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Rethinking Leadership: Women Commanders, Rebel-Groups and Sexual Violence against Civilians—Cases of Colombia and Sierra Leone
Abstract
This essay compares how in conflicts gender-based violence is used as a strategy of war against women as a passive, vulnerable group vs. the occasional role of women as active combatants within rebel-groups. This study uses as case-studies the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) vs. the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone to investigate variations in incidence of sexual violence against civilians by rebel-groups among which women either held positions of command or were mere soldiers, camp-followers and sexual slaves. In Colombia, sexual violence against civilians by the FARC were almost absent in the last years of the civil war when women held field leadership and command positions, even if women remained absent in the FARC’s highest body—the Secretariat. Instead, in Sierra Leone the RUF frequently used sexual violence against civilians, while women were only enlisted in this rebel-group as soldiers, camp-followers and sexual slaves.
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This article discusses the first case law issued on the EU-Turkey deal from April to June 2016, which authoritatively answers the question whether Turkey constitutes a safe third country for refugees. In 390 out of 393 decisions, the Greek Asylum Appeals Committees ruled that Safe Third Country (STC) requirements were not fulfilled with respect to Turkey, essentially impeding the application of the EU-Turkey deal. Through empirical research, this article sheds light on the reasoning of the decisions of the Appeals Committees and investigates the impact of the EU-Turkey deal on them. This analysis is highly relevant to society today as it aspires to inform further law, policy, and jurisprudence in the field, especially since it provides access to sources that, due to language and other practical barriers, would remain far from the reach of legal and policy experts.
This article analyzes the fluctuating course of the Turkey-U.S. relationship with a special focus on Barack Hussein Obama’s presidency. When Obama held office, he aimed at reinventing U.S.’ image and shifting center of gravity from the Middle East to Asia-Pacific. These led U.S. to develop its relations with its allies in the region to provide the course of politics go along with the American geostrategic goals. Obama suggested a “model partnership” concept to draw a line between his Administration’s and that of his predecessor George W. Bush. Differences of opinion, however, meant the concept did not go beyond being a surface change. Ultimately, two problems remained unsolved; the FETÖ leader’s ongoing residence in U.S. and American support for YPG/PYD in Syria.
This study's main objective is making contribution to cover in methodical gap in literature arises from “trading state” perspective about transformation of Turkish foreign policy during last periods. The question about how much does this transformation make Turkish state structure similar to “trading state” model is answered by evaluating macro economical governance approach and transformations at foreign policy making area simultaneously. Firstly, theoretical introduction about “trading state” concept and its relations with foreign policy will be mentioned. Then, historical transformation line of Turkey's political economy after 1980's will be evaluated due to both economic growth and human-social development aspects particularly and opportunities and threats created by this historical background to “trading state” will be mentioned. After that, increase at interaction of macro and micro economic policy making and foreign policy process will be underlined and general evaluation of both policies during last years of AK Party government will be done. At the last chapter, four axis (from inflationary interventionism to sustainable growth; from macro-economic governance to micro economic governance, from extensive interventionism to strategically aiming; from welfare state to efficiency) mentioned at “trading state” literature and an extra axis added to theoretical frame – foreign policy axis (from geostrategic and security to economical competition) will be evaluated by its all details related with how much Turkey can be a “trading state” with global vision.
The "axis-shift" discussions on Turkish foreign policy activism over the last couple of years have attracted remarkable international attention. Some pundits have attempted to place Turkey's increasing relations with its neighbors within the context of an ideological and identical reshuffling of Turkish foreign policy principles. While finding the "shift of axis" argument a rather crude characterization, the paper nevertheless argues that there are subtle shifts in Turkish foreign policy orientation. In this context, the paper aims to identify both the elements of continuity and rupture in the style and behavior of Turkish foreign policy. In fact, there are solid political economy fundamentals and legitimate reasons for Turkey to pursue a multidimensional and more assertive foreign policy in the emerging multi-polar world system. However, the present paper underlines that Turkey's multi-dimensional foreign policy activism with no firm axis may have potentially counterproductive consequences regarding Turkey's longterm national interests as well as its ability to play a stabilizing role as a pro-active and benign regional power.
The present paper examines the inclusion of labour provisions – which aim at
promoting respect for worker rights along with greater economic integration – in trade arrangements.
As the paper shows, the number of bilateral and regional trade agreements which include labour
provisions has grown significantly over the past two decades. Attention is devoted to both the
normative contents and the legal consequences of the labour provisions. Also, a preliminary account
of the application of trade-related labour provisions in practice is provided. Interestingly, the paper
documents an increasing incidence of labour provisions in South-South trade agreements.
The study, based on an in-depth examination of over 150 trade agreements, provides an important
empirical contribution to the debate on the rebalancing of the world economy.
This article aims to discuss and analyse the major factors behind the emergence and evolution of “Eurasia” as a geopolitical concept in Turkey in the post–Cold War period. For this purpose, special focus will be placed on Turkish political, academic and intellectual circles' redefinition of their geopolitical outlook towards Russia and the Turkic republics of Central Asia and Caucasus in the 1990s and 2000s. The major argument of the article in this regard is that while discourses such as Pan-Turkism, Eurasianism and Neo-Ottomanism have exercised a degree of influence over the conceptualisation of Eurasia in Turkish academic and intellectual circles, the concept has been generally treated as an instrument of pragmatism by Turkish policymakers. This pragmatism is not only reflected in their geo-economic calculations in the field of energy pipelines, but also the reasoning behind the striking improvement of political and economic relations between Turkey and Russia in the 2000s.
There were huge expectations that Turkish–American bilateral relations would be improved during Obama's office term. Obama's coming to the office as president raised hopes for further cooperation because of common interests and vision in strategic matters particularly those relevant to the Middle East. However, the expectations have gone unfulfilled due to mutual mistakes that could have been avoided provided that greater attention had been paid to the regional developments. Despite occasional deterioration in the bilateral ties, there is still huge potential in the relations between Turkey and the USA in case the parties act prudently and wisely in the nascent regional political setting.
Three types of objections have been raised against sweatshops. According to their critics, sweatshops are (1) exploitative, (2) coercive, and (3) harmful to workers. In “The Ethical and Economic Case Against Sweatshop Labor: A Critical Assessment,” Powell and Zwolinski critique all three objections and thereby offer what is arguably the most powerful defense of sweatshops in the philosophical literature to date. This article demonstrates that, whether or not unregulated sweatshops are exploitative or coercive, they are, pace Powell and Zwolinski, harmful to workers.
This article examines the influence of campaign election laws on patterns of candidacy in state legislative elections. Previous studies demonstrate that restrictions on campaign contributions affect levels of campaign spending and competition, but do such legal conditions influence the likelihood that incumbents running for reelection are even challenged? How important is this effect relative to other factors, such as ballot access laws and district political variables, in influencing rates of contestation in primary and general elections? Analyses of state- and district-level features in 1994, 1996, and 1998 show that low contribution limits increase challenger emergence in general elections.
The effort to build a political economy of war without politics is finding its limits. The question now is what comes next. How to put politics back in? This article compares systematically two non-state armed groups that participate in the Colombian conflict, the main guerrilla (FARC) and the paramilitary. It shows that despite their similar financial bases, they appear to exhibit systematic differences— regarding both their social composition and their internal/external behavior—and claims that the key to understanding them is the set of organizational devices that each group crafts in its process of survival and growth. All this suggests that a main tenet of the early political economy of war, that all non-state armed groups can be understood as being strategically identical, is flawed. It also poses a classificatory challenge.
The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey explains why political Islam, which has been part of Turkish politics since the 1970s but on the rise only since the 1990s, has now achieved governing power. Drawing on social movement theory, the book focuses on the dominant form of Islamist activism in Turkey by analyzing the increasing electoral strength of four successive Islamist political parties: the Welfare Party; its successor, the Virtue Party; and the successors of the Virtue Party: the Felicity Party and the Justice and Development Party. This book, which is based on extensive primary and secondary sources as well as in-depth interviews, provides the most comprehensive analysis currently available of the Islamist political mobilization in Turkey.
While the provision of foreign assistance is a crucial component of U.S. foreign policy, both the American public, and its elected officials, have expressed concern that assistance packages might contribute to incidence of human rights abuse. To prevent this, legislation was passed in 1961 which prohibited the disbursement of U.S. foreign aid to regimes engaged in human rights abuses. The intent of this legislation was to prevent abusive states from receiving aid and prevent recipients from using U.S. aid to perpetrate human rights abuses. This research examines three related questions: First, do worsening human rights conditions lead to a decline in U.S. military aid? Second, are increased amounts of U.S. aid associated with less respect for human rights? Lastly, if aid is associated with deteriorating human rights conditions, what mechanisms produce these negative changes? Using the top thirty recipients of U.S. military aid between 1992–2011 as a sample, this research found that deteriorating human rights conditions were not associated with a corresponding decrease in U.S. military aid. This corroborates prior analysis which concluded that, once a state begins to receive aid, worsening human rights behavior was not met with less aid from the United States. The next stage of this research examines the human rights impact of U.S. military aid following disbursement. For the same sample, increased U.S. aid was associated with elevated incidence of human rights abuses. However, not all military aid was equally impactful; of the four types of military aid, two were associated with a downturn in human rights conditions while the remaining two failed to attain statistical significance. The final portion of this research examines the mechanisms by which U.S. military aid contributes to deteriorating human rights conditions. The prevailing theories suggest that aid lessens institutional quality within the recipient state; this is only partially supported by the findings of this research. Corruption and government effectiveness of the recipient states were unaffected by increases in aid. Only government accountability was a significant mediating factor; although accountability was negatively impacted by U.S. aid, improvements in government accountability to its people lessened the otherwise deleterious effect of aid.
Political agency models suggest that elected public officials choose different policies than appointed officials do. This paper is the first (a) to apply a clean empirical design to study whether the selection rule has a causal effect on public officials' policy choices and (b) to investigate transmission channels. I exploit a unique setting in Germany, where a reform has created quasi-experimental variation in the selection rule for mayors. As the outcome variable, I use data on grant receipts for highly visible investment projects for which mayors must apply to the state government. Elected mayors attract 7% to 7.4% more grants in election years; for appointed mayors, there is no cycle. Using hand-collected data on mayor characteristics, I find suggestive evidence that although the selection of mayors changes following the reform studied, a likely reason for the observed cycle is that elected mayors have stronger electoral incentives. © 2018 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Are 'grand coalitions' - coalitions that include the two largest parties in a parliamentary system - good or bad for democracy? This article analyses that question in light of the recent rise of populist parties that large mainstream parties may try to exclude from government by forming grand coalitions with other large mainstream parties. I call this the 'sterilization' logic and note that mainstream parties' ability to do this varies widely. Where parties have previously used grand coalitions primarily according to a 'clientelistic' logic - for example, Austria - mainstream parties may well be unable to rally the party system against insurgent populist challengers. Where mainstream parties have used grand coalitions exceptionally and for major institutional 'renovations' - for example, Germany - the grand coalition remains a viable option for responding to insurgent challenges, though this strategy is also quite risky. This article considers the implications for democracy by tracing recent developments in the context of the euro crisis and the European refugee situation. The major empirical referents are Austria and Germany - two countries with extensive experience and literature about grand coalitions - but the article draws out the implications of the analysis for other European parliamentary contexts.
This study explores the use of four discourses – socio-economic, relative deprivation, pro-Islamist and terrorism oriented – used by political parties in Turkey to address the Kurdish issue and the resulting political party strategies during the Kurdish opening in Turkey. Although the factors that influence the Kurdish issue have drawn attention, no research has analysed Turkish political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish issue in primary political documents. By examining 188 parliamentary group speeches delivered during the Kurdish opening process with qualitative text analysis, this study reveals that the mainstream parties in the Turkish Parliament employ socio-economic, relative deprivation and regional terrorism approaches, while the ethnic parties use either regional terrorism and pro-Islamist approaches or the relative deprivation approach. Due to the overlap in their discourses, the mainstream parties have developed a new strategy: compartmentalization of the ethnic issue by creating sub-ethnic categories. This research contributes to revealing political parties’ approaches to the Kurdish question and their strategies for mobilizing the ethnic median voter.
The outcome of the British referendum on EU membership sent shockwaves through Europe. While Britain is an outlier when it comes to the strength of Euroscepticism, the anti-immigration and anti-establishment sentiments that produced the referendum outcome are gaining strength across Europe. Analysing campaign and survey data, this article shows that the divide between winners and losers of globalization was a key driver of the vote. Favouring British EU exit, or ‘Brexit’, was particularly common among less educated, poorer and older voters, and those who expressed concerns about immigration and multi-culturalism. While there is no evidence of a short-term contagion effect with similar membership referendums in other countries, the Brexit vote nonetheless poses a serious challenge to the political establishment across Europe.
This paper considers the growth in regional trading arrangements (RTAs) in the world economy over the period 1961-89. The number of RTAs and of countries participating in them and the intra-area freeing of trade have certainly increased. However, the empirical evidence from an examination of the import trade data for four RTAs among OECD countries (EC, EFTA, Canada-US FTA, and Australia-New-Zealand CER) does not support the view that RTAs have led to a growing regionalisation of world trade. There is some tendency for world trade to become more polarised as the share of intra-area imports has increased for the Western European and ASEAN regions but not for the North American region. The paper surveys the literature on trade diversion/creation and other effects on non-member countries and considers the effects of RTAs on the multilateral trading system. -Author
The core puzzle which this book resolves is to explain why radical right parties have advanced in a diverse array of democracies--including Austria, Canada, Norway, France, Italy, New Zealand, Switzerland, Israel, Romania, Russia, and Chile--while failing to make comparable gains in similar societies elsewhere, such as Sweden, Britain, and the United States. This book expands our understanding of support for radical right parties by presenting an integrated new theory which is then tested systematically using a wealth of cross-national survey evidence covering almost forty countries.
Purpose
– This paper aims to analyse whether the World Trade Organisation (WTO) covered agreements ought to be interpreted in a manner that enables an importing country to restrict or prohibit import of goods manufactured using child labour. This question is pertinent, given the WTO-covered agreements do not explicitly mention child labour, yet there is increasing international concern for the phenomenon of child labour, evidenced through international human rights law and international labour law treaties and a push by some developed countries’ WTO Members for inclusion of a “social clause” governing child labour under the covered agreements.
Design/methodology/approach
– This paper examines the WTO-covered agreements, current trends in interpretation of the covered agreements by panels and the Appellate Body (AB) and scholarly debate regarding connecting trade with labour standards and human rights.
Findings
– This paper argues: that although inclusion of a social clause in the covered agreements is unlikely, Article XX(a) GATT, Article XX(b) GATT and Article 2.1 TBT can in certain circumstances be interpreted as to allow such restrictions on the import of goods; that no clear academic argument logically precludes connecting trade with labour standards and human rights; and that to legitimate both the WTO and the international legal system as a whole, the covered agreements, as the basis of international trade law, ought to be interpreted in a manner consistent with international labour law and international human rights law.
Originality/value
– This paper draws upon the recent AB decision in European Commission – Seal Products, examining the AB’s interpretation of the Article XX(a) GATT “public morals” exception. This paper further seeks to provide a succinct overview of the argument surrounding WTO involvement in the issue of child labour.
Until now there has been a clear distinction between the electoral nexus in the administration of local policing in the United States and that of the 43 police forces of England and Wales. Local electoral processes have traditionally had a strong link to policing in the USA while in the UK any such links with elected individuals--have been pointedly eschewed. However, the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 will introduce elected Police and Crime Commissioners prompting fears this will herald a 'US-style' politicization of policing in the UK. The argument behind the apprehension is almost syllogistic: American law enforcement is blighted by politics; the legislation will impose the 'American' model on the British police; therefore the legislative changes will bring political ruination down on our policing. This article presents a comparative analysis of the constitutional and legal realities behind the legislation, looks at how far the concerns about 'US-style' politicization are borne out by the legislative realities and whether it is the dissimilarities from the US arrangements that in fact hold the greatest risks for one of the oldest and most venerated police services in the world. Language: en
This article explores the role of moral entrepreneurship—activism by normatively focused groups, often acting nationally as well as transnationally—in labor rights activism. We focus specifically on activism related to US preferential trade agreements (PTAs). We explore how labor-related provisions have made their way into these agreements and how their inclusion has changed over time. Our main focus is on the efforts of interest groups to lobby US policymakers regarding various US PTAs. We discuss whether these lobbying efforts are cast in material or moral terms. In considering several PTAs during the 1990s and 2000s, we find that most efforts are based on material claims, or on a combination of material and moral concerns. We rarely observe lobbying activities that are cast purely in terms of the normative goal of protecting workers’ rights.
The uninterrupted rise of China, concomitant with the progressive erosion of the US unipolar moment, has generated increased interest for the (Power Transition Theory) PTT in the last decade. Observers and scholars have, however, often focused on the possible overtaking of the United States by China, and overlooked the importance of the challenger's ‘satisfaction’ in the PTT. This article fills this gap by providing an assessment of China's satisfaction with the contemporary East Asian ‘status quo’. Contrary to recent assessments depicting China as a ‘status quo’ actor, the use of the main three indicators developed by the PTT suggests that China is a strongly dissatisfied power.
This Note analyzes from a historical perspective the debates on linking labor standards to the trade rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Labor standards advocates have increasingly embraced a human rights based definition of labor standards. However, a review of the negotiating history from the GATT's early years and labor discussions during Japan's accession to the GATT in 1953 reveals that a quite different, wage based, view of labor standards was adopted by participants in the early GATT negotiations. This Note argues that such differences in the definitional understanding of labor standards may limit the value of the current WTO text as a tool to promote labor standards as human rights.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Yugoslav conflict; the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was established in 1994 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Rwandan civil war. The Yugoslav Tribunal has the competence to try alleged offenders for crimes enumerated in Articles 2-5 of its Statute, namely, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, violations of the laws or customs of war, genocide, and crimes against humanity. Similarly, the Rwandan Statute accords the Tribunal authority to try defendants for crimes enunciated in Articles 2-4, namely, genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. Article 7, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTY Statute and Article 6, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTR Statute grant jurisdiction to these ad hoc Tribunals to try the accused for individual criminal responsibility on the bases of individual culpability and superior authority.
Events of the past two decades have generated increasing concern about the direction of the world trading system. While the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) helped orchestrate the substantial reduc-tion in tariffs after World War II, the multilateral approach to trade liberalisation has encountered difficulty in stemming the proliferation of non-tariff trade barriers and in extending international rules to new areas of trade. Meanwhile, the appearance of bilateral or regional trade arrangements in Europe, the Americas, and elsewhere provides an alter-native track for expediting trade reform, but also risks deteriorating into exclusionary, trade-diverting blocs that possibly may bring harm to world welfare. The loss of momentum in the multilateral system and the movement toward bilateral agreements have sparked renewed debate over the rela-tive merits of the two approaches to trade liberalisation) This chapter aims to provide some historical insight into this debate by examining whether multilateral or bilateral trade policies have been more effective in promoting trade reforms in the past. How has trade liberalisation been achieved in the past, and which types of policies have proved constructive or detrimental to multilateral cooperation on trade policy? Throughout the chapter the focus will be almost exclusively on trade policies in Europe, not only because Europe accounted for the bulk of international trade during these periods but because trade policies set much of the agenda for the rest of the world. Historical analysis is useful for a related reason. Because most econo-mists and policy analysts agree that multilateral free trade should be the ultimate objective of international commercial diplomacy, concern is often expressed that bilateral agreements may divert attention away from this goal, and thus substitute for rather than complement efforts at multi-90 Multilateral and bilateral trade policies 91 lateral reform. This deep-seated support for the multilateral framework and critical caution about the bilateral approach is derived in part from a common generalisation about two historical episodes in which inter-national trade policies differed sharply. In the late 19th century, a network of treaties containing the most favoured nation (MFN) clause spurred major tariff reductions in Europe and around the world. These treaties ushered in a harmonious period of multilateral free trade that compares favourably with – and in certain respects was even superior to – the recent GATT era. In the interwar period, by contrast, discriminat-ory trade blocs and protectionist bilateral arrangements contributed to the severe contraction of world trade that accompanied the Great Depression. The disaster of the interwar period strengthened the resolve of policymakers during World War II to construct a sound multilateral trading system that would prevent any return to discriminatory bilater-alism in trade policy. These two periods have indelibly shaped our ideas about multilateral and bilateral trade policies. The architects of the postwar world trading system, who lived through both periods, concluded that the 19th century exemplified the virtues of non-discriminatory multilateralism and the interwar experience demonstrated the vices of preferential bilateralism. These conclusions continue to underlie the trade-policy debate about whether bilateral or regional agreements contribute to or detract from the ultimate objective of multilateral free trade. In probing these conclusions by focusing on these two key historical episodes, this chapter finds that these generalisations are somewhat inaccurate. The 19th-century liberali-sation was attained entirely through bilateral agreements, with an utter absence of multilateral cooperation. In the interwar period, multilateral institutions and negotiations failed to reverse the spread of protectionism and promising bilateral attempts at trade reforms were actually dis-couraged by these multilateral gatherings. This chapter first discusses the formation of customs unions (CUs) within a sovereign state as an important prelude to trade negotiations between nations, negotiations that had their European origins in the 1780s. Then the growth, maintenance, and decline of the 19th-century multilateral treaty network is described, along with a comparison of its strengths and weaknesses in relation to the current GATT system. Finally, the contribution of bilateralism to the unravelling of the world economy during the interwar period is analysed, with particular attention being paid to the forms of bilateralism that emerged and the obstacles they posed to multilateral cooperation in trade policy. A conclusion draws together the themes and lessons that emerge from this retrospective look at the world trading system.
This article examines Turkey's relations with Israel and the US, based on both IR theory and foreign policy analysis. It argues that by way of enhancing its regional and international status, Turkey has chosen to undermine its ties with Israel in an attempt to ‘bandwagon for profit’ so as to maximize its power and promote a revisionist strategic agenda. This behaviour, however, has produced ‘the Brutus Syndrome’ whereby the closest ally of the powerful actor eventually turns against it in order to achieve a first step towards the realization of its major revisionist schemes.
For nearly ten years the Colombian government has systematically debriefed men and women who have left the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and other violent extremist organizations. Today, the Colombian government maintains a database of more than 15,000 digitized interview transcripts—the largest of its kind in the world. With the proper enhancements and analysis, the database can provide critical insights into topics such as extremist recruitment, motivation, information operations, intelligence activities, leadership, and tactical and operational adaptation and innovation. Although Colombia's political violence is unique in many respects, further research using the database contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of insurgency in other regions. Ultimately, this research could enhance efforts to prevent recruitment into, and encourage current members to exit from violent non-state groups, such as gangs, terrorist groups, militias, and drug trafficking organizations.
In every election cycle the fate of some candidates is determined by partisans who defect from their usual voting habits to cast a ballot for the candidate of the opposing party. Defections in congressional elections have been attributed to incumbency, presidential approval, partisan strength, and factors related to individual voters. Our systematic assessment of the impact of issues on voter defections shows that party-owned issues and performance issues associated favorably with one party affect the likelihood of partisan defections. The results suggest that congressional candidates can use issues to draw supporters away from the opposing party and to keep partisan voters loyal.
Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.
Judges face some form of election or reappointment in almost all U.S. state court systems. Yet little empirical analysis assesses how changes in judicial campaigns have affected judicial decisions. We analyze this question within the context of death penalty decisions issued by state supreme court justices since 1980. This analysis finds: 1) that the selection system significantly affects judicial decisionmaking; 2) that the new-style campaign has profoundly changed the relationship between selection system and judicial decisions; and 3) that the changes are most pronounced for judges in systems with nonpartisan and retention elections. In particular, whereas nonpartisan and retention elections used to insulate judges from plebiscitary pressures, judges in these systems now have an incentive to cater to majority sentiment on hot-button issues.
The article situates Turkey's approach to the Middle East in a broader historical context, demonstrating that there is more continuity in Ankara's approach to the region than observers tend to believe. It also argues that specific domestic political, economic, and global patterns of politics are likely to produce a divergence between the USA and Turkey on critical Middle Eastern issues, notably the Israeli–Palestinian problem and Iran's drive for regional influence. In an unintended way, however, the Arab awakening may drive a greater confluence of interests between Washington and Ankara.
National welfare states are compelled by their logic to be closed systems that seek to insulate themselves from external pressures and that restrict rights and benefits to members. They nonetheless fail to be perfectly bounded in a global economy marked by competition, interdepen dence, and extreme inequality. This article explores the consequences of transnational flows of labor both for the status of migrants who move to welfare states and for the viability of welfare states themselves. The conse quences of migration for the fiscal and political stability of welfare states are discussed, and it is argued that migration has contributed to the Americanization of European welfare politics. It is concluded that the relatively free movement of labor across national frontiers exposes the tension between closed welfare states and open economies and that, ulti mately, national welfare states cannot coexist with the free movement of labor.
What we know about voting behavior in judicial elections is inferred primarily from aggregate voting patterns. This study utilizes a survey of judicial voters to probe their choices in two heavily publicized races for the Ohio Supreme Court in 1984, focusing on the roles of party identification, ideology, and issues in voters' choices. Correlates of the vote in these races suggest that party identification and ideology, particularly the former, influenced voting decisions. The impact of party is striking because of the absence of party labels on the ballot. Voters' stated reasons for their choices suggest that issues, particularly criticism of the court's Democratic majority, swayed many voters and affected the result. Overall, the findings indicate that under some conditions voters can gain relatively great amounts of information about judicial candidates that is not available from the ballot and utilize that information to make their choices.
The study of criminal justice in the United States has maintained a consistent urban focus. While this is to some degree understandable, valuable comparative perspectives are lost w hen rural areas are ignored. The present study attempts to lay a groundwork for the studi' of rural police. The literature that addresses the impact of communit v and political structures upon stiles of policing is reviewed. Though they are few in number, studies that have examined rural settings indicate a marked difference in the nature of police behavior. This work attempts to document that e vpectation.
This is an exploratorY studi' that wvas conducted through the use offield-research techniques. The determinants of police action were sought in a number of contexts. Both formal and informal community structures were examined to understand the motivation for police action. Like their urban counterparts, rural police patrols were observed to be primarily reactive in nature. This was due to the thorough integration of the police into the informal normative si stem. Because consensus about the tolerable limits of crime and deviance was Widespread, the sheriffs department was able to provide services largely compatible with the desires of the public. Four specific kinds of situations (trqffic offenses, drunks, domestic affairs and felonies) are presented to further illustrate this point. The behavior of rural police was most like that of urban officers in matters of less discretion felonies. The paper concludes hb, identi/fing the bulA of ruralpatrol as (consensual in nature.
In democratic countries, at least in the western hemisphere, there has been a political trend toward appealing to the fear of crime as a popular issue in electoral campaigns, as well as more generally as a way of attracting public notice. The trend is likely to be particularly strong in countries in which major offices are openly contested for election, but economic inequality is pronounced and the willingness or ability of the government to deliver social services is limited. Under those conditions, there is a strong temptation to find an issue that will appeal to all classes; the issue of crime and the consequent fear of insecurity is an obvious issue that is frequently used and is sometimes even exaggerated in the hope of enlisting popular support. This article examines this phenomenon in recent years in Argentina, particularly in Buenos Aires, in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo, in Mexico and Mexico City, and in the USA, as exemplified by New York State.