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https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872820963435
International Social Work
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DOI: 10.1177/0020872820963435
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African migrants and stress coping
strategies in Australia: Implications
for social work
Irene Ikafa
University of New England, Australia
Dieu Hack-Polay
University of Lincoln, UK
Janet Walker
University of Lincoln, UK
Ali B Mahmoud
University of Wales Trinity Saint David, UK
Abstract
This research investigates resettlement stress among African migrants in Australia and how
migrants manage stress. The research used 30 semi-structured interviews with African migrants
in Western Australia. Participants used various strategies, including reliance on family as a
community and on God – usually constructed by alliance rather than kinship – to manage stress.
The article’s key contribution highlights the multilayered approach for social work to integration
strategies for migrants. The study identifies three significant issues emerging: the importance of
‘families’ as community networks, the experience of discrimination and the significance of faith in
God as crucial migrant support factors.
Keywords
African, coping strategies, migrant family, racism, resettlement, social work
Introduction
The number of migrants has significantly increased globally in the past two decades. This has
raised questions about the capacity of some receiving nations in the West to absorb the new
Corresponding author:
Dieu Hack-Polay, Lincoln International Business School, University of Lincoln, Lincoln LN6 7TS, UK.
Email: dhackpolay@lincoln.ac.uk
963435ISW0010.1177/0020872820963435International Social WorkIkafa et al.
research-article2021
Article
2 International Social Work 00(0)
migrants and the impact of mass migration on Western culture, race relations, demographics and
the economy (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2016). There
is little consensus about the real impact of these recent migratory movements. The Syrian crisis,
which brought over a million refugees to Europe in 2015 (Eurostat, 2016; Mahmoud and Al Atrash,
2021), has exacerbated the debate. Some in the media and political arenas contend that opening the
West’s borders to the entry of thousands of new residents has detrimental effects in that migrants
are a cost and burden to the host nations. However, other authors question the validity of such argu-
ments (Ostrand, 2015), as recent research has demonstrated that 61 percent of the nations where
nearly half of the world’s migrants live see newcomers as a positive contribution more than a bur-
den (Mahmoud and Al Atrash, 2021). Migration has a long history in Australia, with the claim that
it has one of the highest proportions of people born overseas (OECD, 2019) and has been subject
to a number of debates (BBC, 2017; The Guardian, 2018). Migrating to countries like Australia can
be beneficial for African migrants. However, stressors associated with resettlement may be sub-
stantial and could have a profound effect on their mental health and well-being (e.g. Ward et al.,
2005). Previous studies have established that African migrants often experience stress related to
separation, acculturation, multiple losses and isolation (Pittaway et al., 2009). Stress can result in
some migrants constantly thinking about their homeland, not sleeping well, refusing to eat food,
and feeling weak and anxious (Ward, 2000). Homesickness has also been seen in migrant workers
and expatriates (Hack-Polay, 2012). There is a convergence of views in the literature that the host
country can be a tough endeavour for migrants. This is because a new socio-cultural context has
complexities which requires time to be intelligible to newcomers (Maloutas, 2012; Pessar, 2005).
Social work has a key role in responding to migrants’ complex needs, e.g. development of cultural
intelligence, interpersonal skills and professional credentials, etc. (Briskman and Cemlyn, 2005;
Crowther, 2019; Hayes, 2004; Hugman, 2004; Robinson, 2014; Valtonen, 2012; Williams and
Graham, 2014; Wroe et al., 2019). The main research question sought to address the following:
Beyond retraining and finding employment, are there other psychological or spiritual strategies
that migrants deploy to cope with stress in exile and integrate into the new society? This research
therefore examines critical strategies developed by sub-Saharan African migrants in Australia to
combat stress deriving from displacement and socialisation into a new societal nomenclature that
seeks to highlight the everyday social narratives of migrants, originally from sub-Saharan Africa,
in their quest to find ‘meaning’ in their integration into Australian society.
Literature review
It is well documented in the literature that migrants experience a significant amount of stress at an
intrapersonal level as a result of role and identity discontinuity. Migrants are confronted with many
factors that contribute to the stress that they experience (Valtonen, 2012; Wroe et al., 2019). The litera-
ture highlights that the major cause of stress and disadvantage for migrants is the lack of recognition
of their prior learning or qualifications. Consequently, many migrants face unemployment (Schweitzer
et al., 2006) or take up jobs that are lower than the positions they once held in the homeland (Hack-
Polay, 2019). Sectors such as hospitality and retail absorb significant numbers of migrants, but they
equally largely offer jobs that represent underemployment when compared with the skills that migrants
harbour (Barrett et al., 2006; Hack-Polay and Igwe, 2019; Hack-Polay and Mendy, 2017). The lower-
ing of their professional status is a key stressor and source of dislocation in the host country and can be
viewed as a significant barrier for migrants in integrating into civil society.
Resettling migrants into new communities has allied complications. Leaving cultural spaces
where one has deeply rooted connections is often credited with dramatic structural, socio-
economic and psychological effects (Fantasia and Pfohman, 2016). Adaptation is one of the
Ikafa et al. 3
challenges that migrants face. Migrants’ behaviour and mental health can be profoundly affected
by such issues and climax in intense stress (Hilado and Lundy, 2018). Hack-Polay (2010) believes
that seven key elements cause and exacerbate stress levels in migrants. Such factors include sepa-
ration, and trauma resulting from separation, dislocation and social isolation in host country as well
as status inconsistency, and acculturation stress (Ghorashi, 2005; Hack-Polay, 2010). These factors
help to understand the multifaceted nature of the migrant experience.
A critical factor associated with the resettlement process is acculturative stress emanating from the
dual and overlapping processes of grieving and at the same time navigating the socialisation process.
Acculturative stress is the disruption in social ties following the encounter with a different culture,
usually more dominant than one’s original culture, characterised by psychosocial anxiety which
impairs the usual behaviour of individuals and their ability to perform normal social roles (Berry,
1970). Many authors have argued that stress, particularly acculturative stress, can damage the life
expectancy of those suffering from the issue, and can curtail life expectancy by 2.8 years and ‘precipi-
tate’ the degradation of physical health (Härkänen et al., 2020; Kobasa, 1979; Smart and Smart, 1995;
Zhong et al., 2016). In a recent study of Filipino migrants in Australia, Maneze et al. (2014) estab-
lished that acculturative stress had key implications for health promotion, pointing to the degree to
which the level of stress affects migrants’ diet and lifestyles, which led them to develop various
physical health problems. Furthermore, acculturation stress and psychological distress have been
identified as critical factors in the mental health of migrants (Hilado and Lundy, 2018).
Acculturation can create additional challenges for displaced people. Kovacev and Shute (2004)
argue that living in a different culture has psychological and social impacts on displaced people.
Lin (1986) pinpoints that many migrants struggle to adapt to complex socio-cultural realities that
are not only alien but also critically dynamic. This is exacerbated where there is a significant cul-
tural distance between the migrants and their new society. The adaptation difficulties for migrants
are well-documented (see Rumbaut and Rumbaut, 1976; Wagner and Obermiller, 2004). These
difficulties are so acute in some cases that, given a choice, many migrants will sit out the process
and confine themselves to the ethnic enclave, the purpose of which is to remain close to their own
culture and identity (Consoli et al., 2018; Hack-Polay, 2019; Mazumdar et al., 2000). The problem
of identity is part of the struggle faced by refugees (Kebede, 2010), many of whom feel a sense of
belonging in the host society in time, while their self-proclaimed sense of belonging may be denied
by the dominant society.
Through gaining competence in the host country culture, migrants can aspire to be a part of their
new community. The level of socialisation and inclusion differs sizably depending on the social
and cultural baggage and location in the host country. For example, those with strong prior aca-
demic backgrounds and those escaping their family ties and relevant ethnic networks, and thus
social networks, can often display an adaptation advantage. However, for many, the barriers associ-
ated with being part of their new collective can present a significant source of stress (Markus,
2019; Phillimore, 2011).
Social networks represent social capital that assists the migrants in their attempts to root them-
selves in the new society. Migrant social networks are predominantly in the realm of ethnic net-
works and enclaves. Such networks help migrants maintain some familiar norms and values which
provide a degree of psychology safety. These networks play an essential role in migrant integra-
tion. Values and norms help migrants succeed in the integration process (Omi and Winant, 2014).
However, the role of migrant social networks could be contradictory (Hack-Polay, 2019). While
they can support the transition of migrants in an alien socio-cultural and physical sphere, migrant
networks could present a degree of dysfunctionality and become barriers that retain migrants in a
situation where they are indecisive about whether to strengthen efforts to integrate or to fashion
separate lives in the migrant and ethnic enclave (Stein, 1986).
4 International Social Work 00(0)
African migrants and stress
Regardless of the level of preparation, migration to a new country and new culture, whether volun-
tary or otherwise, is a complex process that is likely to result in a degree of culture shock which can
be stressful. African migrants may encounter stress associated with loss of homeland, family,
friends and social networks. Multiple losses were established as a source of stress for African
migrants in Australia who professed that they had lost almost everything (Ogunsiji et al., 2012).
Another stressor affecting involuntary African migrants is separation from family members.
Sudanese refugees in Australia experienced constant stress because of separation from their family
and friends, who often remain in refugee camps and war zones (Savic et al., 2013). A major stressor
impacting on African migrants is racial discrimination. Anti-racist practice (ARP) is central to
practice social work effectively. The problem lies in the fact that ARP might be used in a milieu of
established racism and those trying to protect migrants’ rights are increasingly in conflict with the
policy of the government (Collett, 2004). A study in Australia found that Africans experienced
more discrimination compared with other migrants with lighter skin (Colic-Peisker, 2009). High
levels of discrimination affected Africans in the Australian labour market and everyday life (Fozdar
and Torezani, 2008; Hancock, 2017).
Somali refugees were stressed because of cultural differences, parenting issues, gender, and role
reversal (Omar, 2003), with Somali women in Australia also experiencing challenges in their abil-
ity to use social networks and produce social capital during their resettlement process (McMichael
and Manderson, 2004). Studies in other countries have also shown that culture shock can cause
stress among migrants. Most Sudanese women in Baird’s study experienced culture shock because
they found the culture in the United States different. Culture shock can be terrifying and stressful,
particularly for refugees who have been forced out of their country and have never travelled out-
side their country (Baird, 2012).
Gender and role challenges can create stress within African families due to the existing
disparity between men and women. In African cultures, the roles of men, women and children
are well defined, and each member of the family functions within these boundaries.
Traditionally, African men are the head of the family and are responsible for providing
material and financial support for their families. The lived and gendered experience of men
and women is a major factor affecting relationships within the families of African migrants,
which can result in family violence, breakdown and divorce (Abur, 2018; Abur and Spaaij,
2016; Heger Boyle and Ali, 2010; Kuyini and Kivunja, 2020). The major challenge for many
African men is acceptance of the differing and complementary roles of women in mainstream
Australian society (Ahmed, 2006).
Coping strategies used by African migrants
People cope in different ways when faced with stressful situations. Southern Sudanese refugees in
Australia used coping strategies such as inner resources, social support networks and focus on hope
for the future (Khawaja et al., 2008). McMichael and Manderson (2004) contended that African
migrants in Australia who use social networks accessed more social and material support and suf-
fered less distress. Migrants endure severe difficulties by holding aspirations for belongingness in
Australia at the same time as retaining a degree of ethnic identity (Peisker and Tilbury, 2003).
Similar studies conducted outside Australia (Phinney et al., 2001) reached similar conclusions.
Women, adolescents and single people benefit from extended family support, which helps them
cope with the resettlement stressors (Taylor et al., 2014).
Ikafa et al. 5
Prayer is also an important coping strategy used by African migrants (Ager and Strang, 2008).
The primary source of coping among Somali and Ethiopian refugees is praying to relieve their sad-
ness in hopeless situations (Halcón et al., 2004). Prayer is an effective coping strategy to deal with
past trauma (Goodman, 2004; Khawaja et al., 2008). While some studies already exist on African
migrants in Australia, they appear to be limited to refugees only. This is a significant gap; hence,
our study aimed to examine the major stressors impacting on the mental health and well-being of
both involuntary and voluntary African migrants. It also aimed to explore the coping strategies they
use to aid their resettlement process in Australia. This highlights the role of social workers in the
constructing of a relational bridge through individual empowerment, supporting diversity and dif-
ference, and prompting integration between cultural and social diversities, immigrants’ heritage
and integration into the mainstream culture (Hilado and Lundy, 2018; Viola et al., 2018).
Method
The study examined the major stressors impacting on the mental health of both involuntary and
voluntary African migrants and how they cope with stress. The study used an exploratory interpre-
tive qualitative research design, using in-depth face-to-face interviews to allow participants to
express their experiences and feelings that were pertinent to their personal circumstances. We
sought to investigate the resettlement experiences of African migrants in Australia. The study also
aimed to examine the status of the mental health of African migrants and how they cope with stress,
and to evaluate the available migrant support services. A sample of 30 participants (19 females and
11 males) were interviewed.
The sample included ethnic sub-Saharan African migrants living in Western Australia (WA).
Sub-Saharan countries are African nations south of the Sahara Desert. Convenience sampling was
used to recruit volunteer participants, which enabled us to include diverse participants from a wide
range of African countries. Selection criteria were as follows: ethnic adult African migrants (aged
18 years or above) of either gender, from sub-Saharan African countries, who had become perma-
nent residents or citizens of Australia. Temporary visa holders were excluded because they may not
have been allowed to stay in Australia.
The recruitment process involved the following. Flyers outlining the purpose of the study were
displayed in public places around the Perth (the capital of WA) metropolitan area, appealing to
interested individuals to contact the first author. Participants were also recruited by word of mouth
through the first author’s social networks. The length of time for participants in Australia was
between 1 and 17 years. All participants had gained Australian citizenship or had permanent resi-
dent status at the time of the interviews.
In-depth interviews allowed participants to express their experiences and feelings pertinent to
their personal circumstances. The participants were asked about barriers hindering their successful
resettlement in Australia and how they coped with difficult situations. The interviews took approxi-
mately 45–60 minutes to complete. The interview questions about barriers to resettlement and the
coping strategies explored are as follows:
Barriers to resettlement: participants were asked to name any barriers hindering their suc-
cessful resettlement in Australia, and to indicate the most challenging situations they had
encountered since coming to Australia. If they had children, they were also asked to indicate
any particular concerns for them.
Coping strategies: participants were also asked to describe how they coped with the most
challenging situations, and to explain how their families and/or friends had helped them deal
with these situations. In addition, they were asked to specify whether they belonged to a
6 International Social Work 00(0)
community group, church/mosque or other support organisation, and if so, what role these
organisations had played.
The interviews were fully transcribed and analysed following an Interpretative Phenomenological
Analysis. We sought to provide an understanding of the context of the African migrants’ lived
experiences through sense-making. The use of thematic content analysis was in that spirit. Each
transcript was thoroughly read by the researchers to penetrate the participants’ experiences. The
data were therefore coded extensively using open coding as each transcript was read and reread to
ascertain the meaning of its content. The many codes identified were then grouped to establish the
final analytical categories by examining the similarities and differences in the data, which were
identified and colour coded, and words capturing similar ideas were reduced. Several major themes
and subthemes emerged from the data, for example, the role of networks and the family, faith,
experience of discrimination, and so on.
Murdoch University Human Research Ethics Committee granted approval to conduct this
investigation. Informed consent was obtained from all participants. Each prospective respondent
was provided with a Participant Information Sheet, which detailed the aims and scope of the study.
Space was provided on the sheet for the participants to provide their telephone numbers if they
agreed to take part in an interview. The participants were assured of complete confidentiality and
anonymity, and that any response would be identified only by a number or pseudonym that could
not be traced to any specific individual.
Findings
This section presents the key themes related to the causes of stresses and coping strategies which
derive from the data. Several key quotes from the participants are used to illustrate the analysis.
Sources of stress
Separation and loss. Participants who were mothers reported that they experienced increased stress
because of their feelings of increased responsibilities for their family’s well-being after migrating.
An unemployed male participant with two children did not report any stress associated with
increased responsibilities of looking after his children. However, all female participants who had
children under 5 years (n = 12) stated that they were stressed because they no longer had access to
extended family members who could help them with advice and childcare:
My biggest problem is about coping well with the absence of my family who were a huge source of
support, emotionally and practically with issues such as childcare. Having the children by myself hundred
per cent of the time and having to work is draining. I went and sat down and convinced myself, ‘I have to
look after my children’. (P3)
The African migrants spoke freely about the difficult situation they encountered upon arriving
in Australia. Participants experienced multiple losses, including the loss of their culture, food, fam-
ily, friends and social networks:
Oh, heaps [of losses] – your family and the support network. It’s not there – it takes a lot to build that up.
(P11)
The missing of the network of advice and support of family and other relatives demonstrates
the importance of the African extended family network, owing to cultures being
Ikafa et al. 7
largely collectivistic. The sense of loss was felt in human terms with the missing of the family
and childhood friends. However, other cultural artefacts and constructs added to the loss
expressed by the participants. For instance, a participant explained that her sense of loss was
exacerbated by
[t]he lack of food from back home here in Australia. You have to go very far to find something to eat which
is typically and culturally African. That depresses me even more. (P5)
Culture shock
Participants reported experiencing culture shock when they initially arrived in Australia. Most
aspects of social and cultural life were significantly different from practices in the participants’
homelands. These differences ranged from the dressing style for women to the way in which
people interact and communicate. The experience is psychologically distressing:
Culture shock was significant. I don’t think that I ever saw young girls exposing their bellies; particularly
I remember well how pregnant mothers exposed their bellies; they go around with very short skirts. I never
saw that in my country. Okay the fancy styles, yes, those ones exist in cities back in Africa, but not the
almost walking naked. (P14)
Although the participants were generally happy with the move to Australia, many were con-
cerned that their loss did not end with their losing the homeland. They now feared losing their
children – both newcomers and those born in exile – to Australian culture. Despite trying hard to
teach them African language and culture at home, some African migrant families felt that the
effort was not worthwhile. They were anxious about acculturation and about their children being
drawn into culturally unacceptable activities, for example drug or alcohol abuse. Migrant parents
were concerned about the rapid adoption of the new culture by their children as rejection of their
own cultural heritage:
Talking with my big daughters, I realise that they are drifting into these [cultures] and I try to bring them
back. I tell them, ‘remember where we come from – Africa – with our culture. I don’t want you to get lost
into the things you see’. (P25)
Another migrant mother who was anxious about the rapid westernisation of her children was
firmer in her approach to drawing them out of a popular culture that she saw as corrupting the
values she was trying to get her daughters to internalise. The mother participant hinted some of the
stiff warning she had for her daughters:
You’re not going to walk naked as [wearing short shirts or shorts] in front of me. (P14)
However, some African migrants had no concerns about their children, expressing their support
because their children had adjusted well and had made the transition to resettlement easier for their
families. The unconcerned migrants expected their children to grow up as a new generation that
espouses the value of their new country. The words of one of these migrant parents summarise the
main view of the non-conservative African migrants:
I came to live here to be safe, work and belong here. I’m happy that my children have learnt Australian
society and values. They won’t be different from anybody else. (P2)
8 International Social Work 00(0)
Unmet expectations
Thirteen of the migrants had very high expectations when they arrived in Australia, believing that
Australia was issue free and that most of their needs could be met almost effortlessly. However,
when faced with the reality of their experiences, this caused stress when they were faced with
demanding situations. These participants had fled their homeland to neighbouring countries
because of civil war and expected the safe haven to be a place without anxiety. These assumptions
were formed while they lived in refugee camps prior to coming to Australia on a refugee status:
Frankly, at first, I had very high expectations, but some expectations dropped later, realizing that life in
Australia isn’t as easy and stress-free as I imagined. I got to know that things aren’t all roses – you have to
struggle. (P13)
External and self-imposed exclusion
A key issue that the migrants faced that was independent of their own doing was discrimination,
particularly concerning their ethnic and racial origins. This was prominent in the narratives of the
migrants, with 18 participants reporting experiences of racial discrimination which was present in
the employment market and the wider society. The migrants felt that equal opportunity laws were
inadequate to protect them. For example, they believed that employers circumvented these laws by
providing other reasons for not employing them, leading the qualified migrants to go through a
period of trauma with their professional identity. Two participants explained their experiences of
racial discrimination – which were echoed by many of the 18 migrants who reported the issue:
One thing that still sticks to mind for me is racism here – it’s there, but it’s subtle and many times people
don’t want to talk about it. (P29)
I’ve experienced open racism where people call you names or where you walk on the street and someone
says ‘go home’. (P18)
Hidden, more subtle racism (e.g. microaggressions, in the everyday experiences of the migrants)
was highlighted as the most hurtful of all racism in the participants’ view. Another participant
expresses this in vivid words:
Ah silent racism! It’s especially when you go to institutions, you get that silent treatment – turning heads
and treating you like you don’t exist. Though they may not say anything, you can read the disdain in some
people’s eyes. That’s threatening and unwelcoming. (P29)
However, the oppressive forces that isolate the African migrants also come from within the
migrant enclaves and families in the form of domestic abuse, with two participants believing that
this was a major stressor which had a significant effect on their mental health. They proposed that
education about domestic abuse should be provided in African communities. These participants
witnessed domestic violence between their parents:
I think this is quite sensitive, but domestic violence is a big issue in the African community. I don’t mean
just physical violence but also emotional violence. I’ve seen it occur; I think we need more education on
how it affects children. (P9)
Participant 10 supported this and commented that domestic abuse is hidden within some African
families and migrant enclaves because the social control and culture within the community is not
conducive to reporting the issue.
Ikafa et al. 9
Overall, participants experiencing stressors such as culture shock, multiple losses, separation
issues, high expectations, parenting issues and domestic abuse between their parents felt very dis-
tressed. Different factors enabled many of the participants to deal with oppressive issues and move
forward with their new lives. The next section examines the practical steps that African migrants
in Australia take to cope with the issues faced in the new cultural context.
Coping strategies
Family support. The ability to cope well with difficulties was highlighted as being associated with
the support from families, both in Australia and in the country of origin (n = 20). Some would
telephone family members back home as needed:
We always talk about [stressful] issues as a family. That’s what I think helped us all the time, from when
we first arrived in this country. We talk about what happened and then each person comes in and gives
some support. We encourage family members to share their problems. (P18)
Yeah. My family is supportive when I have problems, and they’ve been behind [me]. I had a problem at
work and I had to stop work almost immediately – my whole family supported and helped me to get
through the issue. (P26)
The children have actually made my transition even easier because they are very happy to be in Australia
and one reason, I think – actually, they’ve categorically told me – that they like Australia because there are
parks nearby to run around and play. They have cousins here and really play well together. They gather
with cousins in Ghana. (P6)
Migrant networks. Coping well was also associated with sharing their problems with their support
networks for guidance (n = 7). Their friends and other support networks were from a range of
places, including their home countries, the African community in Perth, workplaces and learning
institutions, for example those offering further education or universities:
Oh, friends are very important because they give you the moral support; your friends listen to you when
you have problems, friends share their own stories. Friends give you guidance and tell you where to look.
Your friends become family here; they’re very important. (P23)
Friends help tremendously. Sometimes it’s about providing certain things that one might be lacking, and
also connections – they try to link you to potential employers. For instance, I was connected to my current
job by my friends and other support network. Before I got a job, I received significant help, like food and
money from friends. (P24)
Connections with other African communities in Australia, and the way in which they used the
community to socialise and for support during major events such as weddings and Christmas and
New Year celebrations was an important feature of social networks (n = 8). They reported that
members of the African community help new migrants with their initial resettlement needs, such
as providing transport and other needs. Furthermore, they help other African migrants who are
facing difficulties in resolving their problems:
Now, I’m a member of the African Community Association and a member of specific community groups
– for example, Congolese and Kenyan community. When I have problems, I can reach out to friends from
10 International Social Work 00(0)
the group and express my feelings. I also help other African migrants by employing them in my hair salon.
(P11)
I come from a community where people live together; so, what troubles me also troubles them; they’ll be
there to offer me encouragement and support. (P29)
Faith in God. Two-thirds of the participants (n = 20) stated that they believed in God and belonged
to different faith communities. There is a convergent acknowledgement that God helped them
through the difficulties of migration and dislocation. Many of the African migrants believed that
their belief in God provided psychological healing and spiritual renewal and fostered opportunities
for them:
I believe that every human being needs some spiritual strength from God. I believe there’s a God who
helps his creation. (P15)
For many problems that we encounter as human beings, only God sometimes can best help us. (P24)
The impact of faith was felt by several migrants who believed that it was ‘Heaven’ that helped
them to find the way to Australia. God was described as placing relevant people on their resettle-
ment paths to provide comfort, reassurance and practical help:
I belonged to the Seventh Day Adventist Church back home. When I arrived in Australia, the Lord [God]
showed me where to find them. I found the church and started attending. That was blessing in disguise.
(P30)
The church played a big role in my resettlement. Weeks after l arrived, I found the church. The additional
support from church made settling easier. (P20)
Divine intervention was not limited to guiding the participants to find a church. However, it
was, in their eyes, visible in all walks of life, from finding other Africans and local communities
that would embrace them to finding jobs, having children and staying in good health, and so on.
One participant linked finding his first job to his faith:
When I came, I wanted a job to start making sense of this place. But many months later, I was still
unemployed. Something told me ‘you must pray’. I straight away knew that God was speaking to me. I
knelt and prayed for three days. The next Sunday after the service, a brother-in-Christ asked if I was
looking for work. He invited me to his office the next week. When I arrived, he showed me the job I was
to do. I think only God can do this. (P3)
Another participant who ‘experienced the hand of God’ recounted her godsent gift:
One year exactly after arriving here, I had my baby. That was a big gift from Him [God]. Because it
changed my life. I went from sad and depressed to a happy mother. I had a sense of purpose. (P4)
The same participant thought that the charity workers who looked after her and her child, pro-
viding assistance with clothes, gifts and friendly visits, were led by the Spirit. These accounts
associated with a faith in God were widespread among the participants.
Overall, the data show that most participants used coping strategies, such as seeking support
from family, friends, African communities, and finding employment. However, the most important
Ikafa et al. 11
strategy was the reliance on God for guidance and intervention to deal with resettlement difficul-
ties, for example stress, depression, homesickness and unemployment.
Discussion
Our study provides a qualitative empirical inquiry into the emotional and spiritually cognitive cop-
ing strategies for resettlement-related stress among sub-Saharan African migrants in Australia. The
results of this study indicate that all participants experienced multiple losses, including the loss of
their culture, food, family, friends and social networks, leading them to identify culture shock as a
foremost source of stress. Another important finding was that family by alliance, migrant networks
and God were the primary psychological domains relied on by the participants to deal with reset-
tlement stress. Interestingly, our research demonstrates that participants joined African community-
based events and used other supporting networks that demonstrate cultural vicinity, for socialising
and exchanging support for emotional pressure and stress-related issues. In the following sub-
sections, we offer further discussions that engage our findings with previous research.
Resettlement stressors
The findings indicate that all participants experienced multiple losses, including the loss of their
culture, food, family, friends and social networks. These findings are supported by Ogunsiji et al.’s
(2012) study in Sydney (Australia). Ogunsiji et al. identified multiple losses as a significant source
of stress for African migrants, because they perceived they had lost everything they had achieved
in their homeland, and described their loss as stating again. This finding aligns with most previous
studies of the effect of dislocation on migrants (see Fisher et al., 1984; Hack-Polay, 2012; Lin,
1986; Scharp et al., 2016).
The migrants saw culture shock as a key source of stress. Some experienced culture shock asso-
ciated with the style of dress for women in Australia. This is consistent with the findings of another
study which linked culture shock to adjustment attempts (Dunbar, 1992). This is also consistent
with the findings of Casimiro et al. (2007) about Muslim refugee women in Australia. Berry’s
(2005) research found that culture shock represents a major resettlement stressor because of the
attempt to merge two cultures. The findings show that the migrants were concerned about cultural
issues for themselves and their offspring. Adjusting to a new culture and environment is significant
for migrant resettlement, particularly for those originating from cultures perceived to be distant
(Hemmasi and Downes, 2013; Hinsliff, 2007). Equally, during the process of acculturation, non-
dominant groups in the society may experience a great deal of stress when trying to adjust to their
new life in their host country (Brand et al., 2014).
The findings indicate that the resettlement stresses that African migrants’ (n = 18) experience is
compounded by their experience of racial discrimination operating in the employment market, and
they felt that equal opportunity laws were inadequate to protect them. Likewise, one-third of Sudanese
refugees in Australia experienced discrimination (Murray, 2010). Moreover, Fozdar and Torezani
(2008) found high levels of perceived discrimination among refugees. Practices of discrimination,
disadvantage and stigma are endemic when dealing with asylum-seekers, refugee groups and ethnic
minorities (Solomos, 1996). Therefore, Parker (2000) argues that the diverse spectrum of social work
intervention programmes for migrant groups demands the implementation and acquisition of essen-
tial knowledge and expertise. Such education is encouraged to include promoting and evaluating
anti-racist and anti-oppressive approaches to the practice of social work (Parker, 2000).
While several of the findings reported above may bear similarities to findings on various migrant
groups and settings, our research revealed that unfulfilled expectations were a significant source of
12 International Social Work 00(0)
resettlement stress for African migrants. Many participants (n = 13) reported that they had very
high expectations when they arrived in Australia. Such findings are limitedly reported in the litera-
ture. Such limited reports about the link between the expectation of the new country and stress are
by Cox (1999) and Stein (1986). They postulated that most refugees expect to recover from their
lost status when they arrive in the host country.
In addition, a significant finding in our study indicates that adult children who were living with
their migrant parents reported witnessing domestic abuse between their parents, and they also
claimed that it was pervasive within African communities. Domestic violence among migrants is
also underreported in the academic literature. Only a major study in the United States considered
the issue and found that the role reversal is a significant factor affecting relationships within the
families of African migrants and can result in family violence, breakdown and divorce (Heger
Boyle and Ali, 2010). As a consequence, children and adolescents witnessing domestic abuse are
at increased risk of experiencing emotional distress (Holt et al., 2008).
Strategies for dealing with resettlement stress
Several approaches to managing stress are linked to migrant resettlement, for example, community
involvement, obsessive attachment to some specific things, obsessive thoughts about home, medi-
calisation and so on (Hack-Polay, 2012). Participants in this study too deployed many of these
strategies signalled in the literature. However, our research unveiled and reinforced three signifi-
cant strategies employed by African migrants in Australia that commend further reflection. These
are family by alliance, migrant networks and the central significance of God.
The findings indicate that more than two-thirds of participants (n = 21) believed in God and
belonged to different faith communities, as they found this to help make the resettlement process
easier. A previous study also found that prayer and belief in God are effective coping strategies for
dealing with past trauma, among the Sudanese refugees in Australia (Khawaja et al., 2008). God
helped the migrants to be tolerant of critical social issues in exile, for example, unemployment,
racism, anxiety and so on. Since they believed that God himself brought them to safety in Australia,
He would be gracious in helping them to have children, find jobs, and have health and hope.
Having God in their mind led many of the African migrants to find ‘peace’, knowing that the dif-
ficulties they may be facing were only temporary. Similarly, the migrants were resigned to leaving
everything to God, even when they felt they had been badly treated by some sections of the popula-
tion or by the system. Faith and belief increased within migrant groups, especially in the early
period after arrival. The complexity associated with such heavy reliance on the ‘divine’ is the
potential development of a disempowering laissez-faire approach whereby some migrants would
sit back and await opportunities from heaven as opposed to deriving them from personal hard
work.
Unsurprisingly, the majority of the African migrants relied on friends and family members to
cope with stress. Some would telephone their families in Africa to find much-needed support. This
is consistent with another study in the United States which found that Ghanaian migrants cope by
maintaining ties to their homeland through keeping in regular contact with their families (Owusu,
2003). Similarly, another study in Australia reported that the coping strategies used by Sudanese
refugees include seeking support from extended family members and friends (Schweitzer et al.,
2007). A significant finding of this research is about the nature of family that some migrants
described. Some participants identified as ‘brothers or sisters, uncles or aunts’ people from their
cultural or of the same nationality. This is an extrapolation of the notion of family in the African
migrant milieu. This emphasises the importance of utilising culture (collectivism in the case of the
African migrants) as a tool for successful resettlement in Australia. By calling the ‘strangers’ from
Ikafa et al. 13
their national origin relatives – what we refer to as ‘family by alliance’ – they build trust and extend
their newly developed close networks.
Our study also shows that participants engaged in African community activities and used other
support networks that show cultural proximity in order to socialise and to help them solve stressful
situations. A study by McMichael and Manderson (2004) established that African refugees needed
to rely on support networks from their various communities, as this gave them a sense of belonging
to a recognisable and supporting collectivity and provided them with the means to deal with their
immediate needs. Networks act as an assurance during the resettlement process of migrants (Lamba
and Krahn, 2003). In addition, such networks have been found to be utilised by recently arrived
refugee migrant men while seeking employment in Australia (Correa-Velez et al., 2015).
The current study builds on a range of studies, especially Khawaja et al.’s (2008) study, by
examining the major stressors affecting African migrants to Australia and how they cope with
stress. The research reveals that many of the migrants have identified similar features of stress and
mechanisms for coping.
Conclusion
Our study indicates that, while there were high expectations of life in Australia compared with their
previous experiences, African migrants experienced a number of similar and new stressors, includ-
ing multiple losses, culture shock, separation issues, parenting issues and racial discrimination.
Coping strategies included the use of support from family members, friends, African communities,
spirituality and membership in faith groups.
Social workers have a critical role in supporting migrants to establish family and support net-
works. Social capital is critical to support cohesion and integration (Cheung and Phillimore, 2013).
However, the experience of migration, whether voluntary or involuntary, can have a profound
impact on the development of social capital experienced both as ‘hidden’, for example through the
impact of domestic abuse, and ‘visible’, when migrants seek to integrate into civil society through
the experience of discrimination, particularly racism, and micro aggression in their everyday expe-
riences. Social workers have a central role in advocating, representing and promoting the rights of
migrants to support ‘recovery’ for the individual and in promoting integration. Thus, social work-
ers should not only show compassion for or empathise with African migrants but also reflect criti-
cally on the prejudices that cause emotional pain to those migrants (Allan, 2015). As an integral
part of the social policy in the host country, social work practice should responsibly respond to the
challenges concerning the resettlement of African migrants. In this regard, Collett (2004) argues
that without functioning in an anti-racist manner, social workers are increasingly drawn to the dark
side of social policy, where social workers bolster up the injustice they are supposed to confront.
For social workers, allegiance with religious organisations may be instrumental in the integra-
tion of migrants and their emotional well-being. They have a key role in ensuring that migrants are
referred to appropriate services, to support the development of social capital and social cohesion,
for example job findings, integration and citizenship learning, professional counselling and physi-
cal health services. Recognising the importance of God and religious services to the African
migrants, general service providers need to be more sensitive to the impact of this in working col-
laboratively with the church and religious leaders and integrate a degree of pastoral care in their
provision, for example invite the services of religious leaders, when appropriate. Such integrated
service provision, in the context of Australia and potentially other multicultural societies, could
yield more success in citizenship preparation and community harmony.
Physical, emotional, sexual and other kinds of abuse occur in all communities. However, the
status of being a migrant, dependency on the migrant community, issues of lack of integration and
14 International Social Work 00(0)
therefore feelings of isolation, experiences of discrimination and the lack of education in relation
to domestic abuse, can place victims in situations of greater vulnerability to abuse. Further atten-
tion and research is needed to probe the prevalence and impact of abuse on African migrant com-
munities, to support culturally competent domestic abuse and other services to immigrant survivors
and communities to understand the complexities of survivors’ lives and the barriers survivors over-
come when deciding to seek help.
Our study appears to be the first within Australia to examine the major stressors impacting on
African migrants and how they cope with resettlement stress; it provides baseline data. The main
limitations of our research centre on the fact that we have not been able to systematically segregate
the participants into voluntary versus displaced people as the experiences of the two categories
could have some variations. Further research would be valuable to gain a greater understanding of
the stressors and coping strategies used by these groups of migrants. In the same perspective, it
would be important for future research to consider a larger sample to attempt to identify trends.
This would support the work of social workers and others as crucial to engage in a continuous
process of learning and applying the knowledge gained to increase culturally competent services.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication
of this article.
Ethical approval
Ethical approval (ethics registration no. 265) was granted by the Murdoch University Human Research Ethics
Committee to conduct this investigation.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Informed consent
The participants offered informed consent and consented for their data to be included in the research.
ORCID iDs
Irene Ikafa https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8603-265X
Dieu Hack-Polay https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1038-5018
Ali B Mahmoud https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3790-1107
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Author biographies
Irene Ikafa is a lecturer in nursing and a unit coordinator of the mental health units for undergradu-
ate and postgraduate nursing programs in the Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of New
England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia. Previously, Irene was a lecturer in mental health
for over 8 years coordinating mental health units at Murdoch University, School of Health
Professionals, Perth, Western Australia.
Dieu Hack-Polay is an associate professor in organisational studies at Lincoln International
Business School, UK. He specialises in human resource management and migrant labour.
Janet Walker is a deputy head/lead for social work in the School of Health and Social Care at the
University of Lincoln. She is the school director of teaching and learning and international lead.
The current focus of her research is focused on partnerships with social work colleagues in Malawi.
Prior to 2002 Janet spent 22 years as a social worker and manager in the UK, working across all
service user groups.
Ali B Mahmoud, PhD, researches in the area of business psychology from an interdisciplinary angle
(digital consumer behaviour and people analytics) and has published over 40 journal articles, book
chapters, and conference papers.
