Work up to 2012—besides developing a database of 510 medicinal plants (Bussmann and Sharon 2006b, 2007b, 2009c) and 974 remedies of mixtures (Bussmann, Glenn, Meyer, Kuhlman, and Townesmith 2010)—has demonstrated that herbal commerce in Peru is a major economic resource (Bussmann, Sharon, Vandebroek, Jones and Revene 2007), which, although used alongside modern pharmaceutical products, is showing signs of diminished popular knowledge of applications (Bussmann, Sharon, and Lopez 2007; Bussmann, Sharon, and Garcia 2009). Laboratory research on most of the database has ranged from minimum inhibition concentrations (Bussmann, Malca et al. 2010) to toxicity screening (Bussmann, Malca et al. 2011) as well as bioassays to determine antibacterial activity (Bussmann, Sharon et al. 2008; Bussmann, Glenn et al 2009a; Bussmann, Glenn et al. 2010) and phytochemical analysis (Bussmann, Glenn et al. 2009b; Perez, Rodriguez et. al. 2012) with more focused analyses of herbal treatments for acne (Bussmann, Sharon et al. 2008), malaria (Bussmann and Glenn 2010), and kidney problems and urinary infections (Bussmann and Glenn 2011). Other studies have sought to identify Ulluchu, a ceremonial plant of the pre-Hispanic Moche culture (Bussmann and Sharon 2009b) as well as surveying colonial sources of medicinal plants in Northern Peru and Southern Ecuador (Bussmann and Sharon 2009a). An ethnography of peasant herbalists which documented aspects of the market supply chain showed that suppliers are not adequately remunerated and revealed threats posed by lack of conservation measures and overharvesting (Revene, Bussmann and Sharon 2008). Carrillo (2012) criticized the scientific reductionism of laboratory research in attempting to appropriately verify traditional remedies. Smallwood (2010) conducted an ethnography of the work of the Peruvian National Commission Against Biopiracy. Anthropological studies of traditional curanderos and their curing altars (mesas) included articles by Sharon (2009); Sharon and Gálvez (2009); Sharon, Glass-Coffin and Bussmann (2009); and Glass-Coffin, Sharon and Uceda (2004).
It is worth noting that, during the decade that we have been working in the field and the laboratory, there has been a sea change in attitudes and perceptions of Traditional Medicine (Sánchez Garrafas, eds., 2009; Vergara and Vásquez, eds., 2009). As noted earlier, in Trujillo, Lima and Arequipa, a pilot program prescribing medicinal plants scientifically validated by WHO/PAHO has been initiated by EsSalud’s National Program for Complementary Medicine, an initiative begun in 1999 with three centers which has grown to 26 to date (Fernández 2009; Villar and Villavicencio 2001). In Trujillo, the Missouri Botanical Garden (MOBOT) Sacred Seeds program started an herbal garden and educational outreach program at the site museum of the pre-Hispanic Chimú city of Chan Chan. University of Trujillo (UNT), botanists Mostacero, Castillo, Mejía, Gamarra, Charcape and Ramírez (2011) compiled a volume of 774 medicinal plants, including taxonomy, ecogeography, fenology, and ethnobotany. In Huamachuco, a program of ethnobotany and conservation manifest in community gardens and seed banks of medicinal and food plants is slowly emerging through collaboration between a local peasant community, the Beneficencia Publica, the regional hospital, EsSalud, MOBOT’s Sacred Seeds program, MHIRT, and the Peace Corps. Future work will involve developing a supply chain between Huamachuco and EsSalud´s Centro de Atención de Medicina Complementaria in Trujillo with scientific validation by MOBOT, University at Buffalo (SUNY), and the Biotransformation and Natural Products Laboratory at UNT.