Content uploaded by Elena Chernenko
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Elena Chernenko on Sep 06, 2020
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
Soviet and Russian Foreign Energy Policy: Comparative Analysis
Abstract and Figures
The article offers a comparative description of Russia's energy policy during the Soviet period and afterwards. In this context, the emphasis is given to the foreign policy. A certain continuity of modern Russia's foreign policy course is considered. At the same time, attention is drawn to the development peculiarities of the energy sector as of the most important economic sphere during the post-Soviet period in terms of the changed political conditions and increased turbulence in the framework of international relations. The author attempts to draw comprehensive analysis of internal and external factors influencing Russia's energy policy. The article is based on various information sources, both Russian and foreign, including statistical data from international organizations. All of this helps to better understand the motivation behind Russia's political decisions in the energy sector, and therefore to facilitate the search for new potential forms and opportunities for international cooperation.
Figures - uploaded by Elena Chernenko
Author content
All figure content in this area was uploaded by Elena Chernenko
Content may be subject to copyright.
This book examines Russia’s multidimensional foreign energy policy and the emerging and ongoing conflicts with energy-consuming and transit countries.
Russia’s Foreign Energy Policy examines whether the interdependence patterns shaped through various channels (such as foreign trade, investment, finance, technology, and social interactions) between Russia and energy-importing countries could prevent energy-based conflict. Drawing on semi-structured expert interviews, Kenan Aslanli challenges the one-sided conventional wisdom that focusses on foreign policy ambitions and overlooks the peculiarities of the energy dimension. Instead, Aslanli highlights the complexity of contemporary energy affairs using a holistic approach that goes beyond geopolitics. He examines various energy types such as crude oil, natural gas, and nuclear and considers a diverse range of actors which include energy companies and international organizations. Using examples from Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, Aslanli demonstrates how the Russian strategy of using energy resources as a tool or energy weapon for foreign policy goals has a diminishing return in the long run.
This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of energy policy, foreign policy, and Russian studies more broadly.
BRICS is now entering a new decade of its activity. The institute enters a new decade in the conditions of a general multilateralism crisis, the growth of protectionist and nationalist sentiments even in the most liberal states, the leaders do not want to be responsible for solving key problems and do not have the power to cope with challenges by themselves. On the one hand, BRICS members need to deepen and intensify the cooperation to compensate for possible losses in cooperation with western partners, and, on the other hand, consolidate their position on strengthening their influence in the global governance system as a whole. BRICS membership has been one of the key priorities for Brazil’s foreign policy for the last years. This membership allows the country to develop relations with other major regional powers, and to consolidate the position on the most important issues both for BRICS countries and the entire system of global governance. Brazil’s numerous economic problems and a serious political system crisis led to the election of a radical anti-establishment candidate Jair Bolsonaro. BRICS agenda requires transformation to preserve and increase its influence and relevance in the international system. Under these conditions Brazil will begin its presidency in the institution. This study presents an analysis of the general context in which BRICS is now functioning, the problems and goals of Brazil’s current socio-economic and political development and the objectives of its foreign policy and the opportunities and limitations that are brought by Brazil’s presidency in BRICS.
Energy dialogue between Russia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became an issue of current importance in many respects, due to transformation of the whole system of international relations in the Middle East, caused by several military and political crises as well as the new political and military role assumed by Russia in Syrian crisis settlement. The energy dialogue between the two oil-producing countries is considered as one of the key mechanisms promoting crises settlement in the Middle East, regulating disputable issues in energy pricing and as adjusting infrastructure, social and environmental problems in the region. The author’s position is that international relations are not a “zero-sum game”. So, the political will of states to find the compromises contributes to the stabilization of the situation in the Middle East that, in its turn, can provide sustainable social and economic development of Russia and Saudi Arabia. The aim of this article is to identify the features of the energy dialogue between Russia and KSA and to determine the factors affecting it. The author uses methods of the comparative analysis and system approach. This paper analyses the conceptual basis of energy policy of the Russian Federation and Saudi Arabia, international treaties and the functioning of the “OPEC+” format, compare the approaches of Russia and KSA to the formation of the dialogue in the energy sector. The opinions of leading Arab and Russian experts in the energy field are taken into consideration. As a result, the following key features of the energy dialogue between Russia and the KSA were marked out. Firstly, in many aspects it is determined by regional political and military crises and fundamental difference in Russia’s and the KSA’s approaches to the final settlement of the Syrian conflict. Secondly, by introducing the concept of “the alliances overturn” the author draws attention to important changes in the way KSA forms partnership with the USA and Russia. In the context of conceptual changes in KSA’s approach to the strategic partnership with the USA and Russia. Thirdly, the author emphasizes the willingness of the parties to make mutual concessions in matters of principle, such as the conflict in Yemen and Syria. The fourth key feature of the dialogue between Russia and the KSA is using energy as a universal platform to find mutually beneficial solutions in ensuring regional economic security and military and political stability.
The article is analyzing the current situation in Afghanistan; it reveals the challenges and risks that emanate from this conflict zone and affect the security sphere of the five post-Soviet states of Central Asia (CA) and their Asian neighbors. Attention is paid to the growth of drug trafficking and the terrorist threat from Afghanistan by the “Islamic state” (IS, a terrorist group banned in Russia). The diplomatic initiatives taken by Russia, China, and other states to achieve national reconciliation in Afghanistan are considered. Military-political and economic projects in Central Asia (“One Belt, One Way”, and “China-Pakistan Economic Corridor”), which are alternatives to the Russia-initiated integration in the sphere of economy (Eurasian Economic Union - EAEU) and security (the Collective Security Treaty Organization - CSTO) are analyzed taking into account the rivalry within the China-India-Pakistan triangle. In connection with the recent changes in the Asian strategy of the United States, the peculiarities of India-Pakistan interaction with the post-Soviet states of Central Asia and with Afghanistan have been revealed. The chronological framework of the article is а period following the partial withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 of the American military contingent, brought to the beginning of 2018, when a new geopolitical reality began to form in the Central Asian region.
The need to study the Kyrgyz-Kazakh, Kyrgyz-Uzbek, Kyrgyz-Tajik interstate relations caused by the fact that there is a need to identify the cooperation framework in fuel and energy field. It is clear that Central Asian states were interdependent, but each individually played a role in the development of fuel and energy sector of Kyrgyzstan. Republic in bilateral relations with the neighboring countries of the region determines ways to improve the development of the fuel and energy complex, taking into account the issues of sovereignty and national interests. Kyrgyzstan, located in the neighborhood with these republics, does not use this advantage, but finds alternative partners. The main purpose of the study determines the role of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan in the energy sector of Kyrgyzstan. The processes of globalization affect relations between countries activating them and giving more interdependence of the states. The author emphasizes the importance of bilateral integration relations in the fuel and energy sectors of Central Asian countries. The necessity to build a high-quality format of political agreements with neighboring countries to prevent bilateral issues and implementation of promising projects in the sector, which can improve not only the economic development of Kyrgyzstan, but the entire Central Asian region is discussed. The study used historical and inductive analysis methods.
The article deals with the topic of how Russian liberal parties of the early twentieth century - the Party of the Constitutional Democrats (the Kadets), the Octobrist Party (the Octobrists) and the Progressive Party (the Progressives) - interpreted the range of issues associated with the foreign policy of the Russian Empire, such as imperialism, militarism, colonial policy, nationalism and pacifism. The authors hypothesize that the above-mentioned Russian liberal parties, despite all the differences in their political, economic and social views, adhered to the same foreign-policy approach which could be referred to as liberal imperialism. In particular, all three parties called on the Russian government to prepare for the intensive economic competition for new markets and trade flows, as well as for a potentially possible imperialist war between great European powers. According to the Kadets’, Octobrists’ and Progressives’ concepts, Russia's foreign policy should be highly proactive and imperialistic, and should be based on a strong military presence both in Europe and in Asia.
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the problem of Russia’s relations with the countries of the former USSR has traditionally been the focus of attention of both the academic and the expert community. This issue becomes especially urgent in the context of significant changes in world politics caused by the rapid deterioration of relations between Russia and the western world following the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis. This article identifies the key economic, political and social factors having a negative impact on the current dynamics of relations between the Russian Federation and the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and thereby gradually decreasing Russia’s influence in the former Soviet Union.
The article is structured around three groups of factors — objective, ambivalent and subjective — which impede the growth of Russia’s influence in the former Soviet Union. Objective factors are related to economic and political issues, ambivalent (mixed) factors are those of sociocultural and historical nature and subjective factors are predominantly psychological. Based on an extensive analysis of relevant material, the authors conclude that the CIS countries refuse to follow the pro-Russian path not only (and in some cases not so much) due to the objective need of the post-Soviet countries for diversified political, trading and economic ties, but also (and rather) for several subjective, social and cultural, political and psychological factors considered in detail below. An important conclusion of this research is that most subjective factors negatively affecting the efficiency of Russia’s policy in the former Soviet Union can be potentially and significantly minimized in a relatively short term. Objective factors, especially those concerning Russia’s declining role in the world economy and its reduced trade volumes with the CIS countries, on the contrary, are of a rather long-term nature and therefore it may take a considerable amount of time to adjust the current dynamics.
The article examines Russia's entire oil and gas export network and reveals that there is a considerable surplus pipeline capacity, which is likely to endure in the future. It brings to attention surplus capacity as a concept that could enrich discussions on what drivers Russia's energy policy abroad and how Moscow enhances its energy security. The article provides three explanations on Russia's surplus capacity for oil and gas exports. First, Russia's institutional setting has been conducive for a surge in new pipelines, as economic considerations have played a less significant role. Second, Russia's energy “pivot to Asia” has already contributed to a widening surplus capacity in westbound oil pipelines, and it is likely to have a similar impact on gas once it starts flowing to China. Third, Russia's energy security concerns, namely about minimising transit risks, have played a key role in its active pipeline diplomacy and new pipeline ventures. The implications of Russia's surplus capacity can be significant. For oil, the room for manoeuvring is wide enough to allow Russia abandon an entire route of its choice. For gas, Moscow is likely to enhance its bargaining position with Ukraine, while Gazprom acquires more flexibility to deliver gas abroad.
Energy diplomacy and geo-economics as an integral element of international energy law // Bulletin of Orenburg State University
- I S Zhukova
Zhukova I.S. Energy diplomacy and geo-economics as an integral
element of international energy law // Bulletin of Orenburg State
University. 2010 (March), 2 (109), 51-54.
Energy diplomacy of Russia at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries (Foreign economic aspects
- S Z Zhiznin
Zhiznin S.Z. Energy diplomacy of Russia at the turn of the XX-XXI
centuries (Foreign economic aspects): Thesis paper: 08.00.14. -Moscow.
1998.
Sketch plan of scientific and technical works. // Complete works
- V I Lenin
Lenin V.I. Sketch plan of scientific and technical works. // Complete
works. Volume 36. -URL: http://leninism.su/works/75-tom-36/1464-nabrosok-plana-nauchno-texnicheskix-rabot.html