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7. Critical Security Studies: A Schismatic History
Abstract
This chapter provides a partial history of the label ‘Critical Security Studies’ and the way it has developed and fragmented since the early 1990s. It considers the primary claims of the major divisions that have emerged within the literatures to which the label has been applied: constructivism, critical theory, and poststructuralism. It looks at the 1994 conference held at York University in Toronto entitled Strategies in Conflict: Critical Approaches to Security Studies , which spawned a book called Critical Security Studies: Concepts and Cases (1997b), and Security: A New Framework for Analysis (1998), which was published to serve as a relatively comprehensive statement of ‘securitization studies’, or the Copenhagen School. The chapter argues that Critical Security Studies needs to foster an ‘ethos of critique’ in either the study or refusal of security. Finally, it examines Ken Booth’s views on poststructuralism as part of a broad Critical Security Studies.
... Todavia, parece-nos razoável entender o prefixo crítico nesse momento em sentido lato. A conferência e o livro serviram como trampolim para fomentar estudos críticos em Segurança Internacional, porém não os preencheram com um conteúdo preciso (MUTIMER, 2007). Abriram-se então as portas para que contribuições marxistas, feministas, pós-estruturalistas, dentre outras, passassem a confrontar a tradição realista de segurança. ...
... Jones (1995;1999;: segurança seria, teoricamente, emancipação. Destrinchando o argumento, partamos da definição padrão que Booth (1991a;2005b;2007) utiliza: segurança seria basicamente a ausência de ameaças. Quando mergulhamos nas nuances dessa afirmação, 3 pontos saltam aos olhos: a existência de um referente da segurança; um perigo, real ou provável; e o desejo de escapar das possibilidades ameaçadoras. ...
Tendo como fio condutor os trabalhos de Ken Booth e Richard Wyn Jones, o artigo analisa a produção acadêmica da Escola Galesa de Estudos Críticos em Segurança Internacional. O argumento a ser desenvolvido é que, a despeito da produção de conceitos que contribuíram para o campo crítico em Segurança Internacional, o desenvolvimento teórico da escola ainda padece de insuficiências, sobretudo a controversa relação entre segurança e emancipação. Por conseguinte, derivar conceitos que informam a ação política torna-se tarefa difícil. Logo, a análise aponta para a necessidade de a Escola Galesa engajar-se em um debate teórico com perspectivas distintas, especialmente o pós-estruturalismo e o pós-colonialismo, o que pode produzir implicações importantes para a teoria e prática dos Estudos Críticos em Segurança Internacional.
... Governments are prohibited from doing certain things and are required to do others by human rights law. Citizens also have obligations; they must uphold others' rights when exercising their own, as no government, organization, or person has the authority to do anything that infringes on those of others (Mutimer, 2013). Due to the intrinsic dignity of every human being, all people are equal. ...
This paper focused on the challenges of balancing state security with human rights in Nigeria. Thus, As a relevant and educative study with reliance on secondary data, the study adopts a liberal approach as the theatrical framework which highlights the core impact of the interplay between human rights and State Security in Nigeria. This paper adopts the qualitative research design (Content Analysis). The study's goals include determining how state security and human rights in Nigeria relate to one another. To examine some of the difficult factors preventing their peaceful coexistence and, ultimately, to pinpoint the potential risk of losing one at the expense of the other, it furthers its investigation by posing the quests: Should the government disregard human rights in the face of mantling security? This paper in its findings found the following as contributing factors militating against the collaborative relationship between State Security and human rights among which includes; poverty and global inequality; discrimination; Armed conflict and violence; democracy deficit all these are peculiar to human rights. However, the research recommends for active human rights and State Security measures be put in place by the government without necessarily setting aside human rights in the face of mountling human security. All moral values should be at the centre of all individuals as peace can only be attained if the culture of 'value' is possessed among the leader and the lead. Therefore, the government must acknowledge the significance of issues like democratic legitimacy, human rights and security sector reform.
... Bu yaklaşım güvenliğe geniş bir perspektif kazandırmanın yanı sıra, alana yeni kavramlar da kazandırmıştır. Bu kapsamda güvenlik çalışmaları içinde yer almaya başlayan güvenlikleştirme (securitisation), özgürleştirme (emancipatory), söz edinimi (speech act), yapı söküm(deconstruction), biopolitik gibi kavramlar sadece kavramsal zenginliğin değil, aynı zamanda farklı yaklaşım ve alanların güvenlik çalışmalarını nasıl etkilediğinin de birer göstergesidirler (Mutimer, 2010). ...
... Por otro lado, las aproximaciones no tradicionales, pese a que no poseen un cuerpo homogéneo de teorías, comparten como un ethos común la crítica a las aproximaciones tradicionales. Por ejemplo, consideran cómo se forma una amenaza, qué relación existe con ámbitos no militares o cómo influyen los actores no estatales (Mutimer, 2007). Teorías tales como los estudios de paz, estudios de género y la seguridad humana, tienen como referente de seguridad otros elementos como la población, el individuo y el medioambiente, buscando identificar causas estructurales de violencia y considerando que el Estado no es el referente central de la seguridad. ...
Esta investigación analiza las implicaciones de la cuarta revolución industrial en la seguridad internacional. Considera los impactos en conjunto de las tecnologías como una perspectiva multidimensional de la seguridad, la perspectiva expansiva de la seguridad y la innovación disruptiva. Se encuentra que las tecnologías amplían las capacidades actuales y crean otras nuevas para los actores tradicionales y no tradicionales. Así, la seguridad internacional se expande horizontalmente dado el surgimiento de amenazas que supone el ámbito digital en las dimensiones de la seguridad, y verticalmente al transformar las capacidades de los actores del sistema internacional.
... Disponible sur: www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQ07tWOzE_c (Consulté: 26 mai 2020).lie par erreur la sécurité et la survie, et qu'elle est axée sur l'État, sur l'élite, dominée par le discours, conservatrice, politiquement passive, ni progressiste et ni radicale9 . ...
... Penentangan ini bermula melalui persidangan pertama di Toronto pada 1994 yang menemukan beberapa sarjana terkenal keselamatan. 65 Kejayaan pertemuan ini apabila ia menghasilkan sebuah buku suntingan Krause dan Williams (1997) bertajuk critical security studies yang menghimpunkan beberapa pendekatan, teori dan konsep keselamatan. 66 Malangnya kumpulan ini mula retak apabila Booth, salah seorang peserta persidangan 1994 mengisytiharkan perlunya untuk mewujudkan sempadan antara aliran kritikal yang lain dan aliran yang berasaskan tradisi Teori Kritikal (Critical Theory) yang dikembangkan oleh Frankfurt School dan Gramsci (Italian School) serta berakar umbi daripada idea Marxisme dan Kajian Keamanan. ...
RAMLI Dollah Universiti Malaysia Sabah TIGA TRADISI UTAMA DALAM KAJIAN KESELAMATAN: OBJEKTIVITI, SUBJEKTIVITI DAN DISCURSIVE THREE MAJOR TRADITIONS IN SECURITY STUDIES: OBJECTIVITY, SUBJECTIVITY AND DISCURSIVE Tamatnya Perang Dunia II menandakan bermulanya perdebatan utama yang menyentuh persoalan epistemologi dan ontologi dalam Kajian Keselamatan. Ia bermula dengan pendekatan objektiviti-materialisme atau dikenali sebagai pendekatan tradisional yang dipelopori oleh teori (neo)realisme dan (neo)liberalisme. Pendekatan yang mendominasi era Perang Dingin ini berusaha memahami isu keselamatan menggunakan pendekatan saintifik. Aliran ini percaya bahawa sebarang fenomena sosial, termasuk juga isu keselamatan hanya boleh difahami menggunakan pendekatan saintifik iaitu sains. Aliran ini berkembang dan menjadi salah satu pendekatan paling dominan dalam Kajian Keselamatan sepanjang era Perang Dingin. Namun, pada tahun 1980an dan 1990an, aliran tradisional ini mula dicabar oleh beberapa pendekatan lain yang cuba memahami isu keselamatan daripada perspektif yang berbeza. Ini membawa kepada kemunculan aliran subjektiviti-ideational dan discursive yang melihat keselamatan perlu difahami melalui epistemologi dan ontologi yang berbeza. Untuk tujuan tersebut, artikel ini cuba untuk melihat evolusi dalam Kajian Keselamatan dengan memfokuskan perbincangan kepada tiga tradisi utama dalam Kajian Keselamatan iaitu objektiviti-materialisme yang mendominasi debat keselamatan semasa Perang Dingin (juga dikenali sebagai aliran tradisional); kepada kemunculan subjektiviti-ideational melalui aliran kritikal; dan, juga aliran discursive yang menekankan peranan bahasa dalam memahami fenomena keselamatan. Artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan menumpukan kepada kajian perpustakaan. Ia menghujahkan bahawa pendekatan yang berbeza dalam memahami persoalan keselamatan ini penting terutamanya dalam memahami fenomena keselamatan di peringkat antarabangsa yang semakin kompleks.
... 47 In addition to this, the notion that "theory is always for someone for some purpose" originated as well from Cox 48 , guided critical security studies to refute "traditional" security studies as "...not some neutral reflection…but… [as] itself an interpretive mode" 49 , as well "as a mechanism for the construction of political community." 50 Indeed,44 Mutimer, D. (2007), "Critical Security Studies: A Schismatic History," in Collins A. (ed.), Contemporary Security Studies, Oxford, Oxford University Press inc., p. 54. 45 These are objectivism, empiricism, naturalism and behaviouralism. Thus, according to Smith, "objectivism can be defined as referring to the view that objective knowledge of the world is possible; naturalism as meaning that there is a single scientific method which can analyse both the 'natural' and the social worlds; empiricism as involving the claim that knowledge has finally to be justified by experience; and behaviourism as meaning that we do not need to worry about what actors think they are doing to explain their behaviour," in Smith, S. (1996), "Positivism and Beyond," in Smith, B., Booth, K., and Zalewski, M. (eds.), ...
... As Hendershot and Mutimer (this volume) argue, "CSS does not denote a coherent set of views, an 'approach' to security; rather it indicates a desire. The initial desire was to study security/strategy differently than that which predominated during the Cold War" (see also Mutimer 2015). More re cently, CSS has come to identify scholars who study securitizing processes, emancipatory potentials, discourses of threat and danger, gendered and sexed bodies, visual and emo tional mediations, racialization and terror, logics, techniques, migration and borders, and material/non-human affects. ...
... As Hendershot and Mutimer (this volume) argue, "CSS does not denote a coherent set of views, an 'approach' to security; rather it indicates a desire. The initial desire was to study security/strategy differently than that which predominated during the Cold War" (see also Mutimer 2015). More re cently, CSS has come to identify scholars who study securitizing processes, emancipatory potentials, discourses of threat and danger, gendered and sexed bodies, visual and emo tional mediations, racialization and terror, logics, techniques, migration and borders, and material/non-human affects. ...
Future-oriented questions are woven through the study and practice of international security. The 48 essays collected in this Handbook use such questions to provide a tour of the most innovative and exciting new areas of research as well as major developments in established lines of inquiry. The results of their efforts are: the definitive statement of the state of international security and the academic field of security studies, a comprehensive portrait of expert assessments of expected developments in international security at the onset of the twenty-first century's second decade, and a crucial staging ground for future research agendas.
... As the bipolar system collapsed, traditional notions of state security diminished in relevance, and other referents for security emerged, thus theorists began to incorporate critical and sociological approaches to security studies (Bilgin 2003). The concepts and notions of scholars at the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute (COPRI) became known as the Copenhagen school (McSweeney 1996;Mutimer 2007). Primarily associated with Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, the seminal works of the Copenhagen school are People, States, and Fear (Buzan 2008), Identity, Migration (Waever et al. 1993), and Security: a New Framework for Analysis (Buzan et al. 1998). ...
This paper challenges the notion that European identity building remains a certain and effective path to societal security in the European Union. Instead, it argues that other emerging securitizations in the face of the migration crisis now represent a major challenge to European identity as the foundation of societal security in Europe. It begins by addressing the nature of the Copenhagen school and the societal security concept, then illustrates how it can be used to understand the post-war securitization of European identity and subsequent identity building process. However, the article then challenges the established normative position at European identity is a reliable security referent by highlighting the ongoing challenges posed by member-state counter-securitizations in the context of the migration crisis. These securitizations in turn manifest into legal challenges that threaten the foundations of European identity building. By focusing on themes of identity building, threat perception, and response, this paper highlights how the position occupied by the constructed notion of pan-European identity is declining in its role as a source of security and increasingly portrayed as a referent for member-state insecurity.
... It is not the place to discuss at length the evolution of the security concept after the Cold War. It will suffice, following Mutimer (2007), to distinguish between three 'broad churches' of security, which emerged over the 1990s. First, there are critical security studies, as initiated in 1994 with a conference on 'Strategies in Conflict: Critical Approaches to Security Studies', followed by an edited volume (Krause and Williams 1997). ...
This chapter suggests possible avenues for integrating early international integration theories to the contemporary research programme in International Relations. Indeed, rediscovering the value of early integration theory to the study of contemporary European security situation is an exciting challenge, but we can consider it merely the first step towards a more comprehensive research agenda. In order to ‘bring back’ international federalism and functionalism to International Relations and European Studies, two additional steps appear necessary. The first one involves opening up those early integration theories to collaboration with other, more contemporary approaches. The fundamental value of those theories lies in their empirically-grounded advocacy for a particular model of international integration. The second one involves exploring their suitability to address problems other than European, or Euro-Russian cooperation.
... It is not the place to discuss at length the evolution of the security concept after the Cold War. It will suffice, following Mutimer (2007), to distinguish between three 'broad churches' of security, which emerged over the 1990s. First, there are critical security studies, as initiated in 1994 with a conference on 'Strategies in Conflict: Critical Approaches to Security Studies', followed by an edited volume (Krause and Williams 1997). ...
This chapter revisits functionalism as another major approach to international integration. The argument commences with explaining key differences between Haas’ neofunctionalism and Mitrany’s functionalism, reminding that Haas’s interpretation of functionalism is not entirely accurate. These elements of the Mitrany’s functionalist approach, which differ from Haas’ reformulation, are the elements, which are most relevant for functionalism as an approach to international security order. The chapter then restates the main functionalist argument for a ‘working peace system’, focusing on these aspects of functionalism, which distinguish it from federalism. The last two sections confront the functionalist approach with the process of European integration. The Schuman Declaration and its consequences for Europe affected both functionalism and federalism, speaking directly to the core tenets of both theories.
... Todavia, parece-nos razoável entender o prefixo crítico nesse momento em sentido lato. A conferência e o livro serviram como trampolim para fomentar estudos críticos em Segurança Internacional, porém não os preencheram com um conteúdo preciso (MUTIMER, 2007). Abriram-se então as portas para que contribuições marxistas, feministas, pós-estruturalistas, dentre outras, passassem a confrontar a tradição realista de segurança. ...
... By now, these have become hallmarks of the sub-field we work in and part of a growing text-book scholarship we use to tell students the story and 'evolution' of CSS (e.g. Jarvis and Holland 2014; Peoples and Vaughan-Williams 2015;Mutimer 2013;Shepherd 2013). We suggest, however, that nowadays the political-critical aspect in CSS is often ignored, at times essentialized, or perhaps left for the reader to consider themselves. ...
O estudo de questões relacionadas à segurança internacional se encontra no coração das Relações Internacionais. Porém, o que é segurança? Segurança para quem? Visto que o termo tem apresentado diferentes significados para diferentes pessoas, em lugares e momentos distintos ao longo do curso da história humana, existem diversas formas de se pensar sobre esse conceito. O que Realismo, Liberalismo e Construtivismo, normalmente consideradas as principais correntes teóricas no moderno campo das Relações Internacionais, têm a dizer sobre segurança? Embora essas perspectivas teóricas possam apresentar sobreposições e aspectos em comum, elas divergem em questões fundamentais acerca da natureza da segurança internacional. Nesse contexto, analisar o que essas perspectivas têm a oferecer acerca do conceito de segurança tem o potencial de esclarecer a relevância e efetiva contribuição de cada uma à área de estudos de segurança, podendo servir adicionalmente como uma muito necessária fonte de inspiração para promover o desenvolvimento de pesquisas empíricas e de formulação de teorias nesse campo.
Thirty-two years after the publication of Ashley’s and Walker (1990) article, ‘Speaking the Language of Exile: Dissident Thought in International Studies’, critical IR still fails to de-centre structures of white, male authority. This essay will consider the charge of patricide (and related imputations) directed at those who have arguably done precisely this – insofar as they have explicitly, and without apology, illuminated the racist underpinnings of Foucauldian and Copenhagen School ontologies and, hence, the very foundations of a great deal of scholarship in Critical Security Studies (CSS). Far from just another barb in a fractious debate, this essay will argue that the charge of patricide deserves our attention. It reveals a great deal about what is at stake – not only in terms of what can be said, what can be heard, and who can speak, but also in terms of what drives these delimitations: our emotional attachments to authors in general and white, male authority structures in particular.
Since the late 1990s, the critical study of security has crystallised into a professional field of study – Critical Security Studies (CSS) – complete with theoretical schools, journals, and disciplinary narratives that recount its birth and development. The establishment of CSS as a separate field of inquiry distinct from conventional approaches to security is a remarkable achievement but has also come at a price. We argue that this is especially apparent in relation to the limited role Cold War history plays in CSS. Disciplinary narratives of the field tend to conflate the Cold War period with conventional security theory or strategic studies, thus downplaying the originality and importance of critical perspectives articulated during this protracted conflict. Emphasising the deep entanglements of the Cold War nuclear arms race with questions of ecological contamination, democracy, race, and decolonisation, we argue that these intersections are worth revisiting as intellectual precursors and foundations for CSS. We briefly illustrate this argument by highlighting important challenges to conventional security thinking that were formulated at three interconnected sites during the early Cold War: the 1955 Bandung Conference, Pan-African resistance to French nuclear testing in Algeria, and African-American anti-nuclear activism.
This article explores how male officers in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) understand the relevance of the global Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) norms in their conceptualizations of security work. The study is based on in-depth interviews with 13 Norwegian male officers, draws on a discourse theoretical framework, and feeds into scholarly discussions on security, gender, and diversity. The findings indicate that the WPS norms are seen primarily as tools for improving military overseas operations, and further, that gender equality is seen as a ‘natural’ part of Norwegian identity, including the professional identities of military personnel in the NAF. WPS norms are therefore perceived as less relevant at home than abroad. We argue that this is because the attitudes toward gender issues that the officers regard as ‘natural’ interact with other gender roles and cultures in overseas operations, and therefore pertain to distant ‘others’ more than to the ‘self ’.
Sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam pembukaan UUD 1945, Tujuan Nasional bangsa Indonesia adalah melindungi segenap bangsa Indonesia dan seluruh tumpah darah Indonesia, memajukan kesejahteraan umum, mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa, dan ikut melaksanakan ketertiban dunia yang berdasarkan kemerdekaan, perdamaian abadi dan keadilan sosial. Dalam tujuan nasional tersebut sudah sangat jelas bahwa negara berkewajiban memberikan rasa aman dan nyaman bagi seluruh rakyatnya. Terkait hal tersebut maka konsep keamanan nasional sangat penting bagi bangsa Indonesia.
Konsep keamanan nasional diawali dengan adanya berbagai ancaman yang akan mengancam bangsa Indonesia baik yang datang dari dalam negeri maupun yang datang dari luar negeri. Konsep dinamika dan pergeseran ancaman keamanan nasional menjadi bagian dasar pemahaman dalam melihat dinamika dan ancaman bangsa Indonesia di masa depan. Ancaman-ancaman di masa kini dan masa depan dapat dijadikan sebagai perbandingan serta pembuka cakrawala atas konsep dan praktik keamanan nasional pada beberapa Negara seperti Amerika, Australia, Korea dan beberapa negara lain di dunia internasional. Melalui pemahaman konsep tersebut, maka konsepsi dasar hakikat keamanan, pergeseran persepsi ancaman, maupun praktik keamanan nasional yang berlaku di beberapa negara dapat dipelajari.
Pemahaman yang jelas dan kompleks juga diperlukan untuk menghadapi perubahan di lingkungan masyarakat yang kian cepat berkembang. Lembaga Ketahanan Nasional (Lemhanas, 2016) menyebutkan saat ini nasionalisme yang berkembang di masyarakat telah bergeser dari herois menjadi pragmatis. Demikian pula dengan konsep kesatuan Republik Indonesia yang berkembang. Konsep ini telah bergeser dari integrasi politis menjadi integrasi fungsional. Di sisi lain juga perlu ada pengembangan untuk membangun kekuatan pertahanan dan keamanan nasional dan juga kemampuan untuk mengelola konflik yang ada.
Bila merujuk pada pemikiran Samuel P. Huttington (1996) seperti ditulis dalam buku The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, disebutkan bahwa perbedaan budaya, kemunculan politik identitas bisa menjadi ancaman yang besar bagi integrasi bangsa. Hal ini pula yang dihadapi oleh negara berkembang seperti halnya Indonesia. Identitas budaya dan agama seseorang akan menjadi sumber konflik utama di dunia pasca perang dingin (Huntington, 1996).
This paper argues that peace studies and the Welsh school of critical security studies both define themselves in opposition to the traditional view of security, with the only difference that the former goes through the concept of peace in voicing its critique of security. Pointing to some striking similarities in the epistemology, methodology and ontology of Johan Galtung and Ken Booth, it shows that the two studies have been driving on parallel roads and that they would profit greatly from joining forces. Being the kind of applied and anti-hegemonic science that scholars at Aberystwyth strive for, peace studies could provide the Welsh school with greater practical applicability and access to everyday life. The Welsh school, in turn, could endow peace studies with academic reputation and a solid critical foundation. This would not only put peace back on the agenda of IR, but also contribute towards the decolonization of the discipline.
Security has generally posed a challenge to those who have attempted to reach an ideal, comprehensive and encompassing definition of the concept. Orthodox perspectives have mainly focused on the state as a “harbinger” of security that defends its territory and citizens against external enemies through the acquisition of military grade weapons. Neorealist theorist, Stephen Walt defines security as “the study of threat, use, and control of military force” (1991, 212). Since security is a seemingly self-explanatory concept, it has also been rather underdeveloped to the point that International Relations theorist Barry Buzan argues that before the ‘80s, “conceptual literature on security” was rather neglected if not, a sorely absent field of inquiry (1983, 3-4). Buzan himself, along with Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, proposed a new research agenda for security as evidenced in the book: “Security: A New Framework for Analysis” (1997). These authors are regarded as the main representatives of what today we refer to as the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The present article provides an analysis of the Copenhagen School’s “good practices” on security and securitization as speech acts (Mutimer 2016, 93) and intersubjective processes (de Graaf 2011, 11), in order to address the performative power behind the contemporaneous security architecture and the security practices of threat construction.
Security in the Sahel region has traditionally been studied through a realist prism, emphasising military concerns and the pre-eminent influence of great powers in shaping local security concerns. The paper reviews the securitisation initiatives in Africa’s Sahel. It
specifically explores Buzan and Waever’s ‘securitisation’ framework to re-evaluate securitising discourse and the contemporary initiatives of the EU, France and the U.S.A. in the Sahelian States. Its main observation is that the central security actors in the Sahel have over the years paid less attention to the securitisation of threats in the region. The paper provides indicators of successful securitisation, which includes but goes beyond speech acts. It underscores the reality that though the securitisation of Africa’s Sahel has helped to legitimise the ‘war on terrorism’, it has very little to offer for Africa’s development problems. The paper posits that securitisation, though a laudable initiative, does not sufficiently address root causes of terrorism, which are not military but social and economic. It thus recommends a holistic approach to addressing the security challenges in the Sahel; which must include: providing increased safe access for those who want to work in the West while also assisting to create economic prospects and opportunities in the region.
This chapter focuses on security framing in welfare. The author guides the reader through the concept of securitisation, its epistemology, and sociological perspectives on how a security issue is constructed around material need assistance and workfare. Further, the chapter points to some aspects of securitisation theory worth rethinking. The author adds to the criticism of the conceptualised importance of the existential security threat and the necessity for instant approval by audiences. She argues that (1) in cases of policy-making and political decision-making, public approval is not essential for each measure, as is claimed in classic securitisation theory; and (2) in the case of the welfare-workfare discourse, there is not necessarily a need for construction of an existential threat in order to securitise welfare and material need assistance.
South Africans often proudly proclaim that our Constitution is one of the most progressive in the world. Yet if you ask most South Africans how they really feel about gay rights, abortion and the death penalty, their answers, more often than not, contradict the values enshrined in the Constitution. (Ahmed 2014) This is the sobering assessment of the Chief Executive of the South African Human Rights Commission 20 years into democratic South Africa. The document adopted by The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996 was considered an exemplary showpiece for the new democratic, human rights based era — embraced as "proudly South African" among the world's most enlightened legal frameworks. Taking stock almost two decades later, however, constitutionality seems to have not yet been deeply and firmly anchored in public awareness or ingrained into a ] social fabric guiding the fundamental values, ethics and norms as reflected by ordinary public perception and opinion. Nor have policy makers in the government seemingly internalised an unconditional respect for and recognition of the governance principles enshrined in this Constitution, as some recent examples seem to suggest. The current controversy around the "spy tapes", but even more so the contested role of the public protector — dubbed "a jewel in South Africa's constitutional crown" (Pieters 2014) — and her stance with regard to Nkandla and the obligations of the head of state to respond to her recommendations are obvious tips of the iceberg. But current discourses at the same time are a mirror image of the ongoing struggles over the power of definition and the interpretation, as well as adherence, to the rules of the game as laid down in the normative framework. As constitutions elsewhere, there is a discrepancy between what is stated, how it ought to be understood and interpreted, how it should be adhered to and applied, and what the intended effects, as well as the real consequences are. It therefore is not by accident that debates and contestations over the meaning and implications of constitutional principles are an eminently political affair and an integral part of governance. It would be more worrying, if this would not be the case, since this would suggest that those in control over society reign supreme in the sense of governing without checks and balances. So then let's have a closer look at the issues at stake.
After the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation in 2014, the attitude of Baltic theatre producers and artists towards cultural and institutional partnerships with Russian theatres and their involvement in the mutual artistic exchanges, tours, common projects, and networking changed; not only due to these exchanges becoming a controversial issue in the public eye, but also due to the polarization they caused in the artistic community itself. Some artists, like Latvian stage director Alvis Hermanis, have decisively terminated all their previous creative partnerships, arrangements and tours, calling also other theatre artists “to take sides”. Others, like Russian stage and film director Kirill Serebrennikov who, for years, had been involved with Baltic theatres, would regard taking sides as a disastrous yielding of culture to the logic of war – theatre should be kept as the last link between societies gradually separated by reciprocal propaganda insanity. Building upon these conflicts describing the changes in intercultural theatrical cooperation between Russian and Baltic theatres, the article focuses on the analysis of three productions: Dreams of Rainis by Kirill Serebrennikov at the Latvian National Theatre (2015), Alexander Pushkin’s play Boris Godunov directed by Eimuntas Nekrošius at the Lithuanian National Drama Theatre (2015) and Brodsky/Baryshnikov staged by Alvis Hermanis at the New Riga Theatre in 2016. All of the performances refused to stay inside the frameworks marked for them by the regimes of propaganda wars, public diplomacy, or dispositif of security, but focused instead on the possibilities of intellectual disobedience.
This article examines the neglected category of functional actor in securitisation processes. I argue that functional actors are a useful analytical category only if such actors are functionally distinct from other actors. A close analysis of Security: A New Framework for Analysis reveals that this is not the case; the majority of the functions such actors have are covered by other actors. The exception is that they may contest securitisation; yet in securitisation studies this function has become associated not with functional actors but with audiences. I show that when the audience is conceived in line with its meaning in common usage (i.e. as the addressee of speech (acts)) only specific actors (most notably, referent objects who are promised protection via securitising moves) can object to securitisation, and only on securitisations (ostensibly) intended to save them. Given that actors other than referent objects/threateners regularly object to securitisation, I go on to locate the ability to veto/endorse securitisation on behalf of others with functional actors. The remainder of the article distils functional actors into different categories/roles. I show that scholars too are functional actors; ergo they do not need likeminded audiences to stage critical interventions.
Between the 1940s and the 1960s, strategy was at the heart of security studies and closely intertwined with International Relations (IR). Over the past three decades, however, the study of strategy has been relegated to a secondary position in the international security subfield and marginalized in IR theorizing. One important source of this disconnect is the challenge mounted by critical security advocates, who sought to reorient the study of security away from strategic studies. They reached into the philosophy of science and pulled out three familiar dichotomies, rationalism/constructivism, materialism/idealism, and problem-solving/critical theorizing, that they could utilize within security debates. Specifically, they argue that strategic studies leaves out too much of what is really important for security and world politics because it is rationalist, materialist, and retains an uncritical view of knowledge production. In this article, I turn the critical security conventional wisdom on its head and show that strategic studies, exemplified by the ideas of Carl von Clausewitz and Thomas Schelling, actually transcends these dichotomies and hence offers an indispensable source of insights for both security studies and IR.
In October 2000, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted the resolution 1325 on Women and Peace and Security (SCR 1325). This resolution is recognized as a landmark commitment of the international community in promoting gender equality, empowering women, and protecting women’s rights in all peace processes. The resolution was the first time in UN history when ‘high politics’ has formally addressed gender issues (Olsson and Tryggestad, 2001). SCR 1325 consists of 18 articles with three main themes: promoting women’s participation, gender mainstreaming, and gender-based violence. Since the adoption of the resolution, the international community seems to be acting in accordance with the resolution, especially in UN peacekeeping. Nevertheless, despite the apparent success, criticism of the efficiency of the implementation of the resolution has been raised. This leads to the research question ‘to what extent the implementation of SCR 1352 can contribute to gender equality’, the goal of SCR 1325.
The study focus is to evaluate the implementation of UN peacekeeping in the three main themes of the resolution because the mandate of UN peacekeeping is to establish peace and security in all conflicted situations, which directly involves with the implementation of the resolution. The study is scoped to examine UN peacekeeping at two levels: policy and operational levels. The Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), the policy directive unit of all UN peacekeeping, is examined in order to assess the implementation of UN peacekeeping at policy level. At operational level, the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) is selected as an empirical case as the mission is claimed as the first UN mission that included gender perspectives explicitly in its establishment documentation, and is further claimed as a best practice in bringing gender equality to peacekeeping.
The data is accumulated from the UN, governmental and non-governmental organizations, and civil society documentation as well as individual research related to issues of UN peacekeeping, SCR 1325, and gender issues. In terms of a theoretical framework, the research has adopted postcolonial feminism to explore the answer to the research question because postcolonial feminism provides a substantive concept of gender equality in two aspects. Firstly, the concept of gender equality of postcolonial feminism is not simply about women’s issues, but is involved with equality for marginalized lives. Secondly, postcolonial feminism concerns on different and diverse contexts, and aware of the domination of western feminism idea on gender equality, which seems to be useful for a critical evaluation because many peacekeeping operations occur in developing countries and often in post-colonial countries.
The paper illustrates that the implementation of UN peacekeeping on the three themes of SCR 1325: enhancing women’s participation, gender mainstreaming, and gender-based violence, can contribute only superficially to the issue of gender equality. This study, therefore, argues that the perspective of postcolonial feminism on gender equality, including 1) a recognition not only women, but also marginalized lives, who impacted from gender hierarchy, 2) sensitivity to diversity, difference in specific contexts and locations, and 3) awareness of potential of the colonial assumption of superiority over local people, should be put as a central framework in the implementation of UN peacekeeping to bring substantive gender equality as the international community commits to the resolution.
Değişen uluslararası ekonomi-politik ve uluslararası sistemin norm ve değerleri ile örtüşen siyasal sistemler, iç ve dış politikada yeni çözümler üretme açısından Soğuk Savaş Dönemi için örgütlenmiş ulusal güvenlik devleti yapılarını zorlamaktadırlar. Özellikle 11 Eylül sonrası yeniden şekillenen küresel düzen yeni siyasetin öznelerini çeşitlendirmekte, devlet ve devlet-dışı aktörlerin tamamına güvenliği sağlama görevi yüklemektedir. Buna mukabil, Türkiye’nin geleneksel güvenlik anlayışında, güvenlik kültürünün, politikalarının ve güvenlik konseptinin şekillendirilmesinde askerî elitler veya askerî bürokrasi etkindir. Güvenliğin ve güvenlik kültürünün genelde sadece devletin ülkesiyle ve milletiyle bölünmez bütünlüğü çerçevesinde oluşturulması dinamiği ve Türkiye’ye özgü diğer şartlar, bu durumun yaratılmasındaki önemli etkenlerdir. Böylesine konvansiyonel bir yapı içerisinde, daha önce vurguladığımız üzere, eğer devlet bürokrasisi içinde yer alan unsurlardan veya aktörlerden değilseniz, güvenliğe ilişkin herhangi bir fikir ve öneri geliştirmeniz veya değerlendirme yapmanız yadırganmıştır. Ancak özellikle 2000’li yılların başlarında Türkiye’de konvansiyonel güvenlik yapıların süreç içerisinde değişim/dönüşüm geçirdiği ve güvenliğin alanının giderek genişlediği görülmektedir.
The current volume (8, issue 2 of 2016) of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) publishes mostly the papers presented at the Seventh International Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania, Good governance in Romania and the Nordic and Baltic countries, hosted by the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies and Nicolae Iorga Institute of History of the Romanian Academy, București, 24-25 November, 2016, with the support of the embassies of Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Norway, the Consulate of Latvia to Bucharest and sponsored by Niro Investment Group.
The meeting focused on good governance in Romania and the Nordic and Baltic countries as seen from a variety of angles and from the perspective of various disciplines, institutions and practices related to accountability, transparency, the rule of law, responsibility, equity, inclusiveness, participation, efficiency, human rights protection, tangible, intangible and natural heritage conservation, etc. The conference tackled concepts, issues and good practices in terms of good governance, accountability, welfare, efficiency, gender equality in the public and private sectors in Scandinavia, the Baltic States and Romania as well as the institutions called upon to fight against corruption in these countries. Historical examples of good versus bad governance were also brought forth.
In this issue we included two articles looking at good governance from a historical perspective. Costel Coroban investigates a key source of High Medieval Iceland, the Íslendingabók, in order to capture the images that mirror the ideology of power. The author contrasts the Icelandic and Norwegian sources and finds out that in Iceland the rulers customarily tried to legitimate their power position or to illustrate their weak situation in competition with larger and stronger neighbors. Much had changed in the intermediate six centuries separating the Icelandic stories and the Estonian ones, but the situation of a weaker fellow subdued by a stronger nation remained. Kari Alenius brings a fresh air in the debate concerning good governance by showing that even during foreign occupations and dramatic historical events such as world wars people still need to enjoy some kind of welfare, attention to their needs, competence. Alenius discovers from the primary sources he uses that leadership cannot be offered without cultivating mutual trust and communication between the governing and the governed.
Peace and security have been chosen to illustrate the conceptual approaches of Nordic states and their contribution to global stability, which is, of course, still more of a desire than a state of affairs. Security, stability, peace are, naturally, core aspects of good governance and safety of human being. Luiza-Maria Filimon tackles the Copenhagen School’s securitization theory, its conceptual strengths and applications while Mihai Sebastian Chihaia blends peace and security to the Nordic states’ endeavor to develop the security environment at European level and beyond.
The situation of minorities in a given country offers a hint to the level of democracy and welfare that state grants to its citizens. The capacity to integrate people of various personal histories, cultures, languages, religions, preferences who are locals or incomers cultivates openness and enlarges the prospects of development and general welfare. Adél Furu tackles this issue in a comparative study of Finland’s policy towards the Sami population and Turkey’s policy with regard to the Kurdish minority.
The journal ends with a speech of Former Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest, who recollects the time of Russian withdrawal of occupational troops from Lithuania and the responsibility of the Russian Federation as the heir of the Soviet state in respect to the occupation regime imposed upon Lithuania in 1940 and 1944. Historical memory is the arch which governs the architecture of Vladimir Jarmolenko’s essay.
The journal will continue to integrate aspects of good governance in its future issues, as it is a need, a desire, a right and an obligation of our modern world to grant and guarantee that it is offered and spread.
The chapter revisits the human rights policy dimension declared as an integral part of South Africa’s foreign policy under the Mandela government, reviews developments and trends since then and critically examines the declared notions with the actual policy. With reference to certain issues and cases the discrepancy is documented. It then scrutinizes the new/adjusted paradigm re-emerging under the Ramaphosa government at the beginning of the third term as non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and assesses the scope for reforms and their likely impact in terms of a shift in the normative orientation, returning to a human rights-based voting pattern.
Od redakcji:
Wydarzenia kryzysu ukraińskiego stanowiły dla wielu zaskoczenie. Inni natomiast, wieszcząc
upadek „jednobiegunowej chwili”, interpretowali je jako konieczność wynikającą z odwiecznej
rywalizacji mocarstw. Bez wątpienia jednak kryzys ukraiński przyczynił się do przeobrażenia status
quo bezpieczeństwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, a zmianami tymi w znacznym stopniu została
objęta również Polska. Autor poprzez chłodną analizę zakotwiczoną w teorii realizmu strukturalnego
i opierającą się o założenia geopolityczne ukazuje, w jaki sposób wydarzenia zza naszej wschodniej
granicy wpłynęły na bezpieczeństwo Polski. Publikacja ta jest wnikliwą interpretacją polityki
zagranicznej Polski kreowanej w obliczu kryzysu ukraińskiego, a także regionalnej gry interesów
mocarstw. Od rewolucji Euromajdanu, poprzez aneksję Krymu i destabilizację wschodniej Ukrainy, aż
do zamrożenia konfliktu autor przybliża czytelnikowi skomplikowany przebieg kryzysu, osadzając go
w kontekście bezpieczeństwa Polski, wraz z rywalizacją zachodnio-rosyjską w tle.
Z recenzji prof. dra hab. Marka Pietrasia:
„W proponowanej monografii został podjęty wartościowy problem badawczy w sensie poznawczym
oraz w sensie użyteczności dla praktyki polityki zagranicznej Polski. […] Przeprowadzone badania – co
niestety ciągle jest rzadkością w badaniach politologicznych w Polsce – zostały osadzone w szerszym
kontekście teoretycznym nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, jakim stało się odwołanie
do perspektywy neorealizmu. Jego wybór […] jest uzasadniony specyfiką przedmiotu badań
i prowadzeniem wielu analiz na poziomie systemu międzynarodowego. […] Istotnym problemem
badawczym podjętym w pracy jest strategia i praktyka polityki zagranicznej Polski w warunkach
niedoświadczanego wcześniej kryzysu za wschodnią granicą, ale w tym kontekście i działania Sojuszu
Północnoatlantyckiego oraz stosunków z Ukrainą. […] Jest to jedno z nielicznych w badaniach
politologicznych w Polsce opracowań na temat skutków wojny hybrydowej Rosji na wschodniej
Ukrainie dla polityczno-wojskowego wymiaru bezpieczeństwa Polski. Publikacja została napisana
na dobrym poziomie merytorycznym i metodologicznym, w ujęciu analitycznym i z wykorzystaniem
bardzo obszernego, wnikliwie zgromadzonego materiału empirycznego”.
The Handbook of Communication and Security provides a comprehensive collection and synthesis of communication scholarship that engages security at multiple levels, including theoretical vs. practical, international vs. domestic, and public vs. private. The handbook includes chapters that leverage communication-based concepts and theories to illuminate and influence contemporary security conditions. Collectively, these chapters foreground and analyze the role of communication in shaping the economic, technological, and cultural contexts of security in the 21st century. This book is ideal for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students and scholars in the numerous subfields of communication and security studies.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is one of the most quickly growing high-impact technologies currently developed by humanity. As a cluster of numerous smaller technologies, ranging from advanced image-recognition in today's smartphones and surveillance systems, to fully autonomous driving in the vehicles of tomorrow, and eventually to sovereign sensor-based machinery that will be deployed as weapons in future battlegrounds, AI features a great potential to disrupt human civilization as have the Agricultural and Industrial Revolution before. In International Security Studies, this technology has implications on military, economic, societal, and political security, as well as cross-references all of these sectors in total, and its effects on the international system thus requires further academic analysis in order to develop policies able to offset the dangers of unregulated AI development in favor of its benefits for mankind. Using the methodological framework of the Copenhagen School this thesis argues that AI will upset the international system as the deployment of nuclear weapons in the 1945 and beyond did to global security since winning the arms race of developing fully autonomous machinery might elevate a singular nation-state or private corporation to global hegemony. In particular, this thesis analyzes the individual capacities of the two nation-states most engaged in AI development, the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, and both highlights their overlapping and differing prerequisites under a socio-economic, military, and political focus as well as compares their qualities against each other. This comparative analysis sheds light on the complexity of a set of technologies so large in scope as that it virtually touches every area of human activity, and underlines the uncertainty of its short- and long-term prospects and dangers. On the one hand, the USA benefit from a broad tradition of pioneering in the field of computer science, including incubating the term and field of Artificial Intelligence, and host by far the most valuable private corporations invested in its development, however, the cultivated mistrust between the federal government and the private technology sector might prohibit Washington to use this capital for the benefit of their national security. On the other hand, the Chinese technology market gains from high investments both from state and private actors as well as the quickly growing liquidity of its enormous consumer market, allowing the Chinese government to take full advantage of its centralized rule by "fusing" private and public technological development under one banner preparing the state to become the world's leading power in AI by 2030. The US-American and Chinese attempts to own the power over this cutting-edge technology has already led to conflict in both physical and cyberspace between the two nations, as well as internationally, and will keep its potential to break out into a hot conflict over colliding strategic or economic interests. This thesis thus argues to conduct further research in the use of AI in national and international security contexts as its potential for power might have already triggered an arms race uncomparable to those of past centuries, and the technology's malicious exploitation might pose an existential risk for humanity.
A comienzos de la década de 1980, la seguridad medioambiental no formaba parte de las corrientes prevalentes en los estudios internacionales de seguridad; un mainstream del que sería sin embargo complicado imaginar que no formara parte en la actualidad. Aunque continúa desarrollándose y avanzando en la agenda política, la seguridad medioambiental ha pasado de ser inicialmente un campo controvertido y debatido a ser considerado un agravante de conflictos o condiciones preexistentes y de ahí a tener entidad propia, impulsado por preocupaciones existenciales de primer orden, como el cambio climático en la época del Antropoceno.Comenzamos este artículo revisando el concepto de seguridad medioambiental, para luego abordar el marco de análisis de la Escuela de Copenhague y su aplicación al sector de la seguridad medioambiental, con el objetivo de analizar la securitización exitosa del cambio climático por parte de la comunidad internacional. In the early 1980s, environmental security was not part of the international security studies mainstream, where it would be hard to imagine that it did not belong today. Even though environmental security is still developing and advancing in the political agenda, it has evolved from being initially considered a controversial field that spawned a lot of debate to being considered an aggravating factor in pre-existing conflicts or conditions and then end up having its own entity, driven by first order existential concerns, such as climate change at the time of the Anthropocene.This article begins with a revision of the concept of environmental security, it then addresses the analytical framework of the Copenhagen School and its application to the environmental security sector, with the aim of analyzing the successful securitization of climate change by the international community.
This chapter explains the nature of continuity between international functionalism and the popular contemporary research programme on European security governance. The first section elaborates on the relationship between functionalism and the ‘security governance’ research programme, focusing on the questions concerning territoriality, geopolitical boundaries, function, and service. Subsequently, the chapter elaborates on the notions of governance and security governance, contrasting the concept with the related ideas of security community and regimes. The third section demonstrates how we can apply the security governance concept to the EU’s flagship approach to CBRN proliferation, CBRN Centres of Excellence. The fourth section brings to the fore the question of politics and values, while the final section returns to the main question of this volume, reassessing security governance’s take on territoriality and geopolitical boundaries.
Studies on security and conflict in Indonesia have largely relied on culturalists (those who “emphasize the causal and constitutive role of cultural processes and systems of signification”) and objectivists (those who see “a homogeneous form of human subjectivity across time and space”) traditions (Steinmetz 1999). The works of culturalists usually cover a longer period, not only focusing on the decisive moment of the conflict. For them, violent conflicts are the end result of long-term social dynamics, and their theoretical approaches to Indonesia’s violent conflicts—among others—are: social psychology (Colombijn 2002; Collins 2002), collective-behavioral (Suryadinata et al. 2003: xxiii, 178; Bubandt 2004; Kreuzer 2002), and historical-cultural (Surata and Andrianto 2001; Sutirto 2000; Warnaen 2002; Abdilah 2002; Trijono 2004; Bartels 2003; Smith 2005; Good and Good 2001). Their analyses of the subject at hand can be summarized into three general conclusions. First, the culture of violence is embedded in Indonesian society. Second, the objective reality of ethnic and religious diversity is perceived as latent sources of threat. Third, modernization and development—the New Order’s cardinal rhetoric—have damaged social and cultural bonds within the society. Hence, it leads to the outbreak of violent conflicts. From culturalists we learn how to conduct a long-term observation on certain social phenomena. And, from their literature we learn more about social psychology and the creation of meaning in a society.
Critical security advocates commonly portray strategic studies as crippled by its narrow focus on Cold War-era military issues, as state-centric and as Western-centric. I argue that this conception of the scope of strategy is flawed and I offer a comprehensive rebuttal by working out the logic of the theories advanced by Carl von Clausewitz and Thomas Schelling. The proponents of critical security overlook the striking expansion of strategy during the Cold War, its longstanding inclusion of competing political actors not just states, as well as its capacity to put Western and non-Western actors in a common analytic frame. By breaking out of the conceptual jails in which strategy has been incarcerated, I seek to reconnect International Relations to strategic thought from which it has become increasingly estranged.
The concept of security has been assessed for a long time as the
continuity of the independent political authority of the elements of the state,
synonymous with national security. The basic approach to reach this aim has
always been military. Nowadays, in terms of the concept mentioned,
although state sovereignty keeps its position in the centre, the existence of a
growing common interest between states is observed in the search for the
solution of current threats.
It has been seen that the scope of the concept of security expanded over
time, besides the security of the state, the security of the social groups and
individuals has also come into question. Accordingly to this, in addition to
the state which is the main subject of maintaining security, international and
non-governmental organizations are also located in the mentioned process.
Similarly the security, together with the feature of military, gained new
meanings that include, political, economical, socio-cultural and
environmental aspects, in this way the concept of comprehensive security
has begun to gain acceptance.
The study of security lies at the heart of International Relations. But what is security? Since the term has had many different meanings to different people in different places and different times over the course of human history, there are many different ways to think about security. What do Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism, which are usually considered the main theoretical schools in the modern field of International Relations, have to say about security? Even though these theoretical approaches may present overlaps and points in common, as a rule of thumb they are perceived and portrayed as distinct perspectives. In this context, analyzing what these perspectives have to offer about the concept of security has the potential to clarify the relevance and contribution of each school of thought to the field of security studies, and may additionally serve as a much needed source of inspiration for further empirical research and theory building research in this area.
This paper discusses the emergence of a local defence force, the Arrow Boys, in Western Equatoria State in response to the threats posed by the Lord’s Resistance Army, in a context where the support provided by the state security forces is considered to be inadequate by the local population. The defence force that was put in place led to a series of negotiations between politicians and local leaders supporting the Arrow Boys and the national authorities of South Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army. Drawing from theories on negotiated statehood, this paper argues that in a hybrid political order negotiations about security involve interrelated questions about the relevance of external security threats, who is able and allowed to take action against those threats and according to which norms and rules. It is through negotiations on these issues that practices of state mediation take shape.
How do securitisation moves affect a nation’s foreign policy agenda? This article (re-)directs critical security studies’ attention to the discipline’s core concern with interstate relations. Drawing on the notions of subjectification and subject-positioning, it reformulates securitisation theory and argues that securitisation endangers, orders and conditions international relations. By defining who (or what) threatens whom and how, so the article’s central claim, securitisation moves not only set out problem situations and thus a need for policy responses, but also populate the international with a variety of actors and relations. Securitisation moves seen in this way articulate and project abroad local conceptions of antagonistic international order(s), and make, if accepted as truthful, foreign policy making contingent on the imageries thus created. The article develops this relational/positional rendering of the securitisation process and illustrates it with two empirical case studies, French national security controversies of the post-war era and West German security discussions during the Ostpolitik years. The case studies show how contending articulations of national insecurity helped produce different antagonistic systematisations of the international, and how this latter feature helps explain the foreign policy behaviour of both countries.
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