID-19 pandemic, we purposefully recruited 30% of participants
from this area. From the sample selected, 50.3% were women, 36.6% resided in Seoul and Gyeonggi (i.e.,
the greater Seoul area), and 64.5% had some college education or higher. The average age was 47 years
(SD = 16.65) with a range of 18 to 94. The average household income was between ₩40,010,000 (about
$34,000) and ₩50,000,000 (about $42,000). The margin of error for total respondents was ±4.3%p at the
95% confidence level. The response rate was 8.92%.
Participants responded to the questions in the following order:
Emotions: We measured participants’ feelings about the COVID-19 outbreak. Using 6-point Likert scales
(1 = strongly disagree, 6 = strongly agree), participants indicated to what extent they agree or disagree
with the following statements presented in a random order: (1) I am angry, and (2) I am afraid.20
Beliefs in false claims: To assess participants’ beliefs in false claims about COVID-19, we identified twelve
false claims from a list of over 200 fact-checked rumors from China and South Korea. These COVID-19
rumors came from, a Chinese online community for physicians and health care professionals. This
site hosted a comprehensive list of rumors that were shared on Chinese social media. After removing
redundant content, any lockdown-related claims, or politically oriented content, we identified twelve
claims that also propagated in South Korea. All claims had been fact-checked and identified as false either
by the World Health Organization (WHO), the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the US,
and/or the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (KCDC). The claims included:
“Gargling with salt water can eliminate the virus”;
“hair dryers can kill the virus”;
“drinking hot water or hot tea can reduce the chances of getting infected with COVID-19”;
“garlic can prevent infection”;
“only certain age groups, races, or ethnicities are vulnerable to the virus;
“antibiotics or flu vaccines can prevent the disease”; and
“you can test yourself for COVID-19 by holding your breath for 10 seconds” (see Table 2 for all
twelve claims).
Participants indicated whether they found each of the false claims “scientifically credible” or not with two
answer choices (0 = No, 1 = Yes). The items were presented in a random order. We computed the measure
of beliefs in false information by summing the “Yes” responses (Cronbach’s alpha = .70).
Misinformation sharing: Related to the twelve misinformation about COVID-19, participants were next
asked whether they would share each of the claims with others or not with two answer choices (0 = No,
19 See
20 To measure anger, we used two-items (i.e., I am angry, and I am disgusted). So did for measuring anxiety (i.e., I am afraid, and
I am worried). However, given the low measurement reliabilities of anger (Spearman-Brown coefficient = .526) and anxiety (Spear-
man-Brown coefficient = .611), we used a single measure for each emotion.
Han; Cha; Lee 9
1 = Yes). The items were presented in a random order and summed to create the measure of misinfor-
mation sharing (Cronbach’s alpha = .77).
Political ideology: Participants indicated their political ideology on a 7-point scale (1 = extremely conserva-
tive, 4 = moderate, 7 = extremely liberal).
Party identification: Party identification was assessed using a standard branching measure. Participants
first indicated which party they supported by selecting one answer from a list of political parties in South
Korea. Those identifying themselves as supporters of the Minjoo Party of Korea (MPK, the progressive
ruling party) and the United Future Party (UFP, the conservative, opposing party) were then asked to in-
dicate to what extent they supported their parties on a 3-point scale (1 = somewhat support, 3= strongly
support). Those identifying themselves as independents or supporters of some other party were asked
whether they think of themselves as closer to supporters of MPK, supporters of UFP, or neither. For anal-
yses, these measures were recoded into a single measure ranging from 4 (strong supporters of UFP) to
+4 (strong supporters of MPK). Pure independents were coded as 0; UFP-leaners were coded as 1 and
MPK-leaners were coded as +1.
Gender: Participants indicated their gender with two answer choices (0 = men, 1 = women).
Age. Participants were asked to write down their age.
Region: Participants indicated their residence area with multiple choices of (1) Seoul, (2) Busan, (3) Daegu,
(4) Incheon, (5) Gwangju, (6) Daejeon, (7) Ulsan, (8) Gyeonggi, (9) Gangwon, (10) Chungbuk, (11) Chung-
nam, (12) Jeonbuk, (13) Jeonnam, (14) Gyeongbuk, (15) Gyeongnam, (16) Jeju, and (17) Sejong. For our
analyses, the responses were recoded as 1 (Daegu-Gyeongbuk, COVID-19 hotspots in South Korea) and 0
(the other areas).
Education level: Participants indicated their level of education with multiple choices of (1) No elementary
school diploma, (2) Elementary school graduates, (3) No middle school diploma, (4) Middle school gradu-
ates, (5) No high school diploma, (6) High school graduates, (7) Some college, (8) Professional college
degrees, (9) 4-year university students, (10) Bachelor’s degrees, (11) Graduate students, and (12) Master’s
degrees or higher.
Household income: Participants indicated their household income with multiple choices of (1) Less than
₩10,000,000, (2) Between ₩10,010,000 and ₩20,000,000, (3) Between ₩20,010,000 and ₩30,000,000,
(4) Between ₩30,010,000 and ₩40,000,000, (5) Between ₩40,010,000 and ₩50,000,000, (6) Between
₩50,010,000 and ₩60,000,000, (7) Between ₩60,010,000 and ₩70,000,000, (8) Between ₩70,010,000
and ₩80,000,000, (9) Between ₩80,010,000 and ₩90,000,000, (10) Between ₩90,010,000 and
100,000,000, and (11) More than ₩100,000,000.
Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 10
Table 2. Twelve false claims about COVID-19 (N = 513)
Beliefs in false
Even if completely cured, COVID-19 patients suffer from
life-long lung damage.
A runny nose is a symptom of cold, not COVID-19.
Hair dryers can kill the virus.
Drinking alcohol can kill the virus.
Only certain age groups, races, or ethnicities are vulnerable
to the virus.
Antibiotics or flu vaccines can prevent the disease.
You can test yourself for COVID-19 by holding your breath
for 10 seconds.
Garlic can prevent infection.
Gargling with salt water can eliminate the virus.
The virus can penetrate into the body through contact.
Smoking can kill the virus.
Drinking hot water or hot tea can reduce the chances of
getting infected with COVID-19.
Note: Results are the percentage of “Yes” responses to the questions of “Beliefs in false claims” and “Mis-
information sharing.”
Han; Cha; Lee 11
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Anger contributes to the spread of COVID-19 misinformation 14
We thank Richard Moore for his feedback on this article.
This work was partly supported by a research grant for new scholars from the Korean Society for Journal-
ism and Communication Studies (KSJCS) and the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) in 2020. J. Han was
supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2020S1A5B5A16083698). M. Cha was sup-
ported by the Institute for Basic Science (IBS-R029-C2). W. Lee was supported by the National Research
Foundation of Korea (NRF-2016S1A3A2925033).
Competing interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
The institutional review board at KAIST approved the research protocol. Human subjects gave informed
consent before participating and were debriefed at the end of the study.
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License,
which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided that the original
author and source are properly credited.
Data availability
All materials needed to replicate this study are available via the Harvard Dataverse:
Han; Cha; Lee 15
Table A. Descriptive statistics and intercorrelations (N = 513)
1. Ideology
1 to 7
2. Anger
1 to 6
3. Fear
1 to 6
4. Beliefs in false claims
0 to 12
5. Misinformation sharing
0 to 12
6. Age
18 to 94
7. Region (1 = Daegu-Gyeongbuk)
0 to 1
8. Education level
2 to 12
9. Household income
1 to 12
10. Gender (1 = women)
0 to 1
11. Party identification
4 to 4
* p < .05, **p < .01, *** p < .001.
... Thus, one functional feature of a sad mood might be that it reduces gullibility 80 . Anger has also been shown to promote belief in politically concordant misinformation 81 as well as COVID-19 misinformation 82 . Finally, social exclusion, which is likely to induce a negative mood, can increase susceptibility to conspiratorial content 83,84 . ...
... For example, adding a single moral-emotional word to tweets about contentious political issues such as gun control increases retweets by 20% 277 . an angry mood can also boost misinformation sharing 82 . Because social media algorithms promote content that is likely to be shared, the interplay of psychological tendencies and technological optimization can thus easily lead to viral spread of misinformation online. ...
... Given the well-known attitude-behaviour gap -that attitude change does not readily translate into behavioural effects -researchers should also attempt to use more behavioural measures, such as information-sharing measures, rather than relying exclusively on self-report questionnaires [93][94][95] . Although existing research has yielded valuable insights into how people generally process misinformation (many of which will translate across different contexts and cultures), an increased focus on diversification of samples and more robust methods is likely to provide a better appreciation of important contextual factors and nuanced cultural differences 7,82,205,[257][258][259][260][261][262][263] . ...
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Critical thinking for sustainable development therefore focuses on the soft skills of positive values and attitudes while at the same time embracing social, economic, political, and environmental transformation for the good of everyone irrespective of age, gender, ethnicity, or status in society. Green marketing is developing and selling environmentally friendly goods or services. It helps improve credibility, enter a new audience segment, and stand out among competitors as more and more people become environmentally conscious. Using eco-friendly paper and inks for print marketing materials. Skipping the printed materials altogether and option for electronic marketing. Having a recycling program and responsible waste disposal practices. Using eco-friendly product packaging. Critical thinking helps people better understand themselves, their motivations and goals. When you can deduce information to find the most important parts and apply those to your life, you can change your situation and promote personal growth and overall happiness. The reason why innovation benefits from critical thinking is simple; critical thinking is used when judgment is needed to produce a desired set of valued outcomes. That is why the majority of innovation outcomes reflect incremental improvements built on a foundation of critically thought-out solutions. The results indicate that there are four factors that effectively influence fulfillment of green marketing, specifically, green labeling, compatibility, product value and green advertising. A green mission statement becomes the foundation of a company's sustainability efforts. It provides the organization and its stakeholders with an understanding of what's most important and what your company can do to protect the natural world and be more socially responsible.
... Ulike studier har vist at tillit til myndighetene, bekymring for viruset, samt oppfatning om at andre etterlever råd, henger positivt sammen med etterlevelse (Bargain & Aminjonov, 2020;Dohle et al., 2020;Elgar et al., 2020;Han et al., 2020;Horne & Johnson, 2021). Studiene ser i liten grad de ulike faktorene i sammenheng, men fokuserer på én av dem (men se Kittel, Kalleitner, & Schiestl, 2021). ...
... Studier både fra svineinfluensaen (Chuang, Huang, Tseng, Yen, & Yang, 2015;Prati, Pietrantoni, & Zani, 2011a) og Covid-19-pandemien (Bargain & Aminjonov, 2020;Dohle et al., 2020;Elgar et al., 2020;Han et al., 2020;Oksanen et al., 2020;Wong & Jensen, 2020) viser positive sammenhenger mellom institusjonell tillit, etterlevelse av råd, og i siste instans redusert dødelighet. Enkelte studier viser imidlertid at effekten av tillit til myndighetene avtar over tid, noe som understreker behovet for å følge utviklingen longitudinelt (van der Weerd, Timmermans, Beaujean, Oudhoff, & van Steenbergen, 2011). ...
... Når man er sint, er det mer sannsynlig at man tror på uriktig informasjon som stemmer overens med tidligere overbevisninger, mens man avviser informasjon som motsier tidligere holdninger (Weeks, 2015). Studier gjort under Covid 19-pandemien har også vist at sinne er forbundet med tro på konspirasjoner (Han, Cha, & Lee, 2020;Peitz, Lalot, Douglas, Sutton, & Abrams, 2021). En annen bieffekt av sinne er at man undervurderer risiko (Huddy, Feldman, & Cassese, 2007) og oftere bedriver risikosøkende atferd (Lerner & Keltner, 2001). ...
Artikkelen undersøker forklaringer på etterlevelse av råd om sosial distansering under Covid-19-pandemien i den norske befolkningen, med vekt på tillit, følelser og sosiale normer. I tråd med teoretiske forventninger er tillit til myndighetene viktig for etterlevelse av råd. Den sosiale tilliten mellom mennesker ser derimot ut til å ha vært svakt negativt assosiert med etterlevelse. Også det å føle frykt eller håp i tilknytning til pandemien, og oppfatninger om at andre personer i ens sosiale nettverk også etterlever smittevernråd, bidrar til å forklare sosial distansering. Funnene er i tråd med hovedtrekkene i den internasjonale forskningen fra pandemien og viser at de samme forklaringene som er funnet i andre land, også gjør seg gjeldende her. Analysene er basert på longitudinelle surveydata i fire runder i perioden mars 2020 – januar 2022.
... On the other hand, anger was one of the most common emotional responses to the onset of the pandemic 85 . Both emotions were found to be associated to a lack of information 85,86 or misinformation 87 , which could be the drivers of this strong connection. ...
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Psychological stress, social isolation, physical inactivity, and reduced access to care during lockdowns throughout a pandemic negatively impact pain and function. In the context of the first COVID-19 lockdown in Spain, we aimed to investigate how different biopsychosocial factors influence chiropractic patients’ pain-related outcomes and vice-versa. A total of 648 chiropractic patients completed online questionnaires including variables from the following categories: demographics, pain outcomes, pain beliefs, impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, stress/anxiety and self-efficacy. Twenty-eight variables were considered in a cross-sectional network analysis to examine bidirectional associations between biopsychosocial factors and pain outcomes. Subgroup analyses were conducted to estimate differences according to gender and symptom duration. The greatest associations were observed between pain duration and pain evolution during lockdown. Participants’ age, pain symptoms’ evolution during lockdown, and generalized anxiety were the variables with the strongest influence over the whole network. Negative emotions evoked by the pandemic were indirectly associated with pain outcomes, possibly via pain catastrophizing. The network structure of patients reporting acute pain showed important differences when compared to patients with chronic pain. These findings will contribute to identify which factors explain the deleterious effects of both the pandemic and the restrictions on patients living with pain.
... For example, misinformation campaigns seem to be particularly effective in inducing antivaccination attitudes if they make people feel angry (Featherstone & Zhang, 2020). In addition, anger is related to accepting misinformation regarding COVID-19 (Han et al., 2020) and misinformation in general (Greenstein & Franklin, 2020). When people are angry, they use heuristics and are more certain in their judgments (Greenstein & Franklin, 2020;Tiedens & Linton, 2001), which could explain these results. ...
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Science denial has adverse consequences at individual and societal levels and even for the future of our planet. The present article aimed to answer the question: What leads people to deny even the strongest evidence and distrust the scientific method? The article provides a narrative review of research on the underpinnings of science denial, with the main focus on climate change denial. Perspectives that are commonly studied separately are integrated. We review key findings on the roles of disinformation and basic cognitive processes, motivated reasoning (focusing on ideology and populism), and emotion regulation in potentially shaping (or not shaping) views on science and scientific topics. We also include research on youth, a group in an important transition phase in life that is the future decision-makers but less commonly focused on in the research field. In sum, we describe how the manifestations of denial can stem from cognitive biases, motivating efforts to find seemingly rational support for desirable conclusions, or attempts to regulate emotions when feeling threatened or powerless. To foster future research agendas and mindful applications of the results, we identify some research gaps (most importantly related to cross-cultural considerations) and examine the unique features or science denial as an object of psychological research. Based on the review, we make recommendations on measurement, science communication, and education.
... Previous research suggests that events of social and political significance such as elections (Müller & Schwarz, 2018) and terrorist attacks (Burnap et al., 2014) can trigger waves of online hate speech. COVID-19 lockdowns and re-openings have been perceived as political events in Western democracies, which have experienced an ideological split in the support for COVID-19 policy responses with conservatives being opposed and liberals being in favor of restrictions (Han et al., 2020). This is likely the reflection of conservative elites endorsing COVID-19-related conspiracy theories, including the idea-especially in the United States-that COVID-19 was being used to attack President Trump (Uscinski et al., 2020). ...
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Research has explored how the COVID-19 pandemic triggered a wave of conspiratorial thinking and online hate speech, but little is empirically known about how different phases of the pandemic are associated with hate speech against adversaries identified by online conspiracy communities. This study addresses this gap by combining observational methods with exploratory automated text analysis of content from an Italian-themed conspiracy channel on Telegram during the first year of the pandemic. We found that, before the first lockdown in early 2020, the primary target of hate was China, which was blamed for a new bioweapon. Yet over the course of 2020 and particularly after the beginning of the second lockdown, the primary targets became journalists and healthcare workers, who were blamed for exaggerating the threat of COVID-19. This study advances our understanding of the association between hate speech and a complex and protracted event like the COVID-19 pandemic, and it suggests that country-specific responses to the virus (e.g., lockdowns and re-openings) are associated with online hate speech against different adversaries depending on the social and political context.
Drawing from established theoretical traditions in cognitive consistency, motivated reasoning, heuristic–systematic processing, and the anger-activism model, we extend existing work linking anger with misperceptions by specifying three distinct ways anger might contribute to the formation of misperceptions: Increasing reliance on partisan heuristics, influencing political information-seeking behavior, and moderating the influence of partisan media exposure. Analyzing data from an original survey administered nationally via Qualtrics Panels during the first impeachment trial of President Donald Trump in January 2020, results indicate that high-anger partisans were more likely to express belief in claims supportive of their party and critical of the other party, regardless of the veracity of those claims. Further, anger was also linked with greater use of pro-attitudinal information sources and avoidance of counterattitudinal sources, with these differences in partisan media consumption subsequently influencing factual beliefs. However, we found no evidence that anger moderated the relationship between partisan media exposure and factual beliefs. We explore the implications of these findings in a political era defined increasingly by the experience of anger.
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Relationships between risk perceptions, emotions, and stress are well‐documented, as are interconnections between stress, emotion, and media use. During the early COVID‐19 pandemic, the public responded psychologically to the threat posed by the pandemic, and frequently utilized media for information and entertainment. However, we lack a comprehensive picture of how perceived risk, emotion, stress, and media affected each other longitudinally during this time. Further, although response to the pandemic was highly politicized, research has yet to address how partisan affiliation moderated relationships between risk, emotion, stress, and media use over time. This three‐wave (N = 1021) panel study assessed the interplay of risk, emotion, stress, and media use for Americans with different political affiliations between March and May of 2020. Findings indicate that perceived risk, emotion, and stress at Time 1 predicted media use at Time 2, with predictors varying by type of media. Use of entertainment media and social/mobile media predicted later stress (Time 3), but news consumption did not. Later risk perceptions (Time 3) were not influenced by media use at Time 2. The predictors and consequences of different types of media use were notably different for Republicans and Democrats. In particular, risk perceptions predicted greater news use among Democrats but greater entertainment media use among Republicans. Moreover, social/mobile media use resulted in perceiving the risks of COVID‐19 as less serious for Republicans while increasing stress over time for Democrats.
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Lies spread faster than the truth There is worldwide concern over false news and the possibility that it can influence political, economic, and social well-being. To understand how false news spreads, Vosoughi et al. used a data set of rumor cascades on Twitter from 2006 to 2017. About 126,000 rumors were spread by ∼3 million people. False news reached more people than the truth; the top 1% of false news cascades diffused to between 1000 and 100,000 people, whereas the truth rarely diffused to more than 1000 people. Falsehood also diffused faster than the truth. The degree of novelty and the emotional reactions of recipients may be responsible for the differences observed. Science , this issue p. 1146
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Turner's Anger Activism Model (AAM) contends anger and efficacy interact in a unique way to determine message responses to campaign materials. This study tested the AAM using responses to 2 truth antismoking advertisements collected in August-October 2014 via an online, cross-sectional survey of 15- to 21-year-olds. Those aware of each of the truth advertisements (n = 319 for each) were organized into 4 anger/efficacy groups. Analysis of variance and regressions were conducted to understand group differences in message-related cognitions (persuasiveness, receptivity, conversation). Message cognitions were highest among the high anger/high efficacy group and lowest among the low anger/low efficacy group.
Online social networks provide a rich substrate for rumor propagation. Information received via friends tends to be trusted, and online social networks allow individuals to transmit information to many friends at once. By referencing known rumors from, a popular website documenting memes and urban legends, we track the propagation of thousands of rumors appearing on Facebook. From this sample we infer the rates at which rumors from different categories and of varying truth value are uploaded and reshared. We find that rumor cascades run deeper in the social network than reshare cascades in general. We then examine the effect of individual reshares receiving a comment containing a link to a Snopes article on the evolution of the cascade. We find that receiving such a comment increases the likelihood that a reshare of a rumor will be deleted. Furthermore, large cascades are able to accumulate hundreds of Snopes comments while continuing to propagate. Finally, using a dataset of rumors copied and pasted from one status update to another, we show that rumors change over time and that different variants tend to dominate different bursts in popularity. Copyright © 2014, Association for the Advancement of Artificial Intelligence ( All rights reserved.