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TEMPO AND TRAJECTORY OF THE BUILT LANDSCAPE ON TA‘Ū ISLAND, MANU‘A GROUP, AMERICAN SĀMOA: INTEGRATING EXTENSIVE RADIOCARBON DATING WITH JOINT POSTERIOR MODELING

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Stone and earthen architecture is nearly ubiquitous in the archaeological record of Pacific islands. The construction of this architecture is tied to a range of socio-political processes, and the temporal patterning of these features is useful for understanding the rate at which populations grew, innovation occurred, and social inequality emerged. Unfortunately, this temporal patterning is poorly understood for many areas of the region, including the Sāmoan archipelago. Here, we describe a project directed toward establishing a robust chronology for the construction of these earthen and stone terraces and linear mounds on Ta‘ū Island. Using recent methodological improvements, we highlight the tempo at which different architectural types were constructed on the island and the implications for understanding demographic expansion and changing land tenure practices in the last 1500 years. This research suggests the construction of architecture was largely confined to the 2nd millennium AD with a small number of terraces plausibly built in the 1st millennium AD. This temporal patterning suggests that a reconfiguration of settlement patterns occurred within West Polynesia as people there moved into other regions of Oceania.
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Radiocarbon, Vol 00, Nr 00, 2020, p 121 DOI:10.1017/RDC.2020.60
© 2020 by the Arizona Board of Regents on behalf of the University of Arizona
TEMPO AND TRAJECTORY OF THE BUILT LANDSCAPE ON TA¯
U ISLAND,
MANUA GROUP, AMERICAN S ¯
AMOA: INTEGRATING EXTENSIVE
RADIOCARBON DATING WITH JOINT POSTERIOR MODELING
Seth Quintus1*Jennifer Huebert2Stephanie Day3Noa Lincoln4
Kyungsoo Yoo5Tiffany Lee1Darby Filimoehala6Dolly Autufuga4
1Department of Anthropology, University of HawaiiatM¯anoa, 2424 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI 96822, USA
2Sunrise Archaeology, Akaroa, New Zealand 7520
3Department of Geoscience, North Dakota State University, 1340 Bolley Drive, Fargo, ND 58102, USA
4Department of Tropical Plant and Soil Sciences, University of HawaiiatM¯anoa, 3190 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI
96822, USA
5Department of Soil, Water, and Climate, University of Minnesota-Twin Cities, 1991 Upper Buford Circle, Saint Paul,
MN 55108, USA
6International Archaeological Research Institute, Inc., 2081 Young St., Honolulu, HI 96826, USA
ABSTRACT.Stone and earthen architecture is nearly ubiquitous in the archaeological record of Pacific islands. The
construction of this architecture is tied to a range of socio-political processes, and the temporal patterning of these
features is useful for understanding the rate at which populations grew, innovation occurred, and social inequality
emerged. Unfortunately, this temporal patterning is poorly understood for many areas of the region, including
the S¯amoan archipelago. Here, we describe a project directed toward establishing a robust chronology for the
construction of these earthen and stone terraces and linear mounds on Ta¯u Island. Using recent methodological
improvements, we highlight the tempo at which different architectural types were constructed on the island and the
implications for understanding demographic expansion and changing land tenure practices in the last 1500 years.
This research suggests the construction of architecture was largely confined to the 2nd millennium AD with a
small number of terraces plausibly built in the 1st millennium AD. This temporal patterning suggests that a
reconfiguration of settlement patterns occurred within West Polynesia as people there moved into other regions of
Oceania.
KEYWORDS: Bayesian modeling, landscape engineering, Oceania, settlement change.
INTRODUCTION
The remnants of human activity are inscribed across many Pacific islands in the form of built
landscapes, defined as durable earthen and stone architecture. These constructed landscapes
speak to the extent and nature of land use in the past. The acquisition and analysis of lidar
(light detection and ranging) datasets has provided a clearer image of the scale of landscape
alteration and built environment, particularly of tropical environments that rapidly revert
to dense forested ecosystems (McCoy et al. 2011; Quintus et al. 2015a, 2017; Freeland
et al. 2016; Bedford et al. 2018; Cochrane and Mills 2018; Jackmond et al. 2018,2019; Comer
et al. 2019). In each case of application, the magnitude of land use documented has exceeded
that which was once thought. While lidar has been influential for illustrating the magnitude
of landscape construction, it supports only coarse-grained temporal analysis at best.
The temporal patterning of landscape construction can address a variety of questions
beyond how populations organized themselves spatially. The construction and expansion of
built landscapes are markers of population expansion and political change, as the increased
presence of architecture is dependent on increased labor expenditures that result from
demographic needs (e.g., houses or agricultural expansion) and social pressures (e.g.,
monumental architecture). Furthermore, the construction of built landscapes defines
movement into new environmental settings that have novel selective pressures. Inland
settlement on volcanic slopes often required the construction of terracing (e.g., Lepofsky
1994) and agriculture in leeward areas was facilitated by the construction of walls or
embankments that block prevailing winds (Ladefoged et al. 2003). Earthen and stone
*Corresponding author. Email: squintus@hawaii.edu
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architecture is nearly ubiquitous across Oceania, and resolving their chronologies is key to
elucidating changing land use patterns and social relationships.
Robust knowledge of the chronological development of built landscapes is limited for many
locations in Oceania. One of these places is the S ¯amoan archipelago (see Carson 2014 for
summary). Located at the boundary between the eastern and western Pacific, the
archipelago is conventionally viewed as part of the homeland from which populations
would settle East Polynesia (Kirch and Green 2001). The lack of temporal information
related to population expansion, political change, and general ecological engineering for
amoa hampers the investigation of the context within which populations were migrating
outside the region (see Carson 2006). Recent archaeological research on the island of Ta¯u
in the Manua Group of American S¯amoa adds important data to this discussion. We
employ 35 AMS radiocarbon determinations from the northeast side of the island to model
the construction ages of 25 terraces and linear mounds. From these 25 features, we
generate tempo plots to assess the timing and trajectory of landscape engineering across
our project area.
The Chronology of Built Landscapes in S ¯amoa
The S¯amoan archipelago lies in the central Pacific within the cultural area of West Polynesia
(Figure 1). The archipelago is presently split into two geopolitical units: the independent state
of S¯amoa in the west and the U.S. territory of American S ¯amoa in the east. The former includes
the largest islands of the archipelago, Upolu and Savaii, along with the smaller islands of
Manono and Apolima. American S ¯amoa is constituted by the islands of Tutuila, Aunuu,
Ofu, Olosega, and Ta¯u. The latter three islands define the eastern boundary of the
archipelago and form the Manua Group, roughly 100 km away from Tutuila.
The various islands of S¯amoa were settled between 25002800 years ago by populations
moving into West Polynesia from the west (e.g., Melanesia) (Petchey 2001; Cochrane et al.
2013; Clark et al. 2016; Petchey and Kirch 2019), and the most visible components of the
archaeological record are earthen and stone structures1. The morphology of this durable
architecture2is variable across the archipelago. In the western islands, mounds, stone walls,
raised-rim depressions, and ditches dominate the landscape, along with terraces on the
hillslopes of valleys (Davidson 1974a; Holmer 1980; Martinsson-Wallin 2016; Sand et al.
2018; Jackmond et al. 2019). In the eastern islands, terracing is common in the interior
uplands with more limited distributions of stone walls, ditching, earthen depressions, and
few mounds (Clark and Herdrich 1993; Pearl 2004; Quintus 2011,2015; Quintus et al.
2017). The intensive labor required for the construction of at least some of these structures
is thought to signify the presence of increasingly centralized political systems (Holmer 1980;
Jennings et al. 1982; Clark 1996; Martinsson-Wallin 2016; Quintus et al. 2016) and the
transition to the S¯amoan cultural context of the historic period (Green 2002).
The construction of durable architecture may have begun as early as the middle of the 1st
millennium AD. Dated charcoal samples collected from under some mounds raise the
possibility of 1st-millennium AD construction, but the relationship between the dated
material and the construction of architecture is ambiguous (Hewitt 1980: 41). Terraces may
1House outlines and platforms that are slightly raised off the surface are not discussed at length here, though they could
be considered forms of the built landscape.
2In contrast to nondurable forms of architecture constructed of materials like wood.
2S Quintus et al.
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also have been built during the 1st millennium AD in Falefa valley on Upolu (Davidson
1974a: 229; Ishizuki 1974) and on Tutuila (Ayres and Eisler 1987: 72; Carson 2006), but
these dates are from charcoal either within the terrace or below structural features
and, thus, represent maximum ages for construction (Carson 2005: 216217). More
expansive terracing has been dated to the 2nd millennium AD from the uplands of Tutuila
and Manua (Best et al. 1989; Clark 1993; Quintus 2015), with extensive but undated
distributions of these features known throughout American S ¯amoa (Quintus et al. 2015,
2017; Cochrane and Mills 2018). Similarly, dates clearly associated with earthen and stone
mounds or platforms indicate construction of these features in the 2nd millennium AD
(Jennings and Holmer 1980; Martinsson-Wallin 2016). Durable architecture becomes more
elaborate over time with larger mounds and more specialized features (i.e., star mounds)
apparent after the 15th century AD (Green 1969,2002; Green and Davidson 1974: 218;
Davidson 1974b: 155156; Jennings and Holmer 1980: 5; Jennings et al. 1982; Clark 1996;
Martinsson-Wallin and Wehlin 2010).
These results highlight minimal earthen and stone construction until at least the late 1st
millennium AD. This would seem to suggest that the population and labor necessary to
engineer these landscapes and, by extension, the organizational apparatus to manage said
labor, did not emerge until the last millennia in the S¯amoan archipelago. This temporal
patterning is reasonably consistent with data from other areas of West Polynesia, namely
Tonga, Futuna, and Uvea, where the built environment dates to the 2nd millennium AD
(Burley 1998; Kirch 1988,1994; Sand 1998; Freeland 2018). These data seem to suggest a
region-wide pattern of population growth and changes in political organization.
Figure 1 The S ¯amoan archipelago and other named locations in the Fiji-West Polynesia region. The Southern
Cook Islands represent the geographical beginning of East Polynesia.
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 3
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However, several authors have noted problems associated with available chronological data from
amoa (Rieth and Hunt 2008; Wallin et al. 2007). Wallin et al. (2007), for instance, note that
researchers in Samoa have tended to date activity that occurred on the surface of architecture
rather than the construction of that architecture. Even when radiocarbon dates from material
that was underneath architectural features are available, providing a maximum rather than
minimum age of construction, few features have been dated within a site or landscape. This
limits the ability of archaeologists to explore changing tempos of construction in any
systematic way. Finally, a large corpus of dates may be erroneous due to their association
with the Gakushuin Laboratory. As noted by Spriggs (1989), some of these dates are
presumed to be accurate but it is unclear which are and which are not. The Gakushuin
Laboratory dates used extensively by Green and Davidson (1974)onUpolu and Savaii
create chronological uncertainty for other forms of architecture as well, in particular a ditch
embankment associated with a fortification dated to the 1st millennium AD (Green and
Davidson 1974: 215). The chronology of these sites remains uncertain until they can be redated.
This problem is not unique to S ¯amoa. The construction of architecture can rarely be dated
directly in Oceania, except for U/Th coral dates on construction material (Sharp et al.
2010). Often, what archaeologists depend upon are dates from before or after such
construction events, with an unknown amount of time elapsing between the dated events
and the construction of the feature, or vice versa. This creates some level of ambiguity
when interpreting dates from architectural contexts. Recent theoretical discussion and
methodological improvements in the dating of archaeological sequences generally have
sought to reduce this ambiguity and archaeologists have developed ways to analyze the
temporal trends within classes of architecture more systematically. Several researchers
have demonstrated the need to collect and date material from contexts that can be
stratigraphically compared to the architecture of interest (Kahn 2005; Wallin et al. 2007;
Allen 2009;Dye2011). Ideally, material can be dated from contexts that stratigraphically
bound the archaeological manifestation of construction. An age of construction can then be
estimated by incorporating these constraints into Bayesian models. The usefulness of these
Bayesian models can be limited by the fact that some features are associated with either
TAQ (Terminus ante quem) or TPQ (Terminus post quem) dates, but not both. In these
cases, posterior probability age estimates of construction exhibit long tails on either the left
or right side of their HPD (highest posterior density) estimates.
Fortunately, the results of Bayesian calibration for each architectural feature can be input
into software to model the joint posterior distributions of feature construction (Dye 2016;
Marsh et al. 2017; Banks et al. 2019; DiNapoli et al. 2020). The calculation of joint
posterior distributions aims to assess the number of events that have occurred before some
date by querying valid chronological estimates of feature construction that are produced
through MCMC (Markov chain Monte Carlo) routines at the heart of Bayesian calibration.
In doing so, these methods create a product (i.e., tempo plot) that estimates the cumulative
number of archaeological events as a group rather than considering each instance of
feature construction separately.
If we are to understand the rise of labor cooperation and changing political systems in a more
nuanced way, accurate chronologies of surface architecture should be developed to track the
timing and tempo of landscape modification using these recent methodological advances. Data
generated from Ta¯u remedy this situation by intensively dating a suite of surface architecture
that speaks to the timing and tempo of construction on the island.
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Ta¯u Island and the Project Area
Ta¯u is the largest island of the Manua group (36 km2) and is also the geologically youngest
(McDougall 2010). The island is constituted by a narrow coastal plain with limited reef
development separated from the interior uplands by remnant sea cliffs. The coastal plains
were the locus of early settlement, which began on Ta¯u no later than 2300 calBP
(Hunt and Kirch 1988) and most likely in line with Ofu around 26002700 calBP (Kirch
1993; Clark et al. 2016; Petchey and Kirch 2019). Gentle slopes lie directly inland of these
remnant sea cliffs in some locations, ranging between 520°. It is in these areas that pre-
contact surface architecture has been recorded (Hunt and Kirch 1988; Clark 1990; Klenck
2016; Quintus et al. 2017; Motu 2018) and is apparent in lidar-derived imagery.
The data described and analyzed in this paper derives from research undertaken in the northern
half of Ta¯u inland of Fitiuta on the east side of the island in what is referred to as the Luatele
site (Quintus et al. 2017; Motu 2018) (Figure 2). The goal of the project was to address the
timing and tempo of the construction of surface architecture in the interior stretches of the
island. Surface architecture in the location consists primarily of stone-faced earthen terraces
along with stone and earthen linear mounds or walls. More unique, and less common,
features identified included stone mounds, depressions, and enclosures.
The Luatele site, which covers ~200 hectare (ha) in the northeast quadrant of the island, is
bounded by remnant sea cliffs to the north, dissected stream beds on the east and west, and
by two volcanic craters to the south. The project discussed herein examined the distribution
and temporal development of surface architecture across ~130 ha downslope of these
Figure 2 Ta¯u Island with the location of Luatele labelled. Contour lines are drawn in 20 m intervals.
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craters wherein a dense concentration of terracing and stone linear mounds/walls are located.
Three hundred and twelve terraces have been recorded through pedestrian survey, most
intensively within four survey transects (Figure 3). Most of these terraces were constructed
of earthen fill with a stone boulder or cobble facing. Rounded to sub-angular basalt
cobbles and gravel were found on the majority of these features but preserved formal floor
pavings are relatively rare as are house outlines/platforms. The clear presence of house
outlines and floor pavings on some, however, does indicate residential activities. The degree
of labor invested in the construction of other large terraces at lower elevations and slopes
seems also to speak to a residential function based on the labor required for construction.
Smaller terraces on higher slopes may have served as either structural foundations for
short-term field shelters or as spaces for cultivation. Ninety-three stone and earthen linear
mound segments have been recorded amongst these terraces that range in length from less
than 10 m to over 1.6 km. Most of these features run perpendicular to the slope and seem
to create boundaries around and between terraces. Multiple segments of eight of these
Figure 3 Distribution of field-recorded terraces and linear mounds in Luatele. Contour lines are in 20 m
intervals. The majority of these features were recorded within four transects (roman numerals). Field recorded
features are a sample of features in Luatele.
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features running perpendicular to the slope have been recorded in the intensive survey transects
running from near the cliff edge on the downslope boundary of the site to near one of the
two craters at the upslope. The result of this configuration is a pie-like pattern centering at
the two craters. These features were constructed by the mounding or coarse stacking of
boulders and cobbles in most cases. Formal stacking was documented for some of these
features, though this was generally regarded as evidence of modern rejuvenation or recent
construction (this is confirmed with radiocarbon dates for at least one feature). In a small
number of cases, two linear mounds run parallel and may have served to define paths; the
longest linear mound feature in the site is one such double-walled feature.
METHODS
Methods were directed toward collecting charcoal from positions that would provide
chronological information related to the construction of the associated structure (following
methods in Allen 2009; Field et al. 2010;Dye2011). Excavations employed two strategies:
test pits and controlled excavations (Figure 4). Test pits (30 cm ×30 cm, 50 cm ×50 cm)
were dug directly into the facing of terraces or through the side of linear mounds. We
chose to deconstruct excavated features in most cases (Figure 4c). Deconstruction of a
feature allows the researcher to more directly observe datable material gathered from
beneath intact architecture rather than from below wall fall or from otherwise disturbed
Figure 4 The different methods of excavation used in Luatele: digging adjacent to a feature and then horizontally
under a features (a., Wall 93), controlled unit excavation (b., Terrace 98), and test pit deconstruction (c., Terrace
311). Note the boulder foundation of Terrace 98 (b.). It was from the interface between this boulder foundation and
the overlying terrace fill that charcoal was sampled for dating. We interpret this radiocarbon determination to date
the construction of the feature given this context.
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 7
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contexts. Datable material from beneath a feature may also be obtained by excavating adjacent
to the feature and then, subsequently, digging horizontally underneath the feature. A small
number of features were excavated in this way when deconstruction would adversely
impact the integrity of the entire feature (Figure 4a). The goal of test pit excavations was
to acquire datable material beneath terrace retaining walls and beneath the basal stones of
linear mounds, and these test pits were terminated after the collection of charcoal from
contexts clearly below the associated structure. Controlled excavations (1 m ×1m,2m×1m)
were dug within 10 features (eight terraces and two linear mound segments). These controlled
units were excavated in natural strata using 10 cm arbitrary levels and were terminated only
after reaching a sterile substratum or bedrock (Figure 4b). Charcoal collected for dating was
from stratigraphic positions below terrace construction fill or retaining walls and from sub-
surface combustion features associated with the use of terraces. Bioturbation caused by tree
growth and earthworm activity was noted during test pit excavation of linear mounds and
terrace retaining walls, requiring careful selection of charcoal sampling from in situ contexts
below such horizons. The focus of sampling was, therefore, charcoal from clearly in situ soils,
though the presence of some post-bomb (modern) dates might suggest otherwise in a few
instances. All excavated features were field mapped prior to excavation.
Charcoal samples (n =35) were dated using AMS at the University of Arizona Accelerator
Mass Spectrometry Lab (AA) and the University of Georgia Center for Applied Isotope
Studies (UGAMS). Each determination was classified as a TPQ or a TAQ based on their
stratigraphic association with structures. Dates on samples from below a terrace retaining
wall or linear mound were classified as TPQ because they are older than the event of
terrace construction on stratigraphic grounds. In contrast, determinations from combustion
features on terrace surfaces were classified as TAQ because the construction of features
(e.g., hearths) was dependent on the presence of the terrace; therefore, the terrace had to
have been built prior to the use of the combustion feature. TAQ determinations were not
available for linear mounds. A justification for date assignments is included in Table 1.All
charcoal was identified to the lowest taxonomic level possible. Short-lived taxa were sought
for dating (see Allen and Huebert 2014), but material that may have some inbuilt age was
dated in TPQ contexts when short-lived material was unavailable. Dated charcoal from
TPQ contexts provide at best a maximum age of construction and inbuilt age does not
change that fact. Short-lived (niu,Cocos nucifera endocarp) or medium-lived (e.g., fau,
Hibiscus tiliaceus) material was dated from TAQ contexts.
Construction ages of individual terraces and linear mounds were estimated by a series of
Bayesian models in OxCal 4.3 (Bronk Ramsey 2017) using the IntCal13 calibration curve
(Reimer et al. 2013). While the S ¯amoan archipelago is in the Southern Hemisphere, its
position in the Intertropical Convergence Zone allows the use of the Northern Hemisphere
calibration curve (Petchey and Addison 2008). Each feature was modeled as a separate
sequence with multiple phases and boundaries in order to estimate the timing of each
construction event. All feature sequences included start boundaries that marked the
beginning of cultural deposition at that location. This was followed by a pre-architecture
phase, within which was placed TPQ determinations associated with that structure. The
boundary command was then used to model the construction of the feature, which was
constrained by a post-construction phase that included all TAQ determinations. An upper
constraint of AD 1900 ±5 was imposed on all sequences as this date corresponds with the
work of Augustin Krämer who listed all settlements on the island but did not document
habitation or activity in Luatele (Krämer 19021903). His only reference to inland
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Table 1 Radiocarbon dates from Luatele.
Lab number Feature # Unit type
Feature
type Context Material (longevity) Δ13C
Uncalibrated
age Cal AD/BC (2 σ) Comments on context
UGAMS-43807 Wall 2 single
segment
TP Wall TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
25.1 70 ±20 AD 16951728,
18121854, 18671919
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound in the middle of the
A-horizon.
AA-113188 Wall 2 TP Double
Wall
TPQ Hibiscus tiliaceus
wood
25.9 131 ±20 AD 16791765,
18001892, 19081940
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound on the downslope
side of the feature.
AA-112172 Wall 2 TP Double
Wall
TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
25.9 1.248 ±0.003
(pMC)
post-bomb Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound on the upslope side
of the feature. This charcoal
likely washed into this
location from upslope.
UGAMS-43806 Wall 92 TP Double
Wall
TPQ Glochidion cf.
ramiflorum wood
28.6 160 ±20 AD 16661696,
17261784, 18361745,
18511877, 1917
Sample taken from the inner
side of this double linear
mound feature below the
basal boulders at the A/B-
horizon transition.
AA-112178 Terrace 110 XU Terrace TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
22.9 388 ±23 AD 14421522,
15761584,
15901622
Sample taken from
immediately beneath the
basal boulders of retaining
wall.
UGAMS-43805 Terrace 117 XU Terrace TAQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
23.5 920 ±20 AD 10391161 Sample taken from an earth
oven dug from the living
surface of the terrace.
UGAMS-46233 Terrace 117 XU Terrace TPQ Diospyros sp. wood 26.3 1870 ±20 AD 80215 Sample taken from the stratum
beneath terrace fill and atop
bedrock.
UGAMS-43804 Terrace 120 XU Terrace TPQ Tarenna sambucina
wood
29.0 1230 ±20 AD 693747, 763781,
787878
Sample taken beneath a
boulder in a stratum beneath
terrace fill.
UGAMS-46234 Terrace 120 XU Terrace TAQ Glochidion cf.
ramiflorum wood
28.1 590 ±20 AD 13041365,
13841409
Sample taken from a charcoal
concentration within a floor
paving.
AA-113187 Terrace 163 TP Terrace TPQ Hibiscus tiliaceus
wood
25.8 90 ±19 AD 16931728,
18121919
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the terrace
retaining wall.
AA-112176 Terrace 210 TP Terrace TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
24.5 104 ±37 AD 16801764,
18011939
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the
retaining wall and below a
root zone.
(Continued)
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Table 1 (Continued )
Lab number Feature # Unit type
Feature
type Context Material (longevity) Δ13C
Uncalibrated
age Cal AD/BC (2 σ) Comments on context
UGAMS-43798 Terrace 238 XU Terrace TPQ Unidentified Twig 28.5 830 ±20 AD 11691256 Sample taken below a buried
retaining wall. This may
relate to an earlier terrace
later expanded into its
present form.
UGAMS-43801 Terrace 252 XU Terrace TAQ Tarenna sambucina
wood
28.3 170 ±20 AD 16651693,
17271785,
17931813, 1919
Sample taken from below a
curbing alignment in a
stratum above terrace fill.
UGAMS-43800 Terrace 252 XU Terrace TPQ Myristica intuilis
wood
26.3 160 ±20 AD 16661696, 1726
1784,
18361745, 18511877,
1917
Sample taken from a stratum
below terrace fill.
UGAMS46236 Terrace 282 XU Terrace TPQ Bischofia javanica
wood
25.7 1110 ±20 AD 891985 Sample taken from a stratum
below terrace fill.
UGAMS46237 Terrace 282 XU Terrace TAQ Tarenna sambucina
wood
26.7 620 ±20 AD 12941330,
13391397
Sample taken from a charcoal
concentration associated
with a floor paving.
UGAMS-43796 Terrace 311 TP Terrace TPQ Tarenna sambucina
wood
28.1 360 ±20 AD 14561524,
15581631
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders and cobbles
of the retaining wall.
AA-112175 Terrace 48 TP Terrace TPQ Unidentified Twig 26.9 379 ±25 AD 14461523,
15721630
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the
retaining wall in the middle
of the A-horizon.
AA-113191 Terrace 76 TP Terrace TPQ Morinda citrifolia
wood
27.1 1.2412 ±
0.0029
(pMC)
post-bomb Sample taken from below the
basal cobbles of the
retaining wall and just above
bedrock. Date indicates a
recent origin for or
rejuvenation of the feature.
UGAMS-43799 Terrace 8 XU Terrace TPQ Glochidion cf.
ramiflorum wood
29.2 490 ±20 AD 14121444 Sample taken from the stratum
beneath terrace fill and atop
bedrock.
UGAMS-43802 Terrace 8 XU Terrace TAQ Hibiscus tiliaceus
wood
27.7 370 ±20 AD 14511523,
15721630
Sample taken from an earth
oven dug from the living
surface of the terrace.
(Continued)
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Table 1 (Continued )
Lab number Feature # Unit type
Feature
type Context Material (longevity) Δ13C
Uncalibrated
age Cal AD/BC (2 σ) Comments on context
UGAMS-43803 Terrace 98 XU Terrace Construction cf. Cananga
odorata wood
24.4 590 ±20 AD 13041365,
13841409
Sample taken from between
the foundation boulders of
the terrace and terrace fill.
Both components were laid
down during construction of
the feature.
UGAMS-46235 Terrace 98 XU Terrace TAQ Tarenna sambucina
wood
27.6 150 ±20 AD 16671699,
17211783, 18321880,
19151949
Sample taken from above a
floor paving.
AA-113190 Terrace 68 TP Terrace TPQ Hibiscus tiliaceus
wood
27.7 97 ±20 AD 16911730,
18101924
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders and cobbles
of the retaining wall as well
as beneath a root layer.
AA-112171 Terrace 320 TP Terrace TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
24.4 696 ±26 AD 12651306,
13631385
Sample was taken from below
the basal boulders of the
retaining wall and beneath a
root layer.
UGAMS-43809 Terrace 164 TP Terrace TAQ Plant epidermis
(1 mm thick;
indeterminate
type)
27.7 102.06 ±0.26
(pMC)
Post-bomb Sample taken from below basal
cobbles within an A-horizon.
Indicates a recent origin or
rejuvenation of the feature.
AA-113193 Terrace 321 TP Terrace TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
23.2 253 ±32 AD 15201593,
16191679, 17641800,
1939
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the
features retaining wall in the
lower A-horizon.
UGAMS-43808 Wall 93 TP Wall TPQ Glochidion cf.
ramiflorum wood
28.4 100 ±20 AD 16911730,
18101925
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the cross-
slope wall.
AA-112173 Wall 33 TP Wall TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
23.5 146 ±25 AD 16681707,
17191782, 17971826,
18321886, 19131947
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound.
AA-112177 Wall 36 XU Wall TPQ Aleurites moluccana
endocarp
24.3 367 ±29 AD 14481528,
15531634
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound.
(Continued)
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 11
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Table 1 (Continued )
Lab number Feature # Unit type
Feature
type Context Material (longevity) Δ13C
Uncalibrated
age Cal AD/BC (2 σ) Comments on context
AA-113192 Wall 46 TP Wall TPQ Glochidion cf.
ramiflorum wood
28.2 56 ±19 AD 16961725,
18141835, 18771919
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound at the A/B-horizon
transition.
UGAMS-43797 Wall 78 TP Wall TPQ Syzygium sp. wood 27.9 190 ±20 AD 16611683,
17351806, 19301950
Sample taken from below the
basal boulder of the cross-
slope wall.
AA-112174 Wall 91 TP Wall TPQ Unidentified Twig 28.2 1.252 ±0.004
(pMC)
post-bomb Sample from under basal
boulders of stacked wall.
Indicative of the recent
origin or rejuvenation of this
feature.
AA-113186 Wall 89 TP Wall TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
24.0 934 ±21 AD 10341155 Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound in the lower
A-horizon.
AA-113189 Wall 86 TP Wall TPQ Cocos nucifera
endocarp
24.5 129 ±20 AD 16801764,
18011893, 19071939
Sample taken from below the
basal boulders of the linear
mound in the lower
A-horizon.
12 S Quintus et al.
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settlements is to abandoned settlements inland of Ta¯u Village. Therefore, it is assumed the site
was largely abandoned by the time he undertook his work. The general form of each
construction sequence is as follows:
Pre-Feature Start (Boundary)>Pre-Feature TPQ (Phase)>Feature Construction (Boundary)>
Post-Feature TAQ (Phase)>AD 1900 (Before [C_Date ±5])
The results of Bayesian modeling were used to develop tempo plots. Tempo plots were
generated of feature construction using the ArchaeoPhase package (Philippe et al. 2020)
in R software (R Core Team 2020) with the raw MCMC output of each Feature Construction
(Boundary)from the Bayesian models as input. All OxCal models and R code are available in
the Supporting Information.
RESULTS
All radiocarbon dates obtained from Luatele were associated with surface architecture. Four of
these determinations provided post-bomb age determinations. In one instance, this was
expected and confirms the recent construction of some of the architecture (AA-112174). It
is possible that the material dated was intrusive or that modern rejuvenation of pre-contact
features has introduced modern charcoal under features in the other cases (i.e., AA-112172;
AA-113191). Certainly, this small number of post-bomb dates is not surprising given
modern land use dating from the 1980s and the number of earthworms in the site. The 31
remaining determinations are from 25 distinct features: 15 terraces and 10 linear mounds.
All dates associated with linear mounds are TPQ dates (n =10). Six determinations
associated with terraces are TAQ dates, 14 determinations are TPQs, and one determination
appears to date the construction of the feature directly (T98 [UGAMS-43803]).
Only three unmodeled determinations (10% of all dates, excluding post-bomb) possess ranges
that are within or extend into the 1st millennium AD. All these dates are TPQ dates associated
with terraces. Fifteen unmodeled determinations (50% of those associated with architecture,
excluding post-bomb) have probability distributions that extend into the proto-historic (cal
AD 1722) and historic (cal AD 1830) period. Eight of these are from contexts associated
with linear mounds (80% of dates associated with linear mounds, excluding post bomb).
Most of the artifacts recovered through excavation would suggest the construction of most
features within the pre-contact portions of these distributions. With this said, at least one
non-dated terrace was built during the historic period as an historical artifact was found
within the retaining wall of the featurea piece of late 18th to early 19th-century ceramic
(blue and white Willowpattern transfer printed pearlware).
Construction Estimates and the Tempo of Change
Upper and lower chronological constraints were obtained from five features and one feature is
dated directly by a determination (Table 1). The remaining 19 features are constrained by either
a TPQ or a TAQ and estimates for the construction of these features exhibit tails on one side of
the associated 95.4% HPD distribution. Based on modeled 95.4% HPD construction dates at
Luatele, three terraces were plausibly built before the 11th century (20%) and a total of 10
terraces were plausibly built before the 16th century AD (67%). The remaining five were
built after. The distribution of modeled dates of linear mound construction are markedly
different. Of the nine linear mounds for which the age of construction was modeled, only
two plausibly date before the 17th century AD (22%).
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 13
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The calculation of tempo plots clarifies temporal patterns by synthesizing the results of
Bayesian calibration (Figures 5and 6). The tempo plot of terrace construction in Luatele
illustrates that terrace construction began by the 9th century AD though it may be as early
as the 4th century AD. The earliest date is a TPQ from T117. The position of this date
underneath the terrace, the potential of inbuilt age in the taxa being dated, and the large
difference between the TAQ and TPQ dates from this terrace all suggest the presence of
temporal lag between the TPQ and the date of terrace construction. Because of this,
we favor a date of first construction closer to the 9th century than the 4th century AD.
The rate of construction in Luatele increased in and after the 13th century (Figure 5). The
shape of the tempo plot implies continuous construction through the beginning of the
historic period. While the shape of the linear mound tempo plot is similar, the chronology
is quite distinct. Linear mound construction may have begun as early as the 12th century,
but it appears to be limited until the 17th and 18th centuries, after which a rapid increase
in the rate of construction occurred (Figure 6). Unlike the tempo of terrace construction,
the shape of the linear mound tempo plot indicates a single late peak for construction.
Figure 5 Tempo plot of terrace construction at Luatele. The y-axis is the cumulative number of
terrace construction events. The x-axis is in calendar years AD.
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Land use and architectural construction (and possibly remodeling) continued into the historic
period. Not only is this apparent in the tempo plots, but artifacts collected from within a terrace
retaining wall, notably an early 19th century AD English ceramic sherd, provide a definitive
indication of a level of continuity in land use between the pre- and post-contact cultural periods
in Luatele. Renewed land use has continued to extend and otherwise modify the built landscape
as indicated by modern infrastructure and post-bomb radiocarbon dates.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Teasing out the temporal and spatial patterning embedded in palimpsest landscapes has been a
perennial problem in Oceania (Field et al. 2011), including in S¯amoa (Wallin et al. 2007). A
focus on acquiring data to constrain the chronology of events of construction, rather than
trying to date the construction directly, is effective when paired with Bayesian models and
other computational methods (Dye 2016). Such techniques allow for the development of
chronological models at the landscape scale, which is important for understanding when
Figure 6 The tempo of linear mound construction at Luatele. The y-axis is the cumulative number of
linear mound construction events. The x-axis is in Calendar years AD.
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 15
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construction took place and the relationships between features when analyzed at larger spatial
scales. The use of these techniques here allows for the assessment of changing land use and
modification on Ta¯u Island.
A single radiocarbon date indicates commencement of activity in Luatele by the beginning of
the 1st millennium AD, though the sparseness of evidence dating to this time hints that activity
was relatively limited. While the radiocarbon date represents a TPQ for terrace construction,
the context of this early date, specifically its proximity to bedrock and the long-lived nature of
the taxa dated, suggests some temporal lag between this date and the construction of the
terrace. The corpus of data from Luatele supports the earliest construction of earthen and
stone structures by the 8th to 10th centuries AD, roughly 16001800 years after the initial
settlement of Manua. The construction of architecture demonstrates more intensive and
permanent use of the interior landscape by the late 1st millennium and into the 2nd
millennium AD. The tempo of terrace construction events from Luatele suggests a
continuous but incremental process of infrastructural, and presumably population, growth
in the site through the 2nd millennium AD. No clear surge in construction is especially
evident at any time.
There are marked differences between the tempo of construction of terraces and linear mounds.
It is conceivable that both feature types began to be constructed at the beginning of the 2nd
millennium AD but the rate of construction of linear mounds increased drastically in the 17th
and 18th centuries AD. The spatial configuration and morphology of these features indicate
their use as boundary markers (see analogy in Ladefoged et al. 2003; Kirch 1994), and the rapid
construction of these boundary markers hints at relatively rapid changes to land tenure in the
site. The construction of these linear mounds following centuries of terrace construction
appears to be a response to a progressively more nucleated and dense settlement landscape
by the 17th and 18th centuries AD. That many of these linear mounds extend across large
areas of the site, either horizontally or vertically, is indicative of a level of community
coordination not necessary for the construction of more spatially limited terracing dispersed
across Luatele in earlier times.
Temporal patterns of landscape modification in the interior uplands of Ta¯u overlap with those
of the expansion of habitation on the north coast of the island. TPQ dates for house outlines
and foundations on the north coast suggest construction in the late 1st millennium AD and the
2nd millennium AD, indicating both the use of a recent geomorphic landform and the
expansion of populations (Cleghorn and Shapiro 2000). Habitation on the coastal plain
continues through the rest of the cultural sequence. These data indicate that the expansion
of population activities visible through the built landscapes in the interior uplands was part
of a larger process of demographic expansion that included the coastline. This seems to
contrast with the situation on the adjacent island of Ofu. There, the construction of
terracing in the interior uplands, which occurs also at the end of the 1st millennium AD or
beginning of the 2nd millennium AD, was met by what appears to be the more dispersed
use of the coastal plains (Quintus et al. 2015b).
Regional Considerations
The chronology of durable architecture on Ta¯u is consistent with that of the built landscapes
identified across S¯amoa at a broad temporal scale. It is increasingly clear that the construction
of architecture occurred across the archipelago by the late 1st millennium and the beginning of
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the 2nd millennium AD (Carson 2014). Terrace construction is now evident in Manua by this
time on multiple islands (Quintus 2015; this paper) and terracing may date slightly earlier than
other forms of construction overall (Davidson 1974a; Carson 2006,2014). Carson (2014) has
argued that earthen terrace construction declined in the last 1000 years, but our results indicate
continuous and, likely, increasing rates of construction since the 13th century AD. While this
may not apply to the rest of the archipelago, there are two reasons it may. First, few terraces
have been dated in the archipelago even though they were extensively built (Cochrane and
Mills 2018;Day2018), and second, at least some terracing is known to have been
constructed on Tutuila into the 2nd millennium AD (Best et al. 1989). The earliest earthen
and stone mounds were constructed at the turn of the 1st and 2nd millennium AD on
Upolu and Savaii (Hewitt 1980; Holmer 1980; Wallin et al. 2007), with subsequent
construction, modification, and use of these features occurring until historic contact (Wallin
et al. 2007).
A late 1st millennium or early 2nd millennium AD origin for earthen and stone architecture
elsewhere in West Polynesia, most notably Tonga (Burley 1998; Kirch 1988; Clark et al. 2008;
Clark and Reepmeyer 2014; Freeland 2018), Futuna (Kirch 1994), and Uvea (Sand 1998), has
also been noted. That there is such regional patterning suggests shared processes of population
growth as well as social influence and interaction (Kirch 1988; Sand 1998). The latter is perhaps
best documented in the construction of monumental architecture during the 14th and 15th
centuries AD as a mechanism of hegemonic expansion by Tongans (Burley 1996; Kirch
1988), while the former is represented well by the spread of burial mounds throughout
Tongatapu and the construction of house mounds, platforms, and terraces across many
amoan landscapes.
These trajectories seem to mark demographic changes that began at the archipelago- and
region-wide scale at the turn of the 2nd millennium AD. This archaeological evidence is
supported by recent genetic reconstruction of population structural history in S¯amoa
(Harris et al. 2020), suggesting substantial population growth in S¯amoa at this time. This is
roughly consistent with other lines of evidence suggesting population reconfiguration in
West Polynesia during the late 1st millennium and early 2nd millennium AD (Addison and
Matisoo-Smith 2010). These initial demographic changes in West Polynesia are roughly
contemporaneous with the settlement of East Polynesia (Rieth and Cochrane 2018),
presumably from the wider West Polynesia region. Sear et al. (2020) have proposed a
correlation between the settlement of some East Polynesian islands and a prolonged
regional drought in the late 1st millennium AD. We propose that this drought could have
had an influence on the settlement reconfigurations we document on Ta¯u. Coastal regions
would be at greater risk in drought conditions, given the orographically-driven rainfall of
the island. A movement into the interior at this time would have helped to mitigate the
immediate effects of the drought.
The tempo of terrace construction on Ta¯u makes clear that infrastructure was not built all at
once and that community growth through the last millennium was continuous if not
exponential. Our data do not support a singular event of population increase (demographic
explosion). Simply, populations and political hierarchies grew at a faster rate toward the
end of the 1st millennium AD than during the first two millennia of West Polynesian
history. The temporal associations demonstrated here illustrate the complexity of human
movement during this period, with both intra- and inter-island reconfigurations of
settlement occurring. The outcome of these processes was a highly engineered landscape.
Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 17
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank the people of Fitiuta, especially Eseta Kese and Pastor Fred Scanlan, for hosting us
during our research. We thank Logoleo Feagai Logoleo for permission to work in Luatele. We
wish also to recognize the contributions of Malone Ieti, Princecharles Faleagafulu, Christina
Fuafua, Tafa Fuafua, Paulo Paulo, Oceana Tei, Arthur Sega, Fafetai Lauofo, Joshua
Fuafua, Falani Masunu, Visa Vaivai Tiapusua, Brian Vivao, Faafutai Lauofo, Fauato
Aukuso, Taumakai Atautia, Jonathon Mauga, Leonard Vivao, Lawrence Fautua, Robert
Mauga, J.J. Tanielu, and Achilles Tevasea to the success of this research. We appreciate
the helpful comments of David Addison, Tom Dye, Tim Rieth, Robert DiNapoli, and two
anonymous reviewers on a previous draft of this manuscript. Finally, we thank the
American Samoa Historic Preservation Office, specifically Letitia Peau-Folau, Teleai
Christian Ausage, and Lancelot Leutuutuofiti Tei, for archaeological and logistical
support. Logistical assistance was provided by the National Park of American Samoa
under permit NPSA-2019-SCI-0001. This research is based upon work supported by the
National Science Foundation under Grant No. NSF BCS-1732360.
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL
To view supplementary material for this article, please visit https://doi.org/10.1017/RDC.
2020.60
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Tempo and Trajectory of the Built Landscape 21
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... In the eastern Manu'a islands of the archipelago (see Fig 1), semi-nucleated communities of habitation and agricultural terraces have been documented along with associated agricultural infrastructure (e.g., ditches, walls) within the confines of those communities [36]. It has not yet been possible to distinguish archaeological categories comparable to HHU or wards in these locations, though the presence of physical boundaries in the form of ditches and linear mounds indicates a concern with land access [52]. Ditching across the western islands has only recently been mapped in detail [but see 53], likely related to flood control and land divisions [54][55][56]. ...
... Reliable and detailed chronologies of the built landscape are limited in Sāmoa [52]. Boundaries that probably demarcate lands for different uses are confined to the last millennium [57]. ...
... The clearest picture of past changes to land-tenure emerges from recent work on the Manu'a islands. On the island of Ta'u, formal land boundaries are relatively late in the precolonial sequence, appearing around 300 cal BP [52], less than 100 years before Samoans first encoutered European sailors. On Ofu, land boundaries appear around 1000 cal BP, but these are few and associated with individual habitation terraces. ...
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In this research we identify the processes leading to hierarchical society in a region of Sāmoa, the often-labelled ʻbirthplace’ of the Polynesian chiefdoms. Our analyses in the Falefa Valley on ʻUpolu island combine lidar mapping and ground survey to reveal an extensive system of archaeological features: rock walls, ditches, and platforms. Excavation and radiocarbon dating underpin a feature chronology and characterize feature variation. Soil nutrient analyses and geoarchaeological coring indicate spatial differences in the agricultural potentional of the valley and human modification of the environment over time. Our results demonstrate that the construction of large rock walls, some several hundred meters long, began approximately 900–600 years ago, shortly after rapid population rise in Sāmoa. This was followed by the building of small rock walls, often enclosing rectilinear fields or platforms. Both rock wall types are concentrated in the western and northern regions of the valley and greater rock wall densities are associated with areas of higher agricultural potential. The earliest wall construction was penecontemporaneous with partial forest removal that created a more productive wetland environment in the southeastern region of the valley, an area later a focus of agricultural ditching. We propose that with population rise the variable fertility of agricultural land became a significant resource gradient, influencing the population in two ways. First, areas of more fertile agricultural land promoted territorial behaviour, including large rock walls, and led to a collective action problem. Second, niche construction in the form of human-induced environmental change created a productive wetland agricultural system that was enhanced with a reticulate ditch network, the maintenance of which also led to a collective action problem. We conclude that in the Falefa Valley, the second largest catchment in Sāmoa, collective action problems were the cause of increased social hierarchy and may underlie the origins of chiefdoms throughout Polynesia.
... The expansion of durable architecture in the region after 1000 AD has been linked with external migration, sustained population growth and the rapid development of traditional Polynesian leadership systems that organised and managed agricultural and residential space (Harris et al. 2020;Quintus et al. 2020). Researchers have long noted, however, that dating Pacific field monuments is difficult (Davidson 1979;Wallin et al. 2007), raising the possibility that their construction began earlier, and therefore that population growth rates and Polynesian social complexity developed in situ over a longer interval. ...
... Numerous studies have investigated and attempted to date different types of durable architecture in West Polynesia, including monumental mounds (Wallin et al. 2007;Clark et al. 2008), fortifications (Best 1984;Frimagacci 2016;Clark et al. 2017), stone terraces (Pearl 2004), linear mounds (Quintus et al. 2020), circular mounds (Spennemann 1989a) and pigeon-snaring mounds (Burley 1996;Sand et al. 2018;Quintus & Clark 2019). Two indicators frequently used to examine the onset of social complexity in West Polynesia are significant landscape change, as an indicator of agricultural intensification, and the construction of durable architecture. ...
... As our results demonstrate, the next phase in understanding Pacific landscapes requires the critical addition of chronological data to the spatial architecture record (e.g. Quintus et al. 2020) to examine Polynesian settlements and chiefdoms from the poorly understood first millennium AD through to the early European contact era. Due to the presence of fires on construction surfaces that were subsequently sealed by layers of earth fill, Mala'e Vakapuna is currently the best dated prehistoric structure in West Polynesia. ...
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Durable architecture is a hallmark of Polynesian chiefdoms, associated with centralised control of residential and agricultural land. Previous work in West Polynesia has indicated a relatively late date for the onset of such construction activity—after AD 1000—suggesting that political development was influenced by events such as post-colonisation migration. The authors report new dating evidence from the excavation of a large earth mound on the island of Tongatapu. Its construction 1500 years ago indicates that, in contrast to previous findings, well-developed chiefdoms and field monuments probably dominated the landscapes of West Polynesia substantially prior to the colonisation of more easterly island nations.
... Occupation occurred primarily along the coast in Manu'a for the first 1500 years of settlement, though it is likely that resources were exploited from the island's interior. More intensive use of interior landscapes is documented toward the end of the first millennium AD, when communities began engineering these landscapes in the form of terraces, walls, and other earthworks [22,28]. These earthworks cover the Luatele substrate and extend, at lower density, onto the Lata substrate in the northeastern quadrant of the island. ...
... These earthworks cover the Luatele substrate and extend, at lower density, onto the Lata substrate in the northeastern quadrant of the island. Three hundred and twelve terraces have been documented through pedestrian surveys, and over 400 more have been identified using a lidar dataset in the area [22,28]. Interspersed amongst these terraces are low linear mounds of stone and earth that seem to function as land boundaries or walls. ...
... Directly dated economic species (fau, niu, 'ulu, and ifi) provide a means to assess the time depth of this trend. In addition to the radiocarbon dates reported previously in our archaeological analysis [28], seven new dates were obtained from 'ulu wood charcoal and one from ifi (Inocarpus fagifer; Tahitian chestnut) wood charcoal (Table 5). Considered together, these dates provide evidence that at least some stands of economic trees were in place in Luatele by the end of the first millennium AD. ...
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Soils and agriculture are inextricably linked, in the past as well as today. The Pacific islands, which often represent organized gradients of the essential soil-forming factors of substrate age and rainfall, represent excellent study systems to understand interactions between people and soils. The relationship between soil characteristics and indigenous agricultural practices are well documented for some locations, but there is a paucity of data for much of the region. Given the extent of ecological adaptation that has been documented, specifically for Hawai‘i, new Pacific datasets are expected to provide important insights into indigenous agricultural practices. To contribute to this discussion, we analyzed patterns in soil chemistry and vegetation in the Manu‘a islands of American Samoa. Soils were sampled along transects that crossed through precontact settlement zones in the upland of Fiti‘uta on Ta‘ū island, a location characterized by young (<100 ky) volcanic substrates and very high (>3800 mm y−1) annual rainfall. Soils were analyzed for several soil fertility properties that have been proposed as predictors of intensive rainfed tuber production in Hawai‘i and Rapa Nui. Surveys of remnant economic plants were conducted to assess patterns of past land use. Soils demonstrated moderate values of soil fertility as measured by pH, base saturation, exchangeable calcium, and total and exchangeable phosphorus, despite the high rainfall. Previously identified soil fertility indicators had some application to the distribution of traditional agriculture, but they also differed in important ways. In particular, low exchangeable calcium in the soils may have limited the agricultural form, especially the cultivation of tubers. Significant shifts in both soil parameters and remnant economic crops were documented, and alignment suggests cropping system adaptation to soil biochemistry. Archaeological samples combined with surveys of relict vegetation suggest that agroforestry and arboriculture were key components of past agricultural practices.
... These islands were settled around 2700 years ago as part of a population movement from the western Pacific Petchey and Kirch Fig. 2 Map of the Manuʻa group with locations of archaeological samples labelled 2019). The bulk of residential activities occurred on the coastal flats of the three islands until around 1500 years ago (Kirch and Hunt 1993;Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. More intensive use of the interior uplands occurred in the last 1000 years on all three islands, a time of demographic, social, and political change in the region (Clark et al. 2014;Quintus et al. 2020), manifesting in the construction of expansive landscapes of terracing on which people resided and grew crops (Quintus 2018(Quintus , 2020Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. ...
... The bulk of residential activities occurred on the coastal flats of the three islands until around 1500 years ago (Kirch and Hunt 1993;Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. More intensive use of the interior uplands occurred in the last 1000 years on all three islands, a time of demographic, social, and political change in the region (Clark et al. 2014;Quintus et al. 2020), manifesting in the construction of expansive landscapes of terracing on which people resided and grew crops (Quintus 2018(Quintus , 2020Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. Population seems to have increased substantially across the archipelago after AD 1000 based on both genomic and archaeological data (Harris et al. 2020;Quintus et al. 2020). ...
... The bulk of residential activities occurred on the coastal flats of the three islands until around 1500 years ago (Kirch and Hunt 1993;Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. More intensive use of the interior uplands occurred in the last 1000 years on all three islands, a time of demographic, social, and political change in the region (Clark et al. 2014;Quintus et al. 2020), manifesting in the construction of expansive landscapes of terracing on which people resided and grew crops (Quintus 2018(Quintus , 2020Quintus et al. 2015Quintus et al. , 2020. Population seems to have increased substantially across the archipelago after AD 1000 based on both genomic and archaeological data (Harris et al. 2020;Quintus et al. 2020). ...
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Exchange plays a number of roles within societies, including the provisioning of necessary and prestige resources. The elucidation of these different roles requires documenting how different kinds of material were used and how these resources became distributed. These studies are particularly prominent in Polynesia, especially the Sāmoan archipelago. However, the nature and scale of artifact transfer within and outside the archipelago are debated given deficiencies in the empirical record. Here, we remedy this situation by examining trends in Sāmoan intra-archipelago exchange using geochemical and limited technological analyses of a lithic assemblage from the Manu‘a group of the Sāmoan archipelago. Our results indicate that material from multiple basalt sources is present, including several sources outside the Manu‘a group. It is apparent that this nonlocal material was used differently than local material as 95% of analyzed adzes were manufactured of the former. However, there is no evidence to suggest that this nonlocal material was differentially distributed or controlled at the scale of the group or site. We argue that this is evidence of decentralized exchange and that imported materials became common pool resources to support community resiliency and sustainability.
... Terracing is the dominant archaeological feature class in the uplands of these islands, which clearly relates to the constraints of living in a high island environment. Dating of terraces in American Sāmoa highlights the persistent utility of the technology, but also the use of terraces prior to the settlement of East Polynesia (see Carson 2006;Quintus et al. 2020), indicating that terracing was part of the Polynesian transported landscape (after Kirch 1982). Furthermore, the size of terracing on Tutuila is similar to that on Olosega, though mean terrace size is larger than on the other islands of Manuʻa. ...
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Lidar datasets have been crucial for documenting the scale and nature of human ecosystem engineering and land use. Automated analysis methods, which have been rising in popularity and efficiency, allow for systematic evaluations of vast landscapes. Here, we use a Mask R-CNN deep learning model to evaluate terracing—artificially flattened areas surrounded by steeper slopes—on islands in American Samoa. Mask R-CNN is notable for its ability to simultaneously perform detection and segmentation tasks related to object recognition, thereby providing robust datasets of both geographic locations of terracing features and their spatial morphometry. Using training datasets from across American Samoa, we train this model to recognize terracing features and then apply it to the island of Tutuila to undertake an island-wide survey for terrace locations, distributions and morphologies. We demonstrate that this model is effective (F1 = 0.718), but limitations are also documented that relate to the quality of the lidar data and the size of terracing features. Our data show that the islands of American Samoa display shared patterns of terracing, but the nature of these patterns are distinct on Tutuila compared with the Manu'a island group. These patterns speak to the different interior configurations of the islands. This study demonstrates how deep learning provides a better understanding of landscape construction and behavioural patterning on Tutuila and has the capacity to expand our understanding of these processes on other islands beyond our case study.
... Todas ellas responden a materiales "de vida corta", sin aparentes problemas de contaminación o degradación y no cuestionadas en su publicación original. Por razones conocidas se ha prescindido de las fechas procedentes de contextos funerarios realizadas sobre carbón o madera sin determinación específica y, en particular, las procesadas en el laboratorio de Gakushuin por sus demostrados problemas de fiabilidad y precisión (Blakeslee, 1994;Mulrooney, 2013;DiNapoli et al., 2020;Quintus et al., 2020; para el caso concreto de Canarias: Velasco et al., 2020). Dados los objetivos planteados se podía haber seleccionado un número más elevado de fechas, incorporando también las correspondientes a contextos domésticos, lo que hubiera permitido sumar algo más de medio centenar de dataciones al estudio. ...
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Este trabajo aborda el estudio de la dinámica poblacional y demográfica de la ocupación prehispánica de Gran Canaria. Para ello se ha recurrido al análisis de la distribución del sumatorio de probabilidad de las dataciones radiocarbónicas procedentes, en este caso, de contextos funerarios. Los resultados obtenidos se compararon con dos modelos teóricos nulos de crecimiento poblacional, tratando de explicarlos teniendo en cuenta la información arqueológica disponible, en relación con los cambios diacrónicos registrados en las fórmulas sepulcrales indígenas, así como a partir de las variaciones detectadas en la ocupación del territorio a lo largo de todo el poblamiento insular. Para precisar el marco temporal sujeto a examen, se llevó a cabo un análisis estadístico formal estimativo del intervalo de confianza para establecer la fecha de poblamiento más temprana de Gran Canaria. Se contribuye también de este modo al renovado debate sobre las fechas de los primeros establecimientos permanentes de población en el Archipiélago. Todo ello ha facilitado una propuesta de marco temporal y social desde el que explicar las particularidades de un proceso de poblamiento insular complejo en el que confluyen dinámicas internas y externas
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The recognition of low-density urbanisation has been important in documenting how diverse human settlements generated enduring social and economic change. In tropical regions, the key challenges to studying low-density urbanisation have been the difficulty in acquiring past built environment data and integrating the frameworks that illuminate the social behaviours intrinsic to urbanisation. The introduction of lidar mapping and urban science methods has proven revolutionary in our understanding of low-density urbanisation as demonstrated by emerging research on settlements and states in Mesoamerica and Southeast Asia. These studies draw on urban theory to highlight patterns in the built environment associated with profound societal changes including the rise of social institutions, agglomeration effects, and ongoing settlement growth. Here, we present an approach that combines lidar survey and archaeological fieldwork with recent developments in urban science to understand the built environment of Tongatapu; the location of an archaic state whose influence spread across the southwest Pacific Ocean between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries a.d. Quantitative results show—for the first time—that settlements on a Pacific island were urbanised in a distinct low-density form and that the processes of urbanisation began prior to state development. This study highlights the potential contribution of Pacific landscapes to urban science and the low-density settlement phenomena given the presence of large populations, hierarchical societies, and vast distributions of archaeological built remains on many island groups.
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The recognition of low-density urbanisation has been important in documenting how diverse human settlements generated enduring social and economic change. In tropical regions, the key challenges to studying low-density urbanisation have been the difficulty in acquiring past built environment data and integrating the frameworks that illuminate the social behaviours intrinsic to urbanisation. The introduction of lidar mapping and urban science methods has proven revolutionary in our understanding of low-density urbanisation as demonstrated by emerging research on settlements and states in Mesoamerica and Southeast Asia. These studies draw on urban theory to highlight patterns in the built environment associated with profound societal changes including the rise of social institutions, agglomeration effects and ongoing settlement growth. Here, we present an approach that combines lidar survey and archaeological fieldwork with recent developments in urban science to understand the built environment of Tongatapu; the location of an archaic state whose influence spread across the southwest Pacific Ocean between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries a.d. Quantitative results show—for the first time—that settlements on a Pacific island were urbanised in a distinct low-density form, and that the processes of urbanisation began prior to state development. This study highlights the contribution of Pacific landscapes to urban science and the low-density settlement phenomena given the presence of large populations, hierarchical societies, and vast distributions of archaeological built remains on many island groups.
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Archaeological research on traditional Hawaiian agriculture has generally focused on two primary strategies: irrigated pondfield and intensive dryland cultivation. However, other cultivation strategies, such as colluvial slope agriculture, were practiced but have been less intensively studied and remain poorly understood. To begin to remedy this paucity of information, a joint education and research project between International Archaeological Research Institute, Inc., the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa (UHM) Department of Anthropology, and Kamehameha Schools (KS) was conducted in Punalu‘u Ahupua‘a to examine an integrated slope agricultural, religious, and residential complex. Subsurface investigations and radiometric dating indicate that initial vegetation clearing of the area may have occurred as early as the late thirteenth to early fifteenth centuries AD. As early as the fifteenth century, some stands of economic trees were growing, which may have coincided with initial placement of boundary walls along some portions of the slopes. Major expansion of the surface agricultural infrastructure along the landscape occurred through the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries AD. Religious structures and associated features were built as early as the seventeenth century and later. These results situate colluvial slope agriculture within the broader context of traditional Hawaiian agronomic strategies and political and social processes across the Hawaiian archipelago.
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Successful settlement on Polynesian islands required the alteration of environments, and such alteration produced extensive cultural landscapes. While some of the characteristics of these landscapes are well-established, what drives the spatial and temporal structure of these settlements is not clear across the entire region. Here, we present data on the nature and structure of settlement along one geological substrate in the interior of Ta‘ū Island, Manu‘a Group, American Sāmoa. Our results suggest that variability in slope and soil fertility were key drivers of archaeological patterns. Early use of the area seems to meet expectations of an ideal free distribution wherein the community was dispersed and located in relatively optimal locations for settlement. Characteristics of the settlement in the 15th century a.d. and later are consistent with landscape packing and community integration, signaling a shift to an ideal despotic distribution.
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Archaeologist Joel Klenck authors an archaeological survey for prehistoric and historic properties covering approximately 50 acres conducted in and around Luatele or Judds Crater, on Ta’u Island, for the American Samoa Historic Preservation Office, in compliance with the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 (“NHPA”), as amended. The project resulted in the identification and recordation of twenty-four (24) historic sites comprising one hundred and one (101) archaeological features and one natural feature that associates with a Samoan legend. A National Register Nomination will be submitted for five (5) sites: AS-11-100 to AS-11-104, representing Features 001 to 017, consisting of three (3) tia seu lupe (pigeon-catching mounds), four (4) oval boulder mounds, and platforms, rock walls, and terraces associated with Solo Tagata or “line of people,” precontact features on the rim of Judds Crater.
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Archaeological studies estimate the initial settlement of Samoa at 2,750 to 2,880 y ago and identify only limited settlement and human modification to the landscape until about 1,000 to 1,500 y ago. At this point, a complex history of migration is thought to have begun with the arrival of people sharing ancestry with Near Oceanic groups (i.e., Austronesian-speaking and Papuan-speaking groups), and was then followed by the arrival of non-Oceanic groups during European colonialism. However, the specifics of this peopling are not entirely clear from the archaeological and anthropological records, and is therefore a focus of continued debate. To shed additional light on the Samoan population history that this peopling reflects, we employ a population genetic approach to analyze 1,197 Samoan high-coverage whole genomes. We identify population splits between the major Samoan islands and detect asymmetrical gene flow to the capital city. We also find an extreme bottleneck until about 1,000 y ago, which is followed by distinct expansions across the islands and subsequent bottlenecks consistent with European colonization. These results provide for an increased understanding of Samoan population history and the dynamics that inform it, and also demonstrate how rapid demographic processes can shape modern genomes.
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Significance We combine indicators from lake sediments with archaeological records that identify an earlier and incremental arrival of humans in East Polynesia than indicated by current models. We use lake sediments to reconstruct a quantitative, multiproxy hydroclimate sequences from Vanuatu, Samoa, and the Southern Cook Islands and combine these with published data to show that the timing of human migration into East Polynesia coincided with a prolonged drought. We postulate this regional drought was a significant contributory factor in eastward exploration and subsequent colonization of the Southern Cook Islands and beyond. The return of wetter conditions in East Polynesia after c. AD 1150 supported subsequent colonization of other central islands and, eventually, migration into far eastern and South Polynesia.
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The power of an anthropological approach to long-term history lies in its unique ability to combine diverse evidence, from archaeological artifacts to ethnographic texts and comparative word lists. In this innovative book, Kirch and Green explicitly develop the theoretical underpinnings, as well as the particular methods, for such a historical anthropology. Drawing upon and integrating the approaches of archaeology, comparative ethnography, and historical linguistics, they advance a phylogenetic model for cultural diversification, and apply a triangulation method for historical reconstruction. They illustrate their approach through meticulous application to the history of the Polynesian cultures, and for the first time reconstruct in extensive detail the Ancestral Polynesian culture that flourished in the Polynesian homeland - Hawaiki - some 2,500 years ago. Of great significance for Oceanic studies, Kirch and Green's book will be essential reading for any anthropologist, prehistorian, linguist, or cultural historian concerned with the theory and method of long-term history.
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