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22st DMI: Academic Design Management Conference
Impact The Future By Design
Toronto, Canada, 5-6 August, 2020
Copyright © 2020. Copyright in each paper on this conference proceedings is the property of the author(s). Permission is granted to reproduce
copies of these works for purposes relevant to the above conference, provided that the author(s), source and copyright notice are included on each
copy. For other uses, including extended quotation, please contact the author(s).
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design
Research
Neha MANN*a, Sebastian RAMIREZ LOAIZAb and Dr. Claudia REBOLAc
a University of Cincinnati; b University of Cincinnati; c University of Cincinnati
Piatt Park is the first park in Cincinnati and hence a heritage destination. Recently the park has become a hotspot for
notorious problems including loitering, drug usage, homelessness etc. which affects the quality of living of residents and
visitors of downtown Cincinnati. Different organizations have addressed the situation but the majority of proposals
recommend substantial shifts in environmental design, requiring high-investment infrastructural modifications. As part of
the Graduate program at [redacted], the Urban Mediated Environments course partnered with the Cincinnati Police
Department and exercised design research to lead innovations, conceptualizing low-tech interventions to mediate the
behavioral dynamics of Piatt Park.
A group of 7 students, as part of the Urban Mediated Environments course at University of Cincinnati, developed an
intervention system to dissolve the issues without uninviting anyone from using the park. A Hybrid design research
methodology helped empathize with the park users and gave a deeper understanding of the enablers of bad behaviors.
The response to the challenges was refined through multiple rounds of prototyping and agile iterations, until the final
concepts were adopted by the city. Some of these interventions are being implemented in downtown Cincinnati and have
set a precedent in mediating urban environments.
Keywords: urban spaces, crime prevention, behavior change, digital design, public space
* Corresponding author: Neha Mann | e-mail: mannnh@mail.uc.edu
Neha Mann, Sebastian Ramirez Loaiza, Dr. Claudia Rebola
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Introduction
Piatt Park is the oldest park in Cincinnati. Stretching for 2 blocks in the heart of the city, provides a perfect space to
rest, a green corridor of trees giving shade and plenty of seating area. It is surrounded by the Public Library of
Cincinnati and Hamilton County, a convenience store, a closed hotel, and different businesses and establishments.
This green space in Downtown hosts thousands of visitors during its regular operation hours, and in the summer is
the venue for public performances. Some of these include acoustic lunches, yoga at the park and street stage
project, that seek to engage with the visitors and provide open entertainment. Recently, the park has gained an
agitated dynamic with a large number of visitors that stay in the park for large periods, disrupting the peaceful
environment for the neighbors and the development of surrounding businesses like restaurants and cafes. (Fig 1, 2)
Some of these visitors engage in illegal activities, like smoking and drinking, having easy access to alcohol and
snacks from a nearby convenience store and restrooms in the public library. Moreover, the park has become a hub
for misdemeanors like gambling and drug usage. The park is located in a zone with a limited number of dedicated
policemen, where it is hard to patrol constantly. Though during public performances, the park shows a safe
environment without signs of wrongful activities, because of the permanent presence and circulation of police
officers and the increase of spectators in the area.
Due to this combination of factors, reports of fights in the park have been common, arrests and even a case of
shooting (Knight, 2019). The existing infrastructure does not offer activities to engage with, except for a number of
concrete tables with embedded chess boards, but no pieces. The park layout, long central circulation with seating
areas on the sides, generates a runway effect where the passer by feels uncomfortable being observed as they walk
by. The regular users present a general unawareness of the norms such as the park hours, or the forbidden use of
bikes inside the park, ignoring the information stated in timid signs that dilute in the greenery. Furthermore,
policemen and 3CDC downtown ambassadors (Downtown Cincinnati INC, 2020) reinforce correct behavior in the
premises but there is not a constant figure of authority present.
Recently, stakeholders suggested different mediation techniques and renovations to the park to solve this problem
like replacing the lighting system of the park, closing one of its streets and trimming all the tree that form a secure
canopy. Those proposals required major structural intervention, a large budget and a long time for
implementation; and had to reconsidered.
In 2019, the Cincinnati police department partnered with the School of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning
(DAAP) at University of Cincinnati to conduct design research on the current issues; ideate and prototype low-cost,
Figure 2. A hotspot for crime and illegal conduct
Figure 1. Piatt park, the first park in Cincinnati
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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easy-to-implement solutions that could mediate the current dynamic of the park. This paper shows the initial
results of that process that was the framework of the graduate-level class Urban Mediated Environments.
Background
The city of Cincinnati Police Department and the Cincinnati Parks Department have been looking for ways to
mediate the dynamic of Piatt Park and reduce behaviors that may not necessarily constitute a crime but affect the
wellbeing and healthy social dynamics of the area (Hanselman, 2018). Over the last few years, they have partnered
with many organizations and have employed multiple creative strategies at Piatt Park.
Hostile approaches
One of the business owners started to play classical music in the southeast corner of the park expecting to dissipate
the large groups of people that loiter, particularly teenagers. This approach has worked in other places in the past
(Oreskes, 2019) and the establishments were anticipating the same results. However people continued to
congregate in the same spaces for long periods outside the corner store.
The ‘Yes, Loitering’ project surveyed the opinion on groups of teenagers within the Bronx, in New York; finding out
that they are considered to be reckless, loud, disrespectful, and even dangerous which leads to hostile signage and
approaches like playing classical music loudly. This type of approach only tries to limit the access to public spaces
and creates an unwelcoming environment for minors, producing an effect of permanent annoyance and
resentment (Fast Company 2018).
In a similar fashion, infrastructure can be used to prevent unwanted behavior. Public parks use elements like bench
dividers or slanted surfaces to stop homeless people from sleeping in the park or install metal guards on ledges to
forbid skateboarding. However, some of these interventions are heavily criticized because they target the most
vulnerable populations and restrict public spaces to be enjoyed by everyone (Hu, 2019).
Crime prevention approaches from the past
Moving from bad behavior to criminal activities, crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) addresses
ways to design and use the built environment that can reduce the incidence and fear of crime. The four principles
of CTED, Natural surveillance, Natural access control, Territorial reinforcement and Maintenance and management;
aim to enhance the legitimate use of space rather than hinder it (National Crime Prevention Council, 2003). These
principles were applied in the renovation of Washington Park, an 8-acre space in the heart of the city; that was
finished in 2012 and is just a few minutes away of Piatt Park (Betzky, 2012), changing the perspective of the place.
However the success of CPTED in the past few decades, its design concepts were not universal solutions that fit all
their requirements. Paul Cozer points the need to understand the requirements with a multi-faceted view and
acknowledge their complexity.
It is even more urgent for CPTED practitioners to think more critically and use evidence and theories from
environmental criminology, in order to assess risk and craft appropriate CPTED (and other) interventions that
are custom made for specific situations, places, and times (2015, p. 14)
Neha Mann, Sebastian Ramirez Loaiza, Dr. Claudia Rebola
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Different from Washington Park, the interventions in Piatt Park were conceived to require little to no budget and
account for a large population of high-schoolers that condenses in a park that only offers a shared-bike station as
'recreation' infrastructure in the built environment.
Design for Behavior Change
A similar complexity is described by Ditommaso when describes behavior change design:
Health behaviors and behavior change processes are complex, involving a web of personal, interpersonal, and
environmental factors that influence our decisions and abilities to behave in certain ways. Changing behavior
requires juggling multiple and often competing motives. It may require developing new skills and making
fundamental shifts in how one orients to the social and physical environment around them (2019, p. 163).
This complexity is addressed in the behavior change design process. This process consists in 4 phases of Diagnosis,
description, execution and evaluation where the COMB-B model (Michie et al., 2011) is used to understand the
interactions of capabilities, opportunities and motivation that result in behaviors.
In our project, the COM-B model was used as an ideation framework for possible intervention based on the 10
strategies Ditommaso compiles in the prescription phase (education, training, persuasion, Incentivization,
coercion, needs satisfaction, restriction, environmental restructuring, modelling, and enablement).
Methodology
The Urban Mediated Environments course structure was categorized into 3 phases – Learn, Construct and Apply.
(Fig 3)
Figure 3. Phases of project development
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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The Learn phase began with an induction to the challenges and history of Piatt Park by the Cincinnati Police
Department. The knowledge-transfer set the foundations for planning the next phases. Following the induction,
students visited the site for observation and documentation. Several digital photographs and written observations
were recorded on an online whiteboarding software Whimsical. This displayed thinking was utilized for discussions
in the following class, where students brainstormed and discussed initial ideas. (Fig 4)
Based on the initial ideation, the team developed a well-rounded methodology to observe, engage and learn from
multiple stakeholders. The team collectively gathered primary data with a hybrid methodology developed by
referencing Martin and Hanington’s ‘Universal Methods of Design’ (Martin and Hanington 2012).
Semi-structured Interviews
It was essential for the study to make direct contact with different stakeholders in order to empathize with their
perceptions of the public space. Students mapped stakeholders and contacted them to ‘collect first-hand personal
accounts of experience, opinions, attitudes, and perceptions’. (Martin and Hanington 2012)
Park Users
To interview park users it was critical to go through an existing point of contact. The student was accompanied by
an ex-downtown ambassador who was familiar with the regular users of the park. They interviewed 5 users for 20-
30 minutes per interview with a shirt semi-structured questionnaire. However, the environment of the interviews
did not accommodate the traditional transcribing that an in-depth interview requires. Either the participants
refused to be audio recorded, or the conversations were so spontaneous that recording was not a possibility.
Using the COM-Behavior Change model, the students ranged from their capabilities, motivations and opportunities.
The purpose of the study is to revise the dynamic of the park, in order to enable positive behaviors. To understand
their motivations, participants were asked why they enjoyed the park, how they spend their time there. Their
capabilities were recorded as their capacity to reach the park, do they spend money to get here, their backgrounds.
To identify opportunities for alternate engagement at the park, participants shared their other interests and any
particular suggestions.
Figure 4. Photo-documentation of initial observations
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Resi dent Interview s
Residents around the park had been noticeable averse to the activities at the park. It was also a challenge for the
student to contact the residents and schedule a meeting. The student was able to conduct 1 in-depth interview
with a willing resident of the area. The participant was asked questions about their evolving perception of the park,
any problems they might have identified and if they would be interested in participating to improve the park
dynamics.
In terview s with su rrounding businesses
The park is located in the center of a busy street. In the initial ideation phase, its location and surrounding
businesses were established as a driver of negative behaviors. Collectively all these businesses are contributing to
creating a habitable and convenient hotspot for prolonged loitering and crime. The businesses interviewed were
LPK - a design agency located next to the park, Garfield Store - a corner store that is the main source of food and
beverage for park visitors, Cincinnati Public Library and the police officers stationed at Piatt Park.
Video Observations
The park proceedings were evidential of both the negative behavior and enables of those behaviors. Impulses are
more likely to be acted upon when an individual does not feel watched. Video observations are helpful for
reviewing these uninhibited interactions and behaviors. Through observation and ‘systematic recording of
phenomena – including people, artifacts, environments, events, behaviors ‘ – is insightful in developing a temporal
understanding of the park proceedings.
Students conducted structured observations as an exploratory method to understand the frequency and
archetypes of park users. They sampled structured recordings for 3-4 hours for 2 weeks, from inside the Cincinnati
Public Library which faces the park. This data was coded for the behaviors of identified visitors – mothers and
children, teenagers, older adults, large groups, small groups, bikers, pedestrians – during and after the presence of
authority figures.
Graffiti Walls
Graffiti walls provide an open canvas on which participants can freely offer their written or visual comments about
a prompt or question. They are particularly beneficial in environments where traditional research methods such as
interviewing prove challenging. (Martin and Hanington 2012) They are a low-investment and quick method to gain
quick feedback or responses from volunteering participants. In the case of Piatt Park, is was a further viable method
as it did not require equipment which would need to be safeguarded.
The student installed 2 Graffiti Walls at the park before the break of dawn, in order for the wall to remain
anonymous (Fig 5). The walls asked was open comments from the about their favorite thing about Piatt Park.
Figure 5. Graffiti Wall after 1 week at Piatt park
Figure 6. Question mark signs with QR Codes
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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Whiteboard markers were attached to the board for communal use. One of the walls was installed for 24 hours and
the other for a week. An extension of the Graffiti walls were 3D handcrafted question marks that were placed
inside and outside of the park (Fig 6). The question mark had a QR code at the bottom which allowed people to
scan and answer the same question from their phones.
Quantitative survey of downtown visitors
To gather a mass perceptions of Piatt Park, a quantitative survey was conducted in a 1 mile radius around the park.
Downtown visitors were requested to participate in a quick digital survey. This survey asked participants whether
or not they had visited Piatt Park, why or why not and what other parks do they frequent. It gathered 40 responses
in the 1.5 mile stretch from Washington Park to Smale Park.
Data Analysis
The data collected was analyzed and visualized in the Construct phase using multiple methods of synthesis.
Park u ser interviews
All 5 park users unanimously stated that they loved the park for its beauty, the foliage and the shade it provides.
Regular visitors or 'inhabitants' of the park expressed ownership of the area. Many of these inhabitants felt that
this ownership was violated by criminal activities of teenagers who they dubbed 'Punks'. Piatt Park emerged as an
area socialize for many, in between ‘holding their sign’ or looking for a place to stay. They also expressed strength
in numbers, they ‘enjoyed the company of our(their) group’. Many of them were unaware of the smoking and
drinking prohibitions in this park.
Some participants unveiled systemic issues with the city, in explanation for ‘why they ended up at Piatt Park’. They
shared the need for employment for the uneducated 'lower class'. They wanted to be included in society and not
feel like 'the scum of the city'. They shared that even though they had easy access to housing shelters and
rehabilitation centers, a lot of the homeless people inhabiting Piatt Park don’t want to take up the offer, because
‘getting housed means getting clean’.
One participant even volunteers at the church and a rehabilitation center, and suggested it is a way to employ the
people idling at Piatt Park. Others suggested legalizing marijuana in Cincinnati would help curb heroin addiction.
Many of the park users requested more police patrolling or security monitoring by 3CDC workers. They expressed
interest in alternate engagement like music events.
The student also observed high levels of aggression among alcohol drinkers as compared to the smokers, who were
relatively silent and harmless. An anecdote of significance was when a mother brought her infant to the park, all
the park users were very cautious not to smoke around the infant. There demeaners changed and they
immediately called out anyone who was smoking in their proximity. Access to free electricity was another driver for
the participants to choose Piatt Park to inhabit.
Resi dent interviews
The participant shared their growing discomfort with the state of the park. They said they were ‘uncomfortable’,
‘intimidated’ and ‘felt unwelcome in the park.’ They were aware of the illegal activities in the park and felt there
was not enough police patrolling. They strongly desire for the park to be a space that feels safe and welcoming for
all. They also shared concerns about the library as a hotspot and Red Bike (a rental bike service) as a major source
of the problems surrounding the park .
Video observations
The video coding found heavy misconduct with regards to the Red Bike rental service. Pedestrians were found to be
frequently disobeying traffic signs. Families visit the park with kids, but they do not stay for long. It was evident that
illegal activities were taking place in the park. Smoking, drinking alcohol and littering was common misbehavior
found among the park users. The norms and signage of the park was overlooked. The park also had many older
adults as visitors. Teenagers were found to be staying at the park for long periods of time and forming the largest
Neha Mann, Sebastian Ramirez Loaiza, Dr. Claudia Rebola
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groups, but without engaging in any particular activities. It was also noted that even though park activity is higher
on week days police presence is more common on weekends.
Graf fiti walls
In response to what is your favorite thing about Piatt Park, the participants responses were as follows - They like to
hang out with the people they consider family, they enjoy the shade in the summer, they like to smoke with their
friends, ‘chilling and dealing’. A few people wrote about a 3CDC employee who works at the park and said he
makes them feel safe.
The same question when responded through the QR Code survey got the following responses -
the trees are a nice escape from the grey urban areas, the fountains and the overhanging trees, and ‘people
watching’.
Quan titat ive survey o f downt own visitors
This survey while being targeted at collecting user visit data, also illustrated why people do not like to visit the Park
and how many downtown citizens even recognize Piatt Park. Below is the summary of responses:
· 53% of interviewees report that they don’t know the park.
· 47% of people who have visited the park reported that they just walk by and do not spend time in the park.
· Playing with their kids is the biggest reason for visiting parks
· Water attractions are also a reason for visitors to go to a park
· Lunch was the biggest reason for visiting Piatt park (21% of people who visited Piatt Park).
To form a comprehensive shared understanding of the park dynamics, the team began by developing user personas
to exemplify typical behaviors of the different users. These personas were pivot to forming a multi-dimensional
narrative of the park users who were being labelled as troublemakers by many.
5 user personas were identified:
1. Loitering Luke: This persona represented large groups of teenagers from a nearby high-school. Every other
persona considered them as the ‘troublemakers’. They spent long hours at the park, sitting in large groups and
were often found smoking. However, the persona development of Loitering Luke was helpful in understanding that
they were highly stigmatized teenagers attending a dropout recovery school. They feared going back to their often
violent homes and spent as much time in the park as possible. (Fig 7)
Figure 7. Persona: Loitering Luke
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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2. Gamble Gil: They are young adults who are often repeat offenders. They are publicly aggresive, loud and can be
found gambling at the park lunch tables. They are associated with dealing drugs, gun violence and share a strong
anti-police sentiment. They blame Loitering Luke for drawing police attention to the area.
3. Piatter Pam: They are a unified group of homeless people inhabiting Piatt Park. They feel outcasted from society
and are a regular at downtown and its parks. They can be seen walking around with strollers or large bags and
often engage in smoking and drinking. They are blatantly unaware of the park norms and state ‘This is what I know,
where else would I be?’ displaying their strong ownership of the park.
4. Scared Suzanne: They are the residents of downtown Cincinnati, who are intimidated by the activities in the
park. They express their vulnerability to the police and rely on them to take action. They want to use the park to
walk their dogs, but walk end up dodging the park.
5. Regular Rob: Similar to Piatter Pam, Regular Rob is a regular at the park and spends most of their time there.
However, this persona is pivotal in understanding the negative enablers of the park and the city. Regular Rob is
inherently harmless, a recovered addict who is not seeking purpose. They are motivated and even volunteer to
improve the park dynamics. (Fig 8)
Figure 8. Persona: Regular Rob
Neha Mann, Sebastian Ramirez Loaiza, Dr. Claudia Rebola
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Results
Through the design of the methodology, conducting primary research and data analysis, the 4 pillars of the
deteriorating dynamic of Piatt Park were identified. These 4 pillars are:
Ownership
A lot of park users expressed deep-rooted ownership of the park. These were people inhabiting the park
indefinitely. But with the park being crowded with inhabitants and ‘troublemakers’, th residents and people
working around Piatt Park felt unwelcome to enjoy the park. This skewed sense of ownership provided the
opportunity to engage multiple users in the park. This ownership must be further extended to appropriate use and
care of the park.
Peda gogy
The blatant disobedience of the park rules or simply missing the signage was evident in the behaviors of the park
users. The signage was a moss green color to be in harmony with the park aestheti. However it risked the users
missing the signage completely and indulging in negative behaviors. Strategically, it was also addressed that the
signage needed to be more inclusive, inviting everyone to the park, rather than excluding certain individuals. An
opportunity was found to educate the park users through signage. One such educational message could be, for
example, educating park users about health outcomes of their activities.
Auth ority
At the time, the park users and the team both felt the lack of authoritarian figures at the park. However, working
with the Cincinnati Police Department, it was already established that they were low on resources to station
officers for preventative crimes. The team suggested establishing a ‘perceived’ presence of authorities. This could
mean inviting authoritarian figures or re-channeling park ownership into authority against negative behaviors.
Circulation
The residents and other visitors had expressed their feelings of vulnerability when crossing the park. To break the
‘runway effect’ of the linear park, circulation needs to improve drastically. People need to be invited into the park
and engaged, to rework the dynamic of the park. This would involve inviting children and families to the park,
which requires activities for them to engage in.
Figure 9. System for interventions
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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With these 4 pillars of opportunity established, the interventions had to be designed through an iterative process.
To address all 4 opportunity areas, a system of interventions had to be developed, which when implemented in
phases could gradually mediate the challenges of Piatt Park. After meeting with the police departments and
stakeholders, it was defined that an ideal intervention would:
1. Engage multiple stakeholders
2. Be implementable and cost-effective
3. Be interactive
There were largely 2 proposals which would be integrated as a systemic intervention:
1. Interactive Signage
The existing signage in the park, categorized under Guide signs
were intended as gentle reminders to enforce the park rules.
They were thoughtfully designed with dark green, consistent
typographic visual language that explicitly stated the rule. The
color was chosen to be harmonious with the foliage in the park
and not disrupt the natural aesthetic. However the data
analysis established that these signs, while being successful at
maintaining visual harmony, were highly overlooked by the
park visitors.
The new signage system had to convey the rules, not disrupt
the park visually and introduce new park etiquettes that
address the unique challenges of the park. The following
changes were proposed in the signage:
In teractive capa bility
The current park signs were ‘missed’ on account of being too
subtle. The concept of making the signs interactive was an
attempt to engage park users into alternate activities.
Elements like augmented reality and QR codes would extend
the scope of a static sign and would engage park users to
interact with the signage. One of the concepts was a treasure
hunt, where visitors scan the signs to discover a particular
track, leading them from one sign to the other around the
park. On accomplishing all the checkpoints, they would be rewarded with gift cards or other forms of
incentivization sponsored by the businesses surrounding the park. The aim of such interactions was to provide an
alternative and activity for the ‘Loitering Luke’ persona and to enable them to indulge in positive behaviors.
Figure 10. Existing park signage
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Definin g park zones
Based on this aim, the park was also divided into 4 engagement zones. Additionally, signage was utilized to visually
differentiate these park zones that provide different interaction, thus better social enablers. The learning zone is an
area where users can listen to the ‘book of the month’ in the audio system. Such a zone could be sponsored by the
Public Library that faces the park and is riddled with many of the same problems as the park. Another zone is Piatt
Play, which has low-cost on-the-floor games for children. This was added to invite more families to alert and
smokers that this is a public space with rules. The music zone is particularly designed with the persona of Loitering
Luke in mind. Teenagers stay at the park for prolonged hours without anything to engage them. The music zone is a
suggestion to engage teenagers in alternate activities, so they do not idle around at the park and indulge in
negative behaviors.
Motivationa l M essaging
The proposal was also distinguished by re-phrasing the messages as reinforcements of positive behaviors, instead
of prohibiting negative behaviors. Through the research it was identified that the interventions needed to be
respectful to all the personas and focus on enabling positive behaviors instead of pushing certain groups of people
out. While some standard signs were maintained – no smoking, alcohol, gambling – other messages were written in
relation to the engagement zone they were in. For example the Play zone sign said ‘This is the kids zone. Be
mindful of your behaviors.’ This messaging hinged on the purpose of the zone to establish an ideal code of
conduct, without explicitly stating park etiquette.
Contextual Placement
It was also observed that park users indulged in negative behaviors in areas where the signs weren’t visible. The
proposal involves suggesting contextual placement of the signage, to where the rules are being broken. For
example a common place to sit and smoke is on the park benches. So the new signage system needs to be
incorporated on or around the benches as a constant reminder of the rules. This placement could also be hinged on
the proposed engagement zones. For example the pet zone may have footsteps as signage on the ground, leading
pet owners to where the pet waste bags are stored. Another contextual placement was recognized at the curbside
accessible entrance to the park. This became a prominent spot from where bikers would bring their bikes to the
park which was strictly prohibited. A special signage was designed to differentiate these zones at the point of entry.
Figure 11. Play Zone with accent color signage
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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The heritage park faces a church and is a common spot for many wedding parties to conduct photoshoots with the
foliage as a backdrop. Keeping this purpose in mind, the signage was proposed to be angled parallel to the length of
the park. So instead of being visible in photographs with the park as a backdrop, they would rather be visible
constantly to people inside the park. This would maintain the harmony of the park, while adding prominent signage
in each zone.
Design
The visual language of the proposed signage was driven by the colors or the different engagement zones. The signs
were designed with 4 accent colors that mark each zone - Play, Sing, Pet and Learn. A mix of typography and icons
were used to signify the primary messaging.
The new interactive signage was aimed at educating users on park rules, etiquette and proper use of designated
zones. Through the testing done with quick prototypes, signage has also proved to provide a new figure of
authority that empowers park users to object to negative behaviors.
Figure 12. Contextual placement of bike path and sidewalk signage
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2. Chirp Mobile App
Another area of opportunity was the engagement of multiple stakeholders. The residents living around the park
reported being intimidated by the people and activities in the park. They would frequently contact the police about
misdemeanors in the park. They were rightfully acting as vigilantes of the park. However, this prompt reporting of
minor misdemeanors is not the sustained solution to mediating the park dynamic. It also demanded very high
involvement from the police, which is tough to maintain with the limited resources allocated to the entire
downtown Cincinnati region.
To address this issue while encouraging the vigilante behavior of the park neighbors, the concept for a mobile app
was designed. Chirp is a mobile app that engages residents to take action when they observe misdemeanors (Fig
13). The residents play a pre-recorded message in the park which is equipped with concealed ambient speakers.
The app utilizes security footage from the park, which is made accessible to a closed group of residents. The virtual
vigilance of the park through the app enables anonymous reporting from the safety of the residents’ homes. The
larger aim of the reporting app is to improve ownership of the park among the residents, who take the role of an
intermediate authority and act as experts on the park rules. This intervention is also in alignment with the
Department of Homeland Security’s ‘See Something, Say Something’ initiative.
Given the privacy of park visitors and to curb the implicit biases of the potential users, several affordances were
added to the design concept.
Targeted messaging
On noticing misdemeanors, an app allows the user to simply report what they notice. This includes the type of
misdemeanor, some details and location. However, the user flow of the app withholds the decision of the message
that will play in the park. A set of messages were sourced to address different behaviors by the different personas
Figure 11. Wireframe for Chirp reporting app concept
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
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that were identified. The messages were categorized as emotional, educational and informational curated for
addressing the identified problem areas of the different personas.
For example, the Piatter Pam persona is a homeless person living in and around the park. They may be smoking or
drinking in the park due to addiction and can benefit from treatment. The messaging to relay the ‘no smoking’ rule
to this persona would be of the ‘informational’ type. The message would be recorded to share actionable
information such as the contact details of a nearby homeless shelter or addiction treatment facility. Such messages
are designed to capacitate the park users to indulge in positive behaviors and address the case of the problem for
the long-term.
Educational messages are health-advisory messages for the Loitering Luke persona in the park who may have more
recently indulged in consuming alcohol and smoking. These messages factually state the health risks of such habits.
For example, sharing the high probability of fentanyl laced illegal marijuana, steps that lead to addiction, etc.
Emotional messages are targeted at multiple personas who have displayed empathy in the data collection. For
example, when a family with an infant entered the park, the park visitors policed each other to not smoke around a
child. One of the messages was a short recording of a baby crying, to stir the dynamic of the park. Other messages
include recorded personal rehabilitation stories of famous Cincinnati idols, such as rappers or athletes that may be
inspiring for teens.
Controlled frequ ency
Given the risk that app users may report too often disrupting the peaceful environment of the park, a limit
restriction had to be added. Each person is given 3 ‘Chirps’ per day. Each time they wish to play a message in the
park, they are reminded of how many more chirps they have left for the day. Similarly, a message wouldn’t play in
an area if someone else has recently reported the same misdemeanor at the same location. This was added to limit
the frequency of total messages playing in the park. It is also an effort to reduce the possibility of harassing
someone in the park.
Proxim al acces s
Another affordance to maintain the legitimacy of reporting was to limit the access to a short radius around the
park. This ensures that the reporters are located within the neighboring apartments or businesses around the park.
While some reporters may simply spot misdemeanor while they are in the park, the video surveillance allows
reporters to chirp from anywhere. This made the proximity affordance necessary to ensure the legitimacy of the
reports.
Qual ifying questio ns
When a misdemeanor is reported on the app, it prompts a series of questions that are intended to qualify the
‘chirp’ are legitimate. For example, if a biker is reported in the park, the quick survey confirms if the person is in the
park or on the peripheral bike path. On successfully qualifying as a misdemeanor, the reporter answers a few
questions to generate a targeted message. These extra steps are integrated in the reporting process to maintain
the quality of the chirps.
Tiered ac cess
Chirp is designed to engage neighboring vigilantes to take mindful action and reduce reporting minor
misdemeanors to the police. While vigilantes can be given tiered access to security cameras by the police, the data
generated by their reports can populate a dashboard handled by the police department. This process can bring
quantitative insights into the frequency, type and personas reported in the park.
With interactive signage installed at the park, the purpose of the chirp app can be extended to scan the signage and
‘activate’ the park. This provides engagement for multiple stakeholders, by involving both park visitors and the
residents as vigilantes of the park.
Neha Mann, Sebastian Ramirez Loaiza, Dr. Claudia Rebola
16
Conclusion
The project was started with the premise that we could assess Piatt Park's issues with design interventions that can
be simple, easily tested and low-investment. With the design phase and the Urban Mediated environments course
finished, the project is in the refinement phase as this paper is being written, where the proposals are being
modified according to the city’s standards and requirements.
Design research was valuable in this project because it helped to understand that public spaces are social
interaction hubs in different capacities and that the social dynamic happening at Piatt park was being overlooked
by different stakeholders. The use of research methods brought a different point of view, not only taking into
account the police and the residents of the neighborhood, but also a more empathetic point of view of the park
users and more understanding of their social interactions and that is conscious of their struggles and challenges.
The research also led to the conclusion that every modification or intervention in the space will impact the social
dynamics. Thus, the goals should be respectful and enabling of healthy social interactions and enjoyment of public
spaces for everyone. In this light, the team proposed solutions looking for safety for the residents as well as
solutions to enable socialization for the visitors.
Behavior change design is a strong methodology that allows a robust diagnosis phase and an iterative evaluation
stage. The team included multiple stakeholders in the research phase and adopted a low-fidelity prototype testing
method, allowing to present the process and partial result to The police department, 3CDC and the Parks
Department of the City before moving to a refined design point.
After discarding suggestions made by previous actors, considering that some of those infrastructural changes would
be out of budget, time-consuming and would only intervene in the manifestation of the problem and not its cause;
the stakeholders in the project recognized the importance of solutions guided towards behavioral change for the
park visitors more than coercive mediations of the environment or hostile architecture.
There is a great potential of low-cost design interventions that mediate environments to modify behavior and
render healthier interaction in our public locations where everyone's right to enjoy those spaces should always be
granted.
Acknowledgements: This project was completed and is being implemented with the contribution of
the graduate students – Karolyn, Liam, Nichole, Rishyak, Siyi, Vedant – from the Urban Mediated
Environments course. We are grateful for the insights and feedback provided by Captain Douglas
Wiesman and Officer Tim Epstein from the Cincinnati Police Department, Cincinnati Parks
Department, 3CDC, residents of downtown Cincinnati and Chico Lockhart. We also thank the
visitors of the park and businesses around the park who contributed to the study.
Mediating Piatt Park: Addressing Crime Prone Public Spaces through Design Research
17
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