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Univerzitet u Novom Sadu Filozofski fakultet Deseti međunarodni interdisciplinarni simpozijum SUSRET KULTURA Zbornik radova

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In addition to developing communicative competence, teaching Serbian as a foreign language aimes at mastering sociolinguistic competence as well. In order to achieve this, the Serbian language learning needs to include teaching of culture through various cultural contents and contexts. At the Centre for Serbian as a Foreign Language at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad culture occupies an important place in teaching, and the language is used as the medium through which it is expressed. Therefore, a qualitative analysis conducted in this paper aims at examining the potential of the topics and texts in the textbooks Let’s learn Serbian 1 and Let’s learn Serbian 2, which allows for moving from pure information about Serbian culture to developing intercultural competence and intercultural awareness, and proposes solutions that will contribute to the achievement of this objective.
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This paper examines the representation of drug traffickers in Colombian narcotelenovelas. While the Colombian official discourse treats these characters as the embodiment of evil and cruelty, narcotelenovelas treat them as models of social mobility in countries characterized by social injustice. The figure of drug trafficker (narcotraficante) represented in Colombian TV series is constructed at the intersection of two myths: the ancient myth of the social bandit, a brave macho man who steals from the rich and gives to the poor, and the contemporary myth about the capitalist entrepreneur (a self-made man) who rises from poverty and marginality to a position of power and wealth.
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This essay approaches linguistic and cultural issues associated with globalization, language and the novel in order to demonstrate how the novel as a literary genre can express the tensions of globalization. The main theoretical basis is Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of language and the novel. Concerning language the paper recalls the discrepancy between the linguistic thought of Bakhtin’s circle and the structural linguistics by Ferdinand de Saussure, emphasizing that a linguistic based on utterance enables a suitable link between structural system and society. The paper explains the difference between centripetal and centrifugal forces of language, according to Bakhtin and their relationship with globalization. It also explains Bakhtin’s concept of the novel, stressing the relationship of the genre as a dialogic plurality of discourses, in order to demonstrate how suitable the novel is to express the globalized world. Theories of globalization are confronted and the problems related to globalization are exposed. Following Milton Santo’s thought, the paper refl ects on the possibility of another globalization, not only expansive, but also integrative. By commenting the cultural situation of certain writers and their attempts to express it, this essay combines Bakhtin’s thought with theories of globalization in order to point out possible responses of contemporary novel.
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Turkey has long been a valued U.S. NATO ally and strategic partner. Successive administrations have viewed it as a secular democracy that could serve as an inspiration or model for other Muslim majority countries. However, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made foreign policy decisions that have led some longtime U.S. observers to question its future course. Domestic political developments may be enabling the AKP’s greater assertiveness in international affairs and are, therefore, worthy of closer scrutiny. This chapter provides that examination via an overview of the current Turkish domestic political scene. The main theme of the report is that the ongoing struggle for power in Turkey will determine the country’s identity, and that will have enormous consequences for U.S. policymakers. Turkey’s secular identity has long been considered unique among majority Muslim states, as secularism was a founding principle of the modern Turkish Republic. It also has been the principle that has produced the most domestic political tension. The AKP, formed in 2001, has Islamist roots but claims to be conservative and democratic. Its emergence and increasing acquisition of power has exacerbated concerns, especially in secularist circles, about whether AKP is intent on altering Turkey’s identity. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his AKP have governed in an increasingly confident manner since a court refused to ban it for being ?a focal point of anti-secular activities? in 2008. Already in control of the executive and legislature, they are gaining influence over bastions of secularism in the judiciary and military. These developments may enable AKP to implement a domestic agenda that is consistent with its core identity. However, the AKP has failed to deal comprehensively with a significant domestic group’s struggle for recognition of its ethnic identity-the Kurds in a majority Turkish state. The government initiated an unprecedented ?Kurdish opening,? but managed it poorly, produced unfulfilled expectations, and may have contributed to an escalation in Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorism. The unraveling of a series of alleged coup plots is another arena in which the struggle for power and identity between the AKP and its opponents is being played out. In the first, major alleged conspiracy, called Ergenekon, ultranationalists and secularists are said to have planned to create instability in the country in order to provide a pretext for the military to intervene and overthrow the government. Believers in the conspiracies, who include the AKP and its supporters, cite the revelations as evidence of Turkey’s progress as a democracy because what is called the ?deep state,? or elite who have controlled the political system for 50 years, is finally being confronted. Skeptics charge that the AKP is using a fictitious affair to intimidate and weaken opponents in the military, judiciary, media, and elsewhere who are ardent secularists, and that the authorities’ handling of suspects fails to meet international legal standards, thereby marring Turkey’s democratic advance. They also suggest that the enigmatic and powerful Fethullah Gulen Movement, a religious group, may be driving the investigations. Although the AKP has appeared increasingly confident, its diminished plurality of votes in the 2009 municipal elections provided signs that it can be challenged. A possibly more viable political opposition, new leadership of the main opposition party, and the forthcoming constitutional referendum may provide additional clues as to whether AKP’s ambitions to alter Turkey’s identity and policies can be constrained. They also indicate that AKP functions within the parameters of a democratic political system, albeit flawed, that allows these developments. For in-depth information on the period prior to this chapter, see CRS Report RL34646, Turkey: Update on Crisis of Identity and Power, by Carol Migdalovitz.