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Psychological effects of abortion. An updated narrative review

Authors:
  • United Arab Emirates University CMHS
East J Med 25(3): 477-483, 2020
DOI: 10.5505/ejm.2020.82246
*Correspon ding A uthor: V ale ntina Luc ia La Ros a, De partment of Educational Sc iences , Univers ity of Cat ania, Via Bibliote ca 4, 95124
Cat ani a, Italy
E-m ail: v ala ros a@u nict.it, Ph one: (+39 ) 3 345390030
ORC ID ID: Korne li a Zareba : 0000-0002-8 262 -4380, V alenti na Luc ia La Rosa: 0000 -00 02-6619-6777, Mic hal Ciebiera: 0000-000 1-5 780-
5983, M arta M akara -Studz ińs ka: 0000-0001-7374-528 X, Elena Commodar i: 0000-0 002-7647- 8743, Jacek Gi eru s: 00 00-0003-2532-3327
Received : 10.03.2020, Accept ed: 07.05.2020
REVIEW ARTICLE
Psychological Effects of Abortion. An Updated
Narrative Review
Kornelia Zareba1, Valentina Lucia La Rosa2*, Michal Ciebiera3, Marta Makara-St udzińs ka4, Elena
Commodari2, Jacek Gierus1
1Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Center of Postgraduate Medical Education, Warsaw, Poland
2Department of Educational Sciences, University of Catania, Catania, Italy
3Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Center of Postgraduate Medical Education, Warsaw, Poland
4Faculty of Clinical Health Psychology Jagiellon ian University Medical College, Krakow, Poland
Introduction
Abortion is perceived as a traumatic experience
affecting an individual in contact with the
healthcare service. According to the most recent
statistics, it has been estimated that during 2010
2014, about 56 million induced abortions occurred
each year worldwide. The estimated global
abortion rate in the same period is 35 per 1,000
for married women and 26 per 1,000 for
unmarried women (1).
Apart from medical complications, more and more
attention is being paid to psychological
consequences associated with abortion, which
sometimes occur a long time after the procedure
(2). Termination of pregnancy for medical reasons
is a complex decision, which may lead to long -
term complications, both for the woman and for
the whole family. The results of studies on
psychological consequences experienced by
women after termination are inconclusive. Part of
the studies does not confirm an increased
prevalence of psychological consequences (3, 4). A
review of the study from 2014 assessing fourteen
studies on termination for medical reasons mainly
conducted in the US and the UK indicated that
termination shakes up the woman's fundamental
views, which later need to be reconstructed (5).
For many years, there have been discussions on
the subject of medical, social and psychological
consequences of deciding to undergo an abortion.
There is talk about post-abortion stress syndrome
and medical complications linked to the
procedure. Sometimes loss of fertility for
psychological reasons is also observed (6). Many
women see the experience of termination as
abuse, which leads to a decreased sense of
security. According to studies, 17% of women
who have experienced termination due to fetal
defects report signs of post-traumatic stress
disorder even two to seven years after the
procedure (7). A survey conducted until the third
week, three months after and a year after the
procedure on a small group of nineteen patients
showed that women see termination as a stigma
and loss similar to natural miscarriage (8). Some
ABSTRA CT
The result s of stud ies on the psychological consequences expe rienced by women af ter termination are inconclusive. Some
of the studies do not c onf irm an increased pre valenc e of psycho logical complications. Howeve r, the experience of abortion
can lead to the development of po st -traumatic stress disorder, depression and problems with interpersonal relations. The
main factors whic h influence psycholo gical effects includ e the re ason for abortion, the type of medic al procedur e, the term
of pregnancy as well as personal, social, e con omic, rel igious and cultural fac tors that shape the w oman's attitude towards
abortion. Often women wh ile terminating pregnancy are not aware that they will require psychological support later d ue to
sub sequent psychological effects they experience. U sually, the first symp toms appear within four months up to a year from
the procedure. T her efore, it is important to identify the high-risk wome n susceptible to subseq uent psycho logical
complications.
Key Words: Pregnancy terminatio n, abortion, psychology, mental health, stre ss, post -traumatic stress disorder, post -
abortion syndrome
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478
women put themselves in the position of a
survivor, saying that “they have survived the worst
thing in their life” (9). Whereas others say that this
experience has made them stronger. They find the
strength to rebuild family relations and inner
empathy (9-11).
In the light of these considerations, this review
aims to propose a general and updated overview
of the literature about the psychological
implications of abortion to underline the
importance of a multidisciplinary approach in the
clinical and psychological management of women
who interrupt their pregnancy.
Materials and methods
A review of the articles about the psychological
implications of abortion is presented. Authors
conducted their search i n PubMed of the National
Library of Medicine and Google Scholar.
Databases were extensively searched for all
original and review articles/book chapters using
keywords (one or in combinations): abortion,
pregnancy termination, psychology, post -traumatic
stress disorder published in English until
December 2019. Moreover, additional articles in
the bibliographies of reviewed articles were
searched. Overall, most relevant articles were
reviewed and included as appropriate.
Results
Psychological Consequences of Pregnancy
Termination: All pregnancies, even healthy ones,
may cause an existential and emotional crisis in a
woman, which reinforces pre-existing internal
conflicts (12). Indeed, pregnancy is a unique
experience in a woman's life which is influenced
by several factors, particularly cultural, social,
emotional and psychological ones (13). For most
women, pregnancy is a happy experience
associated with positive expectations. In this
regard, for example, a particular case is that of
women who survive cancer for which the
possibility of becoming a mother has a particular
value. For these women, a child is a symbol of life
that defeats death (14). On the contrary,
pregnancy can be the cause of particular
emotional stress for women with consequent
development, in some cases, of
psychopathological disorders such as maternity
blues and postpartum depression (10, 13, 15).
Mood disorders during and after pregnancy have a
detrimental effect on the mother-child
relationship and family life (16). Finally, pregnancy
may be unwanted or there may be particular
conditions such as fetal abnormalities or
pregnancy complications that make abortion
necessary (5, 17, 18).
Studies about the psychological consequences of
termination provide contradictory results. The
experience of abortion can lead to the
development of post -traumatic stress disorder,
depression and problems with interpersonal
relations (19).
The American Psychiatric Society distinguishes
between two types of disorders concerning post-
abortion complications: PAD (post -abortion
distress) and PAS (post-abortion syndrome).
PAD is defined as a disorder that involves
experiencing strong post -abortion stress. It
appears in the first three months after abortion
and may persist for about a year. Its signs are
experiencing a sense of loss or guilt, a feeling that
life is pointless, sleep disorders and psychological
pain. In terms of sex, it involves the fear of
becoming pregnant again and fear of sexual
intercourse. PAS instead is a chronic disorder that
sometimes develops a long time after abortion or
reappears periodically. It is characterized by the
following symptoms: reliving the trauma
(insomnia, nightmares, retrospection, anniversary
reactions), use of defense mechanisms (repression,
denial, rationalization), avoidance of places and
situations which remind the individual about the
event, excitation, chronic anxiety, a sense of
threat, mood swings and outbursts of anger, sleep
disorders, concentration problems), additional
symptoms (depression, neurosis, obsessive-
compulsive disorder, a sense of harm and
injustice, a sense of shame and guilt, suicidal
thoughts, lowered self-esteem, psychosomatic
disorders, no interest in sex, addictions) (20, 21).
The most common symptoms are nightmares
relating to abortion, repetitive persistent dreams, a
strong sense of guilt and the need to fix it. It
should be added that, according to some experts,
PAS is a social diagnosis that bypassed
professional dissent and diffused into public
policy, especially due to the anti-abortion think
tanks (22).
Whereas the DSM-V classification includes
abortion as one of the risk factors for post-
traumatic stress disorder, according to the
American Psychological Society, a legal abortion
performed in the first trimester does not cause
further psychiatric disorders in women. In 1992,
the Planned Parenthood Federation of America
(PPFA) issued an official statement denying the
existence of the term "post-abortion stress
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479
syndrome" and informing that the majority of
emotional reactions are positive (23). It should be
noted that the hypothesis was based on an analysis
of studies that mainly concerned the termination
of unwanted pregnancies. Some studies show that
the risk of psychiatric disorders after termination
is lower than after birth (24-26). Whereas other
researchers support the post-abortion stress
syndrome theory despite that the disease has been
officially removed from the classification of
psychiatric disorders (20). Another study from
2011 by Coleman, which analyzed later studies
from 1995-2009 suggests a higher risk of certain
psychiatric disorders after termination (27).
According to Horvath and Schreiber (2017),
depression rate is almost the same between
women obtaining an abortion and those who
denied an abortion and the rates of anxiety
symptoms are higher in women in whom abortion
care has been denied (28). As stated by Reardon,
abortion is consistently associated with elevated
rates of mental problems in comparison with
women who did not have this problem. Reardon
highlights pre-existing mental illness, as one of the
main risk factors of mental health problems after
an abortion and the very important fact that it is
impossible to identify the extent to which mental
problems following an abortion can be rel iably
attributed to it (19).
Risk and Protective Factors: The main factors
influencing psychological complications after an
abortion include the reason for undergoing the
abortion, type of medical procedure, the term of
pregnancy as well as personal, social, economic,
religious and cultural factors that shape the
woman's attitude towards abortion (4). In
particular, the factors associated with the most
negative consequences are previous psychiatric
diseases, planned and wanted pregnancy, pressure
from people in the surroundings, no social
support, personality with a higher tendency to
react negatively to stress (low self -esteem,
pessimism, low sense of control). The same
factors may cause mental disorders in women who
decide to continue their pregnancy (20). Risk
factors for short-term complicationsoccurring
within a few months after terminationare support
from the partner, religiousness, advanced term of
pregnancy and a disease diagnosed in the fetus
(29); in case of long-term complications, the risk
factors include little support from the partner,
advanced term of pregnancy, level of education
and chances for the child's survival (7). Women
who have terminated their first pregnancy were
more at risk of developing anxiety disorders than
women who have given birth to their first child. A
strong predictor of developing anxiety disorders
after abortion is earlier mental health problems.
Exposure to violence and anxiety disorders
experienced before pregnancy also have a
correlation with anxiety disorders after abortion.
In a dynamic study that commenced four months
after termination, it was demonstrated that,
initially, a low psychological response was the
strongest predictor of long-term complications
(29). At this point, we should also mention
stigmatization by professionals as a possible risk
factor (30, 31). The conscientious objection
appears to constitute a barrier to care, especially
for selected groups (32). In this regard, some
professionals who object to abortion stigmatize
women that their decision is wrong and they
should not perform it. Gynecologists frequently
invoke the conscience clause not only when
refusing to terminate a pregnancy but also when
prescribing contraceptives. There are two sides in
this field: professionals who accept to help women
and those who neglect help (33). This might cause
a problem with timely access or access in general
to elective abortion what might have direct
psychical, organizational and ethical implications
(34).
Literature also talks about protective factors, such
as support from the partner and close family, no
past mental illnesses, higher education, no medical
doubts and young age (35, 36). In Lowenstein’s
study comparing the level of stress experienced by
patients who underwent abortion performed with
the use of surgical or pharmaceutical methods, the
patient group who underwent pharmaceutically -
induced miscarriage showed a higher tendency to
develop obsessive-compulsive reactions, had a
stronger sense of guilt and showed more
sensitivity. In that group, more women did not
have children, which is probably why they chose
the safer but more time-consuming method, which
also causes more pain (37). However, the authors
suggest that the respondents who chose
pharmacologically-induced miscarriage probably
felt less comfortable with their decision and chose
a method which bears a smaller psychological load
and is less definitive, leaving the course of events
to fate (37). When comparing acceptance and
selection of the abortion method, Slade indicated
that women who had chosen a surgical method
did not want to be aware of the whole procedure
and did not want to participate in it in any way.
They were very focused on pain and emotional
issues (38).
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The Impact on Couple Relationship and
Sexuality:
A study examining changes in the
quality of life of people deciding to terminate the
pregnancywhich involved 658 mal es and 906
femalesshowed that the experience of
termination in a previous relationship hurts the
next one. Termination in a current relationship
increases the frequency of arguments about
children by 116% in women and by 196% in men.
Besides, it increases the number of sexual
dysfunctions in women by 122-182% and the
number of conflicts with family members by 80%.
Women who have experienced abortion in their
current relationship also reported an increase in
abuse between the partners. Researchers claim
that people deciding to abort a pregnancy are
more predisposed to have an unstable relationship
for psychological reasons, such as egocentrism
and emotional instability (39). According to
Breslau et al., women who have experienced
abortion, later on, reported numerous sexual
dysfunctions about desire, frequency of
intercourse, ability to reach an orgasm and sexual
satisfaction (40). Whereas couples who have
experienced the death of a child or fetus did not
report sexual dysfunctions, women confirmed a
drop in their interest in sex saying that it reminded
them of how their dead child was conceived (41).
In a study from 2003 conducted among 10,847
women, Sullins showed that twice as many women
who underwent abortion were not married. He
also showed that, if they were married, the
likelihood of divorce was 37% higher (42).
Conklin and Lydon showed that being married
was a protective factor for the individual’s
wellbeing after abortion. In this regard, married
women did not react with negative emotions (43,
44).
A survey by Desrochers conducted among seven
males who had experienced a termination in the
previous four months showed that the termination
had no negative impact on the relationship. Four
out of the seven respondents even claimed that
their relationship got stronger after this
experience (45).
The Role of Counseling Before and After
Pregnancy Termination: According to available
data, most of the women are seeking an
uncomplicated referral process. The main opinion
is that this process should be easy and quick as
possible and the counseling should be available
for those who need it (46). As stated by Brown et
al., most women make their decision before
counseling visit and they discuss their decision
with someone close to them. Many women
undergoing pregnancy termination think that
counseling prolongs the whole process and causes
additional stress (46). In the study by Baron et al.,
only 9% of patients reported pre-termination
counseling. The authors concluded that counseling
is not necessary in every case and should be
targeted at women with risk factors for
psychological complications (47). According to
another recent study, women do not exp ect
systemic support, as they believe it is marginal
(48). A different voice about counseling comes
from an interesting study by Vandamme et al.,
according to which most women were distressed
before the counseling session, but after it, they felt
very satisfied and experienced less distress and
greater decisiveness (49). Additional data about
the real needs and new methods of counseling and
decision-making process in the topic of pregnancy
termination is still needed to make it less stressful
or harmful and more patient-tailored.
While terminating pregnancy, women are often
not aware that they will require psychological
support later due to a delayed sense of sadness
that they experience. Usually, the first symptoms
appear within four months up to a year from the
procedure (29). According to a study by Fisher
conducted by an organization that helps 500
people a year (who have experienced termination),
parents usually seek support and contact with
others two or three months after the procedure.
This correlates in time with the anniversary of the
child’s death and with the family’s and friends
wish to go back to normal (50). There is a lot of
new studies trying to help women who require
psychological support, however data are still
limited and it is necessary to better investigate the
characteristics of these women (51).
Most of the studies presented herein are limited to
small groups of patients and show significant
differences in resultsdepending on the country
where the study is conducted. The first issue is the
lack of control groups. People are unable to
predict how they would act in an extreme
situation. Control groups in such studies usually
consist of women who have never been pregnant,
have given birth to planned children or have
miscarried planned pregnancies. Results also vary
due to the place where the study is conducted.
From private clinics in America only accessible to
the more affluent part of society to countries with
different socio-political circumstances (law,
religion, family model). Women from countries
with restrictive laws and religion are less willing to
talk about abortion, which leads to a low response
ratio sometime after the procedure (52). They are
also unwilling to talk about mental health and
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481
emotional problems, which are a stigmatized
subject in many countries.
Results are also influenced by the nature of
pregnancy and the grounds for performing the
procedure. Most studies examine abortions
without medical grounds, mainly performed due
to the pregnancy being unwanted, financial
problems and young age (26, 53) Different results
are obtained for women who have terminated a
wanted pregnancy due to fetal defects and for
young women deciding to abort an unwanted
pregnancy. Such terminations are performed at a
later time, which leads to a more painful and
aggravating procedure and more attachment of the
mother to the fetus. The procedure is comparable
to miscarrying a wanted pregnancy, stillbirth,
death of a newborn or giving birth to a child with
severe physical defects.
Women in a worse mental state withdraw from
further stages of studies more often than women
without such disorders. Similarly, studies on
subsequent psychiatric disorders were often
conducted on support groups and similar
organizations for people seeking assistance rather
than on women undergoing abortions as a whole.
Moreover, it is difficult to choose the right time
for subsequent interviews, as there are no clear
indications of when such an interview should be
carried out.
Previous research indicates that the main factors
influencing the physical consequences of
miscarriage are the term of the pregnancy at the
time of termination, the woman's age and health
as well as the experience of the person performing
the procedure. Whereas easy access to the
procedure minimizes medical complications.
Complications mainly involve trauma which may
occur after the surgery. Emotional complications
depend mainly on the own resources of patients,
e.g. support from loved ones and society, reasons
for terminating the pregnancy and the degree of
reconciliation with the decision. Often women
while terminating pregnancy are not aware that
they will require psychological support later due to
subsequent psychological effects they experience.
Therefore, it is important to identify the high-risk
group susceptible to subsequent psychological
complications.
Despite numerous limitations, such studies
provide a lot of useful information and the issue
undoubtedly requires further research.
Acknowledgment: This material was not
presented elsewhere.
This study was funded by the Center of
Postgraduate Medical Education.
Grant number 501-1-21-27-17, 501-1-21-27-18
and 501-1-21-27-19.
Disclosure Statement: All authors declare no
conflict of interest.
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... However, different results are reported on women's psychological responses to abortion in different studies [8]. A negative relationship between abortion and mental health was observed in a wide range of studies conducted among women who experienced an abortion [9]. The research reported a 7.9 and 53.5% prevalence for this relationship [10,11]. ...
... For example, Alipanahpour et al. investigated short-term psychophysical complications after medical and spontaneous abortion and reported that 1.73% of the subjects suffered from moderate stress [4]. These differences can be attributed to the sociocultural structure and the surveyed population's attitude toward abortion because individual, social, economic, religious, and cultural factors influence women's attitudes toward abortion [9]. In the present study, about 10% of women were subjected to physical violence in the last year. ...
... Low social support and personalities with a higher tendency to react negatively to stress (such as low self-esteem, pessimism, and low intelligence) experience more mental disorders following abortion or even during pregnancy. These results demonstrate the importance of identifying high-risk women prone to later mental complications [9]. Given the impact of social support on perceived stress, the need for family support in pregnancies leading to abortion should be emphasized by health providers [3]. ...
Article
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Background Available studies have limitations in identifying risk factors after abortion. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the prevalence of perceived stress and depression in women facing abortion and to identify related obstetric and non-obstetric risk factors. Method This is a cross-sectional study that conducted from October 2023 to March 2024, involving 250 women seeking first-trimester abortions who visited the obstetrics emergency department at Amol hospitals. After obtaining informed consent, a questionnaire that includes demographic characteristics, perceived stress scale, Patient Health Questionnaire- 4, domestic violence questionnaire, 6-question marriage quality questionnaire, Medical Outcomes Social Support and Brief Resilience Scale were filled out. Data analyzed using descriptive statistics and logistic regression with a significance level of p < 0.05 in SPSS software version 23. Result The prevalence of high perceived stress and depressive symptoms was 18.8% and 15.6%, respectively. There was a significant relationship between depression and perceived stress (p = 0.029), as well as low social support (p = 0.034), history of previous abortion (p = 0.001), and social factors of abortion (p = 0.045) with perceived stress (p < 0.05). There was no significant relationship between other variables such as resilience, domestic violence, quality of marriage with perceived stress and depression (p > 0.05). Conclusion The prevalence of perceived stress and depression was not high in this women. Previous abortion history, low social support, and abortion for social reasons were the most important factors affecting perceived stress, which was also significantly associated with depression. The findings emphasize the importance of assessing the mental health of women seeking abortion, especially those with high-risk factors for Appropriate interventions.
... The rate of antepartum hemorrhage, membrane ruptures before delivery, preterm birth, and intrauterine growth restriction was higher among women who had TA than among those who did not [5]. Apart from the medical complications associated with abortion, more attention should be paid to the psychological consequences of abortion, which can take a long time [6]. It may adversely affect subsequent pregnancies. ...
Article
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Background There are significant health and psychological consequences associated with threatened abortion (TA). Women who lose desired pregnancies due to abortion are at risk of experiencing grief, anxiety, guilt, and self-blame. In Iranian society, psychological support for pregnant women is low, and as a result, women with TA experience high stress. This study aimed to investigate the experiences of pregnant women with TA and health providers in maternity healthcare services. Methods This exploratory-descriptive qualitative study was conducted using semi-structured interviews and purposive sampling. 13 pregnant women and seven key informants (husband and health care providers) were selected from February 2023 to July 2023. Data was analysed using qualitative content analysis with MAXQDA software (version 18). Results The most critical causes of concern for women included medical, psychological, social, and financial issues and a lack of sufficient information about their current situation (spotting- bleeding). The participants used constructive coping strategies, such as regular visits to the doctor, and unconstructive coping strategies, like a lack of communication with others, to reduce their worries. Key informants proposed two methods for reducing the concerns of the women, including improving information sharing about abortion and therapeutic support available to pregnant women. Conclusions The study proposed that maternity healthcare providers, alongside medical care, should pay attention to techniques for improving the psychological support of women with TA.
... Additionally, research has shown that abortion bans impose significant costs on individuals, households, and societies, with the financial fallout potentially extending over several years (Miller, Wherry et al. 2023). Reviews have considered abortion and concepts allied to well-being, including: emotional responses of women terminating a pregnancy for medical reasons (González-Ramos et al., 2021), psychosocial experiences of adolescents and young women in sub-Saharan Africa (Zia et al., 2021), the economic consequences of abortion (Coast et al, 2021), the psychological effects of abortion (Zareba et al., 2020), and the experiences of LGBTIQA+ people (Bowler et al., 2023). Yet, the broader well-being implications of abortion care -including denial or inaccessibility of care -have not been synthesised. ...
... Despite much attention on adverse pregnancy outcomes, few studies have addressed the psychological consequences of TA. Evidence shows that the continuation of unpredictable pregnancy in women with TA may increase the psychological burden on these women (9), and these consequences may be long-term (10). Psychological consequences include an increased risk of anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, and suicide (11). ...
Article
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Background Threatened abortion (TA) is associated with adverse pregnancy outcomes. Despite the attention paid to the adverse outcomes of obstetrics, only a few studies have been conducted on the psychological status of women with threatened abortion. This study aimed to compare the symptoms of depression and anxiety in women with TA and those without threatened abortion. Materials and Methods In a case-control study, 136 women with TA (the case group) and 136 women without TA (the control group), were matched with the case group in terms of gestational age, education level, age, and number of pregnancies, were examined from Obstetric clinics of Babol University of Medical Sciences. Demographic information and pregnancy history were obtained from all participants. Additionally, the women filled out the BSI-18 questionnaire. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS version 22 software. Results The results showed that in women with threatened abortion, the likelihood of experiencing depression symptoms was 1.9 times higher [odds ratio (OR)=1.91, 95% confidence interval (CI)=1.13-3.23, P=0.015], anxiety symptoms were 1.8 times higher (OR=1.83, 95% CI=1.08-3.10, P=0.024), and somatization was 2.6 times higher (OR=2.65, 95% CI=1.61-4.37, P<0.001) compared to pregnant women without threatened abortion. Additionally, in women with threatened abortion, the risk of psychological distress was 3.3 times higher (OR=3.30, 95% CI=1.96- 5.56, P<0.001) than in women without threatened abortion. Conclusion This study suggests that gynecologists, midwives, and healthcare providers, in addition to providing medical care for women threatened with abortion, should identify women at risk of experiencing symptoms of depression and anxiety. Providing appropriate psychological support should be prioritized in the management of women with threatened abortion.
... 5 Abortion accounts for 13% of all maternal deaths globally, 6 especially in developing countries, whose impact is not only on the physical aspect of the woman, but also on her mental health, which leads to postabortion syndrome (PAS). 7 Postabortion syndrome is a chronic disorder in which the woman presents insomnia, nightmares, chronic anxiety, mood swings, avoidance of places, associated with depression, neurosis, obsessive-compulsive disorder, feelings of shame and guilt, low self-esteem, lack of interest in sex among others, 8 even involving severe feelings of guilt, problems with the bond with existing or future children, and addiction to drugs or alcohol. 9 In this sense, this syndrome is recognized as another type of post-traumatic stress disorder, although with its own very relevant characteristics when it comes to understanding the patient's experience and psychotherapeutic intervention. ...
Article
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Introduction: Postabortion syndrome (PAS) is a complex problem affecting women's reproductive health. Aim: To analyze the bibliometric parameters of the scientific production indexed in Scopus on PAS. Materials and methods: Cross-sectional study with a bibliometric approach that considered the inclusion of scientific articles on PAS indexed in Scopus. A search strategy using key terms and logical operators was designed for the search. VOSviewer and SciVal were used. Results: The United States is the leading country in scientific productivity on PAS. The journal Contraception (14 articles, 7.2 citations per publication) is the most productive and has the highest average number of citations per article. In terms of institutions, the Guttmacher Institute, Ipas and Harvard University were the leading institutions in terms of productivity in this field of knowledge and had the largest number of authors. However, the University of California at San Francisco had the highest weighted impact. The subcategory of Obstetrics and Gynecology and Public Health (61), Environmental and Occupational Health (35), and Reproductive Medicine (30) had more articles published. Conclusion: The main journals disseminating articles on PAS are of high impact. In addition, US institutions lead this field of knowledge with the largest output and the largest number of collaborative links with countries, such as the UK, Kenya, and Nigeria. There is a need for greater depth and new approaches to research on this topic.
... 5 Abortion accounts for 13% of all maternal deaths globally, 6 especially in developing countries, whose impact is not only on the physical aspect of the woman, but also on her mental health, which leads to postabortion syndrome (PAS). 7 Postabortion syndrome is a chronic disorder in which the woman presents insomnia, nightmares, chronic anxiety, mood swings, avoidance of places, associated with depression, neurosis, obsessive-compulsive disorder, feelings of shame and guilt, low self-esteem, lack of interest in sex among others, 8 even involving severe feelings of guilt, problems with the bond with existing or future children, and addiction to drugs or alcohol. 9 In this sense, this syndrome is recognized as another type of post-traumatic stress disorder, although with its own very relevant characteristics when it comes to understanding the patient's experience and psychotherapeutic intervention. ...
... According to the American Psychiatric Association's classification, after experiencing abortion, women are highly susceptible to two types of related co-occurring mental disorders -post-abortion distress (PAD) and post-abortion syndrome (PAS). Symptoms of both disorders include widespread anxiety, depression, insomnia, nightmares, irritability, concentration problems, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and lowered self-esteem, as well as sexualized fear of getting pregnant again and fear of sexual intercourse [11]. ...
Article
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In the United States, a significant number of pregnancies end in miscarriage or abortion each year. Yet a significant number of abortions also end in maternal death. Thus, in this case, the protection of women's reproductive freedom to abort and the safeguarding of maternal health in the event of abortion is a matter related to human rights and equality. The purpose of this paper is to outline the effects on women's social status, physical and mental health, and spillover effects by analyzing Roe v. Wade, which had a huge impact in the United States, and Dobbs v. Jackson, which overturned Roe v. Wade. This paper concludes from the analysis that the fall of Roe v. Wade has deprived women of the safety of abortion and has negatively impacted women in a variety of ways for women in need of abortion. At the same time, as a superpower, the US abortion policy has had an impact on many other countries around the world. If the negative externalities of the Roe v. Wade reversal are to be addressed, society as a whole and policymakers should take a more humane and holistic view of women in need of abortions and develop policies that are more conducive to protecting their safety and human rights.
Article
The tendency towards the radicalization of abortion law is observed in numerous countries, including Poland. Even in a predominantly liberal country like the United States, some of the individual 50 states have banned terminations. Equal access restrictions are also associated with financial issues–the procedure is paid for out-of-pocket in many countries and otherwise might be very expensive and unaffordable. Nevertheless, the main problems associated with the contemporary policy of birth regulation include: no possibility of undergoing a termination because of the conscience clause invoked by the medical personnel, restrictive abortion law, and lack of sexual education. Fetal and maternal autonomies remain in opposition in the event of a termination decision. In most countries, the fetus has no legal personhood before birth and the mother is the primary decision-maker. Our studies in Poland, Italy, USA, and experience from the Middle East suggest minimal changes that are needed: improved sex education and the availability of contraception, free access to abortion-inducing drugs with adequate information provided by qualified medical personnel in countries with a conscience clause invoked by the personnel, and the development of an international network that would facilitate undergoing a pregnancy termination abroad to provide women with access to legal abortion assisted by professional medical personnel. Moreover, the moral status of the fetus and the moment at which we recognize the fetus as a living being will remain a contentious and intractable issue. Therefore, it seems reasonable to base decision enforcement on the law of the country, however, the law is often conditioned by religious aspects.
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Background Extensive application of screening tests for early diagnosis of fetal abnormalities would justify support for women who are facing pregnancy termination due to fetal abnormalities. Considering the lack of available information regarding supportive sources for these people, the present study was conducted to determine the supportive needs of women who have experienced pregnancy termination due to fetal abnormalities. Methods The present research was a qualitative study. The participants were selected using a purposeful sampling method with maximum variation. Data were collected through in-depth personal interviews and taking of field notes and were analyzed simultaneously using conventional content analysis. Results The main categories that appeared in the present study included “support from the husband” with sub-categories of “mental support and necessary accompaniments”, “participating in planning for future pregnancy” and “financial support to pay the costs of diagnosis and follow-up”, “support from the family and friends” with sub-categories of “helping in taking care of other children”, “help in performing daily activities” and “empathy, companionship and necessary support to maintain mental peace” and finally “support from peers” with sub-categories of “communicating with the peers and receiving information from them” and “creating a sense of confidence and hopefulness”. Conclusions Results of the present study, by determining and highlighting the supportive needs of women who have experienced pregnancy termination due to fetal abnormalities, could be an appropriate basis for providing effective strategies to improve constant participation of the husbands, family members and the peers along with other professional care. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1186/s12889-019-6851-9) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
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Controversy exists regarding whether doctors who perform abortions should be required to hold hospital admitting privileges, but no research exists as to the extent to which they actually hold and use such privileges. Extensive Internet and government data sources were used to identify and verify abortionists in Florida. All medical and osteopathic abortion doctors who were licensed to practice at any time during the period 2011 to 2016 were included in the study (n = 85). Every abortionist hospital admission of a female patient aged 15 to 44 occurring during the 6-year study period was identified (n = 21 502). Abortionist physicians are 74.1% male, 62% have been in practice for 30 years or longer, 27.1% are graduates of foreign medical schools, and 55.3% are board certified. Nearly half (48.2%) of the abortionists had at least 1 malpractice claim, public complaint, disciplinary action, or criminal charge. Half (50.6%) of the abortionists reported hospital privileges, but only 32 (37.6%) admitted at least 1 patient to a hospital. Seven physicians accounted for 68.2% of all the admissions, and 79.6% of all admissions were related to a live birth. Black was the modal race (47.6%) and Medicaid the most frequent (64.9%) pay source. Nearly one-fifth (19.4%) of admissions came through the emergency department. Physicians who hold hospital privileges are significantly (P < .05) more likely to be board certified and to be approved for Medicaid payment than their colleagues without privileges. Of those doctors who hold and use hospital privileges, the lowest admission volume physicians are significantly less likely to be involved in live births, more likely to admit commercially insured and white inpatients, and much more likely to use the emergency room as the route to hospital admissions for their Medicaid-eligible and black patients. Further study of abortionist physicians is indicated regarding their heterogeneous personal and professional characteristics; their career pathways and practice concentrations; their relative integration with or isolation from peers and the professional network; the importance of black and poor induced abortion patients in their total caseload; and, especially for abortionists without hospital privileges, the means by which their patients requiring emergency care and hospitalization are accommodated.
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Background In Victoria, Australia, the law regulating abortion was reformed in 2008, and a clause (‘Section 8’) was introduced requiring doctors with a conscientious objection to abortion to refer women to another provider. This study reports the views of abortion experts on the operation of Section 8 of the Abortion Law Reform Act in Victoria. Methods Nineteen semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with purposively selected Victorian abortion experts in 2015. Interviews explored the impact of abortion law reform on service provision, including the understanding and implementation of Section 8. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed thematically. Results The majority of participants described Section 8 as a mechanism to protect women’s right to abortion, rather than a mechanism to protect doctors’ rights. All agreed that most doctors would not let moral or religious beliefs impact on their patients, and yet all could detail negative experiences related to Section 8. The negative experiences arose because doctors had: directly contravened the law by not referring; attempted to make women feel guilty; attempted to delay women’s access; or claimed an objection for reasons other than conscience. Use or misuse of conscientious objection by Government telephone staff, pharmacists, institutions, and political groups was also reported. Conclusion Some doctors are not complying with Section 8, with adverse effects on access to care for some women. Further research is needed to inform strategies for improving compliance with the law in order to facilitate timely access to abortion services.
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Background: Poland is a country with restrictive laws concerning abortion, which is only allowed if the mother’s life and health are in danger, in case of rape, and severe defects in the fetus. This paper specifies the forms of support expected by women considering termination from their family, people in their surroundings and professional medical personnel. Methods: Between June 2014 and May 2016 patients eligible to terminate a pregnancy for medical reasons were asked to complete an anonymous survey consisting of sixty questions to determine patient profile and forms of support expected from the society, family and professional medical personnel as well as to assess informational support provided. Results: Women do not take into consideration society’s opinion on pregnancy termination (95%). The majority of the respondents think that financial support from the state is not sufficient to provide for sick children (81%). Despite claiming to have a medium standard of life (75%), nearly half of the respondents (45%) say that they do not have the financial resources to take care of a sick child. The women have informed their partner (97%) and closest family members (82%) and a low percentage have informed friends (32%). Nearly one third (31%) have not talked to the attending gynecologist about their decision. Conclusions: The decision to terminate a pregnancy is made by mature women with a stable life situation—supported by their partner and close family. They do not expect systemic support, as they believe it is marginal, and only seek emotional support from their closest family. They appreciate support provided by professional medical personnel if it is personal.
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The abortion and mental health controversy is driven by two different perspectives regarding how best to interpret accepted facts. When interpreting the data, abortion and mental health proponents are inclined to emphasize risks associated with abortion, whereas abortion and mental health minimalists emphasize pre-existing risk factors as the primary explanation for the correlations with more negative outcomes. Still, both sides agree that (a) abortion is consistently associated with elevated rates of mental illness compared to women without a history of abortion; (b) the abortion experience directly contributes to mental health problems for at least some women; (c) there are risk factors, such as pre-existing mental illness, that identify women at greatest risk of mental health problems after an abortion; and (d) it is impossible to conduct research in this field in a manner that can definitively identify the extent to which any mental illnesses following abortion can be reliably attributed to abortion in and of itself. The areas of disagreement, which are more nuanced, are addressed at length. Obstacles in the way of research and further consensus include (a) multiple pathways for abortion and mental health risks, (b) concurrent positive and negative reactions, (c) indeterminate time frames and degrees of reactions, (d) poorly defined terms, (e) multiple factors of causation, and (f) inherent preconceptions based on ideology and disproportionate exposure to different types of women. Recommendations for collaboration include (a) mixed research teams, (b) co-design of national longitudinal prospective studies accessible to any researcher, (c) better adherence to data sharing and re-analysis standards, and (d) attention to a broader list of research questions.
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Background: Abortion stigma is experienced by women seeking abortion services and by abortion providers in a range of legal contexts, including Uruguay, where abortion was decriminalized up to 12 weeks gestation in 2012. This paper analyzes opinions and attitudes of both abortion clients and health professionals approximately two years following decriminalization and assesses how abortion stigma manifests among these individuals and in institutions that provide care. Methods: In 2014, we conducted twenty in-depth, semi-structured interviews with abortion clients (n = 10) and health care professionals (n = 10) in public and private facilities across Uruguay's health system. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and then coded for thematic analysis. Results: We find that both clients and health professionals express widespread satisfaction with the implementation of the new law. However, there exist critical points in the service where stigmatizing ideas and attitudes continue to be reproduced, such as the required five-day waiting period and in interactions with hospital staff who do not support access to the service. We also document the prevalence of stigmatizing ideas around abortion that continue to circulate outside the clinical setting. Conclusion: Despite the benefits of decriminalization, abortion clients and health professionals still experience abortion stigma.
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Background Twenty percent of pregnant women undergo an abortion. Reviews of previous studies on the effects of abortion on mental health have been inconclusive. Little research has been carried out in this direction in our country. Aims This study aims to study the psychological effects of abortions and the associated sociodemographic and other parameters. Setting and Design It is a cross-sectional study, conducted in five different government hospitals of Hyderabad. Materials and Methods After identifying the participants, an interview was conducted. First, sociodemographic and other parameters were collected by an interviewer. Then, another interviewer conducted the interview using diagnostic tools (Impact of Events Scale-Revised [IES-R] and Goldberg Health Questionnaire-12 [GHQ-12]). Analysis was carried out using SPSS software. Results Sixty cases of spontaneous abortion, 31 therapeutic and 9 elective abortions, were collected. Overall, on GHQ-12, 57% women had no distress, 11% had typical distress, while 14% had more than typical distress, 15% had psychological distress, and 3% of them had severe distress. On IES-R, 16% women had little or no symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder PTSD, 57% had several symptoms, while 27% of them were likely to have PTSD. Conclusions Women who underwent elective abortion showed less distress than the other types. Those that underwent a late abortion were more likely to suffer from psychological distress than those having an early one. The medical history was a significant factor in determining the mental health outcome of the women who underwent abortion.
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The aims of this paper are (1) to assess the role of sociodemographic and psychosocial risk factors on antenatal anxiety (AA) and antenatal depression (AD) in first-generation migrant women in Geneva, as compared to a control group of native Swiss women, and (2) to examine the role of acculturation and other sociocultural factors in the development of antenatal distress in migrant women. A sample of 43 migrant and 41 Swiss pregnant women were recruited during the third trimester of pregnancy. AA was assessed by using the State Trait Anxiety Inventory, and AD by using the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale. Acculturation was assessed as a bidimensional process comprising attachment to the heritage culture and adaptation to the local Swiss culture, using the Vancouver Index of Acculturation. AA in migrant women was mainly predicted by psychosocial factors, namely socioeconomic status, marital support, family presence in Geneva and parity, while AD was predicted by one dimension of acculturation, i.e., attachment to the heritage culture. Our study can inform perinatal health care professionals about some specific risk factors for antenatal distress in migrant women in order to increase systematic screening procedures.
Article
Associations between several personal and contextual predic-tors of negative post-abortion mental health outcomes were explored using a large national sample of U.S. women who sought out post-abortion care from a crisis pregnancy center. The predictors examined included decisional regret, pregnancy wantedness, various forms of pressure, understanding of the procedure, and satisfaction with counseling provided by the abortion facility. Well-established measures of depression, anxiety, and substance abuse in addition to a newly developed assessment of abortion-related out-comes, the Post-Abortion Psychological and Relational Adjustment Scale (PAPRAS) were employed as the criteria in regression models. All analyses included controls for pre-abortion psychological adjustment and various forms of abuse in addition to a number of demographic variables. When the PAPRAS served as the outcome measure, the abortion context variables as a group accounted for 45.8% of the variance in women's post-abortion psychological and relational adjustment scores. Using the same sets of pre-dictors in a series of regression models and employing established measures of general anxiety, depression, PTSD, alcohol abuse, and substance abuse, 3.5% to 8.8% of the variance was explained. Based on psychometric analy-sis of the PAPRAS, there is evidence that this newly developed instrument holds promise for addressing the unique post-abortion mental health and relational concerns of women. Copyright © 2018 by the National Legal Center for the Medically Dependent and Disabled, Inc.